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Architecture and élite identity in late antique Rome: appropriating the past at Sant'Andrea Catabarbara1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2013

Gregor Kalas
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Abstract

The conversion of a fourth-century secular basilica into the church of Sant'Andrea Catabarbara in Rome during the 470s invites a discussion of how architectural adaptation contributed to the identity of its restorer, Valila. More than a century after the praetorian prefect of Italy, Junius Bassus, founded the basilica in 331, a Goth named Valila, belonging to the senatorial aristocracy, bequeathed the structure to Pope Simplicius (468–83). References to Valila's last will in the church's dedicatory inscription were inserted directly above Junius Bassus's original donation inscription, inviting reflections upon the transmission of élite status from one individual to another. The particularities of Valila's legacy as a testator, as indicated in the references to his will in the Sant'Andrea Catabarbara inscription and confirmed by a charter he wrote to support a church near Tivoli, suggest that he sought to control his lasting memory through patronage. Valila's concern for a posthumous status provides a context for interpreting the interior of the Roman church. Juxtaposed to the church's fifth-century apse mosaic were opus sectile panels depicting Junius Bassus, together with scenes of an Apollonian tripod and an illustration of the exposed body of Hylas raped by two nymphs originating from the earliest phase of the basilica. The article proposes that Valila nuanced his élite identity by preserving the fourth-century images and thereby hinted that preservation fostered both the accretion of physical layers and the accrual of multiple identities by a Gothic aristocrat in Rome.

La conversione di una basilica secolare del IV secolo nella chiesa di Sant'Andrea Catabarbara a Roma negli anni intorno al 470 invita a una discussione su come gli adattamenti architettonici contribuirono all'identità del suo restauratore Valila. Più di un secolo dopo che il pretoriano prefetto d'Italia, Junius Bassus, fondò la basilica nel 331, un goto di nome Valila, appartenente all'aristocrazia senatoria, lasciò in eredità la struttura a Papa Simplicius (468–83). Riferimenti alle ultime volontà di Valila nell'iscrizione dedicatoria della chiesa furono inseriti direttamente sopra l'iscrizione originale della donazione di Junius Bassus, invitando ad una riflessione sulla trasmissione dello stato elitario da un individuo a un altro. La particolarità del lascito di Valila come testatore, come indicato nei riferimenti alla sua volontà nell'iscrizione di Sant'Andrea Catabarbara e confermata da una carta che egli scrisse per supportare una chiesa vicino Tivoli, suggerisce che egli cercava di controllare che la sua memoria fosse duratura attraverso l'esercizio del patronato. La concezione di Valila per uno status postumo fornisce un contesto per l'interpretazione dell'interno della chiesa romana. Giustapposti al mosaico absidale della chiesa del V secolo erano pannelli in opus sectile rappresentanti Junius Bassus, insieme con scene di un tripode apollineo e un'illustrazione del corpo esposto di Hylas rapito da due ninfe originate dalla fase più antica della basilica. Nell'articolo si propone che Valila sfumò la sua identità elitaria, preservando le immagini di IV secolo in modo da insinuare che la conservazione favoriva sia la crescita degli strati fisici sia l'accumulo delle molteplici identità di un aristocratico goto a Roma.

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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 81 , October 2013 , pp. 279 - 302
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2013 

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Footnotes

1

The author thanks Dorothy Metzger Habel and Julian Hendrix for their insightful comments on drafts of this article. The text also profited from helpful suggestions provided by the anonymous reviewers for Papers of the British School at Rome and the members of the Late Antique Seminar at the University of Tennessee, including Thomas Heffernan, Michael Kulikowski, Jacob Latham and Tina Shepardson. Maura Lafferty generously shared her extensive knowledge of Latin terminology.

Abbreviations:CIL

T. Mommsen et al. (eds), Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1863–present).

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica.

ICUR

G.B. de Rossi and G. Gatti (eds), Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores, 2 vols (Rome, 1857–1915).

ILCV

E. Diehl (ed.), Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 3 vols (Berlin, 1961).

PLRE

J.R. Martindale (ed.), Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1971–92).

References

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22 The drawing of the full scene of the charioteer prior to the loss of the panel's lower portion appears in the Royal Collection, Windsor Castle, inventory number 9605.

23 Two panels depicting a tiger attacking a calf are displayed in the Palazzo dei Conservatori in the Capitoline Museums, Rome; the panels displaying the scene of the rape of Hylas and the charioteer are in the collection of the Museo Nazionale Romano, displayed at the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme. These opus sectile works are dated to the time of Junius Bassus's consulship in 331 according to Becatti, Scavi di Ostia VI (above, n. 18), 196–202. For a discussion of a recent campaign to restore the panels in the Capitoline Museums, see M. Cima, ‘Giunius Basso: la ‘basilica’ scomparsa. Il restauro delle tarsie dei Musei Capitolini', Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma n.s. 14 (2000), 69–86Google Scholar, and Paoletti, M.P., ‘L'intervento di restauro’, Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma n.s. 14 (2000), 86–90Google Scholar. Many additional features of the original inlaid marble decoration scheme are indicated by seventeenth-century drawings produced at the behest of Cassiano dal Pozzo and Cardinal Francesco Barberini; see Osborne and Claridge, Early Christian and Medieval Antiquities (above, n. 21), series A, vol. II, part 1, 73–6. Some of the inlaid marble decorations were recorded in Ciampini, Vetera Monimenta (above, n. 16), vol. I, tav. XXII, illustrating a winged centaur holding a feather and a leopard attacking a fawn; both of which are now lost.

24 An argument that the basilica of Junius Bassus expresses Neoplatonic attitudes toward death is presented by Vout, C., ‘Embracing Egypt’, in Edwards, C. and Woolf, G. (eds), Rome the Cosmopolis (Cambridge, 2003), 177–202Google Scholar. Vout has argued that the basilica was funerary; yet she did not take account of the archaeological evidence that the Esquiline basilica, located inside the city walls, was one of many secular basilicas serving as private meeting halls on Roman aristocratic estates; see Guidobaldi, ‘L'edilizia abitativa’ (above, n. 16), 184–237.

25 For the use of inherited domestic properties as a mechanism for signalling a family's status in the city of Rome, even by individuals who acquired properties through marriage, see Hillner, J., ‘Domus, family, and inheritance: the senatorial family house in late antique Rome’, Journal of Roman Studies 93 (2003), 129–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I thank Michael Kulikowski for suggesting that Valila might have married a member of the Bassus family.

26 Castritius, H., ‘Zur Sozialgeschichte der Heermeister des Westrecihs nach der Mitte des 5. Jahrhundert: Flavius Valila qui et Theodovius’, Ancient Society 3 (1972), 234–43Google Scholar. In sponsoring Sant'Andrea Catabarbara, Valila might have wished to emulate the half-Gothic Ricimer's own church sponsorship at Sant'Agata dei Goti; ICUR 2.127: FLA RICIMER VI MAG UTRIUSQ MILITIAE EXCONS ORD PRO VOTO SVO ADORNAVIT. See also Zeiller, J., ‘Les églises ariennes de Rome à l'époque de la domination gothique’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École Française de Rome 25 (1905), 128–30.Google Scholar

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33 Charta Cornutiana (in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvi): ‘retento mihi usufructu vitae meae eidem ecclesiae catholicae proprietatem huius epistolae largitione transscribens, ea lege et condicione ut cum etiam fructus post obitum meum capere ceperit ac sibimet vindicare’.

34 Charta Cornutiana (in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvii): ‘Illud ante omnia mea cautione prospiciens ne mecum, quod absit, observatio cultusque ecclesiae Cornutianensis videatur occidere, ut legem et condicionem ponerem donationi meae, ne umquam cuilibet antistitum presbiterorum: sibimet et succedentium vel clericorum quicquam ex his praediis vel hortis vel speciebus argeneis seu vestibus codicibus(q)ue a me supra designatis alienare in aliam quolibet titulo umquam liceat, aut certe sub occasione cultus divini ad alterius ecclesiae ornatum qualicumque ex occasione transferre’.

35 Charta Cornutiana (in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvii): ‘Quod etiam in his observari eadem condicione volo quae futuro tempore fuerint provacatione nostrae devotionis adiecta, quoniam largitatis nostrae praesentis perpetuam praefatae ecclesiae cupio pertinere substantiam. Quod si quicquam de alienatione a me prohibita fuerit forte temptatum, tunc ego vel heres heredes(q)ue vel successor successorosque mei vel qui illis deinceps successerint, universa quae huius donationis sunt tenore conprehensa ad suum ius proprietatemque reducant’.

36 Hillner, ‘Families, patronage, and the titular churches of Rome’ (above, n. 31), 257–60.

37 Pope Simplicius acted as the one who dedicated the church, in other words as the recipient of the donation. See Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, 249: ‘Hic dedicavit … basilicam beati apostoli Andreae, iuxta basilicam Sanctae Mariae’. Here, the official biographer credits Pope Simplicius with the dedication of Sant'Andrea Catabarbara.

38 ILCV, 1785: HAEC TIBI MENS VALILAE DEVOVIT PRAEDIA CHRISTE/ CUI TESTATOR OPES DETULIT IPSE SUAS./ SIMPLICIUS QU(a)E PAPA SACRIS CAELESTIBUS APTANS/ EFFECIT VERE MUNERIS ESSE TUI./ ET QUOD APOSTOLICI DEESSENT LIMINA NOBIS/ MARTIRIS ANDREAE NOMINE COMPOSUIT./ UTITUR HAEC HERES TITULIS ECCLESIA IUSTIS/ SUCCEDENSQ(ue) DOMO MYSTICA IURA LOCAT./ PLEBS DEVOTA VENI, PERQ(ue) HAEC COMMERCIA DISCE/ TERRENO CENSU REGNA SUPERNA PETI. The now-lost inscription was recorded by Philipp de Winghe in a manuscript in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 10545, fol. 227v. The author thanks Maura Lafferty for generous assistance with the translation.

39 The list of 29 titular churches is amended to Acta Syn. a 499 in Mommsen, T. (ed.), MGH, Auctores Antiquissimi, vol. 12 (Berlin, 1894), 410–15Google Scholar. See also Hillner, J., ‘Clerics, property, and patronage: the case of the Roman titular churches’, Antiquité Tardive 14 (2006), 59–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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42 Hillner, ‘Families, patronage, and the titular churches of Rome’ (above, n. 31), 259. The concerns of the lay aristocracy to control their donations that they implemented by founding titular churches was mitigated by the sometimes divergent goals of the bishop; see Latham, J.A., ‘From literal to spiritual soldiers of Christ: disputed episcopal elections and the advent of Christian processions in late antique Rome’, Church History 81 (2012), 327.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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45 Thomas and Witschel, ‘Constructing reconstruction’ (above, n. 3).

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57 Prudentius, Contra Orationem Symmachi (above, n. 56), 1.501–4: ‘Marmora tabenti respergine tincta lavate, / O procures! Liceat statuas consistere puras, / Artificum magnorum opera; haec pulcherrima nostrae / Ornamenta fiant patriae’.

58 Prudentius, Contra Orationem Symmachi (above, n. 56), I.558: ‘non Bassorum dubitavit / prompta fides dare se Christo stirpemque superbam / gentis particiae venturo attollere saeclo’.

59 The date in the 430s is argued by Cameron, A., ‘The date and identity of Macrobius’, Journal of Roman Studies 56 (1966), 25–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Panciera, S., ‘Iscrizioni senatorie di Roma e dintorni’, in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio, Atti del colloquio internazionale AIEGL (Rome, 1982), 658–60.Google Scholar

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62 Codex Theodosianus 1.15.1 (Theodosiani libri XVI, above, n. 2).

63 Hillner, ‘Families, patronage, and the titular churches of Rome’ (above, n. 31), 235–7.

64 Theatre of Pompey: Cassiodorus, Variae 4.51 (ed. Mommsen, ‘T., MGH, Auctores Antiquissimi 12 (Berlin, 1894))Google Scholar; Circus Maximus: Cassiodorus, Variae 3.51; aqueducts: Cassiodorus, Variae 7.6. See also Valle, G. della, ‘Teodorico e Roma’, Rendiconti della Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli n.s. 34 (1959), 119–32Google Scholar; Johnson, M.J., ‘Toward a history of Theoderic's building program’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 42 (1988), 73–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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