No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013
There was not, properly speaking, a Roman School of Medallists before the middle of the sixteenth century, and when at last something like a school could be said to have been established at Rome, the art had fallen to so low a level, in every respect except that of technique, that it had become nearly devoid of interest. The medallists who worked there from the time of Nicholas V. were almost, if not quite, without exception immigrants from other cities such as Florence or Mantua. The work of this artistic colluvies gentium, however, received a certain definite impress from the surroundings in which they lived. There may not be a Roman style, but there is a Roman atmosphere, and the relations of the artists with the Papal court give a certain continuity of interest which it is worth while to try and trace.
page 17 note 1 Martinori, (Annali della Zecca di Roma, Martino V., etc., 1918, p. 46)Google Scholar, who appears to know this piece only from the illustration in Bonanni (Numismata Pontificum Romanorum, 1699) makes the surprising statement that it is in all probability a restitution by Paladino. He says that it is later than Eugenius IV. because, as he assumes, the shield with the crossed keys which balances that with the arms of Eugenius is the shield of Nicholas V., whereas it is, of course, merely the arms of the see of St. Peter. (Nicholas, having no arms of his own, adopted the same device for his shield.) A glance at the illustrations in Friedländer, Die geprägten Italienischen Medaillen, p. 13, Pl. I., 8 (silver, 31 mm., Berlin Collection) or in Catal. G. C. Rossi (1883), lot 203, Tav. III. (gold, 32 mm.) will show the impossibility of the attribution to Paladino. The piece was perhaps struck at Florence rather than Rome.
page 17 note 2 Biadego, Gius., Atti del R. 1st. Ven. lxvii. p. 850Google Scholar.
page 17 note 3 Recueil Vallardi, fol. 65, no. 2319; reproduced in Heiss, Méd. de la Ren., Vittore Pisano, p. 38.
page 17 note 4 Hill, Pisanello, p. 211. The argument from the water-mark against Pisanello's authorship is, it must be admitted, weak, since we have no other drawings which we can say were done by him later than 1449, and in Rome he may have obtained a new stock of paper.
page 18 note 1 From Friedländer, Ital. Schaumünzen (1882), p. 134.
page 18 note 2 For his biography see J. Friedländer, Andreas Guacialoti von Prato (1857), and the same author's Italienische Schaumünzen (1882), pp. 130 f.
page 19 note 1 In his medal of Nicholas V. also the artist seems to have had trouble with his verbs, which he writes SEDI … OBIIT.
page 19 note 2 Martinori, Edoardo, Annali della Zecca di Roma, Nicolò V., etc., p. 32Google Scholar.
page 20 note 1 The peculiar G is found elsewhere only on the medal of Nicholas. A for A is, however, common to all Guaccialotti's early medals.
page 20 note 2 Those in the British Museum (here Pl.I. 3) and in Mr. T. W. Greene's collection are the only specimens recorded.
page 20 note 3 When the bishop died, Guaccìalotti placed in the church of S. Agostino (or rather, as Dr. A. W. van Buren suggests, in the chapel of that name which preceded the church built in 1483) a slab, with the bishop's portrait and an inscription which ended to this effect: Vix. ann. LXV. men. XI. dies XXIX. obiit anno Dni. MCCCCLXVII. Andreas Pratensis ab eo liberaliter educatus benemerit. f. (L. Schrader, Mon. Ital. p. 125 Vo. combined with Forcella, V., Iscriz. delle Chiese, v. p. 13, no. 25Google Scholar). This monument has unfortunately disappeared, but the existing copies of the inscription give the correct interpretation of the B.F. of the medal. I owe many thanks to Dr. van Buren for investigating the records of this memorial, and sending me transcripts of the MS. copies by Galletti and Gualdi in the Vatican library; unfortunately, the slab (which was in the pavement of the left nave) was evidently much worn when those copies were made, for they vary considerably and neither of them gives the artist's signature. The medal in its revised form is described by Fontanini, , de Antiquitatibus Hortae (1723), lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 301Google Scholar, from a specimen in his own collection.
page 21 note 1 Ital. Medals, trans. Hamilton, p. 110. I do not feel sure that he is right.
page 21 note 2 I have discussed these very fully, and illustrated all known varieties, in the Numism. Chronicle, 4th ser. vol. x. (1910)Google Scholar, and must refer to that paper for details.
page 22 note 1 I had presumed that arx must refer to the Castel Sant' Angelo. But Dr. Ashby points out that ‘condidit’ would hardly apply to Paul's work, whatever it may have been, on that fortress, and that the Palazzo Veneto, with its towers, may fairly be described as an ‘arx.’
page 22 note 2 Martińori, Ann. della Zecca di Roma, Paolo II. p. 7.
page 23 note 1 See Burlington Magazine, xxiv. (1914) p. 211Google Scholar for this attribution. The arguments against the attribution of medals of Paul to Bellano are given in my paper in the Num. Chron. above cited. It is unnecessary here to discuss the baseless guesses of Gualdo, which have received more attention than they deserve.
page 23 note 2 A summary of his career, with bibliography, is given in Thieme-Becker's Allgemeines Lexikon, s.v. Cristoforo.
page 23 note 3 On the grounds for the attribution, see Fabriczy, Ital. Medals (trans. Hamilton), p. 156.
page 24 note 1 Nos. 15–26 on Pl. XII. in the article in the Num. Chron. above cited.
page 24 note 2 Cp. Lanciani, , Storia degli Scavi di Roma, i. 74Google Scholar.
page 24 note 3 Mantegna is first known to have been in communication with Lodovico Gonzaga by a letter of Jan. 5, 1457, referring to earlier negotiations (Kristeller, Mantegna, p. 182).
page 24 note 4 Ital. Medals, p. 157.
page 25 note 1 Fabriczy's suggestion that Cristoforo followed Paolo da Ragusa's medal of Alfonso for the features seems to me to be very wide of the mark.
page 25 note 2 This treatment of the bust, which Friedländer has already. observed, was followed by later Mantuan medallists, as by Melioli in his portraits of Christiern I. of Denmark and Francesco III. Gonzaga, and by Ruberto in his portrait of the latter prince.
page 26 note 1 I have discussed it in the Atti e Memorie dell'Istituto Italiano di Numism., ii (1915) pp 257–261Google Scholar, where Baron de Cosson's suggestions as to the portrait and other details will be found fully worked out.
page 27 note 1 It has been thought that this medal is a modern concoction, consisting of an obverse by Guaccialotti surmoulé with Cristoforo's reverse. But there exists no other original portrait by Guaccialotti on this scale which the modern fabricator could have used. I know only the reproduction in the Victoria and Albert Museum. A specimen is illustrated in the S. Pozzi Catalogue (Paris, 28 juin, 1919, lot 813); but I understand that it is very much re-touched. Armand wished to attribute the work to Lysippus; but, when he wrote, practically no critical attention had been devoted to that artist.
page 27 note 2 The description is so inapplicable to the most pugnacious of Popes, that it must be either ironical or official. For a similarly clumsy order of words, compare Concordia Augusta Consulti Venetique Senatus on a medal of Pasquale Malipiero by Guidizani, , Burlington Magazine, xii. (1907) p. 148Google Scholar.
page 28 note 1 B. Scardeonius, de antiquitate Urbis Patavii (Basel, 1560) p. 302.
page 29 note 1 Heiss, , Médailleurs, Florence, i. p. 54, Pl. IV. 4Google Scholar.
page 29 note 2 Heiss, op. cit. p. 54, Pl. IV. 5. He wrongly gives the date of Santucci's election to the see of Fossombrone as 1474.
page 29 note 3 Burlington Magazine, xxxi. (1917), p. 101, fig. AGoogle Scholar.
page 29 note 4 Armand originally dated it to the period 1500–25, before he knew (iii. 178C) that the man was one of the Conservatori as early as 1478. I may add that he was maestro di strada in 1488 (E. Rodocanachi, Rome au temps de Jules II., etc., p. 221, note).
page 29 note 5 For details, see, as before, Numism. Chron. (1910).
page 29 note 6 G. Zippel, Le Vite di Paolo II. (in the new ed. of Muratori, , R.I.S., III. pt. xvi. 1904) pp. 191–2Google Scholar.
page 29 note 7 The name is given as Orsini by Zippel, loc. cit., but other writers agree in the form Orfini.
page 29 note 8 From Num. Chron. (1910) p. 345.
page 32 note 1 The same process may have been employed in Guaccialotti's other borrowings; thus his group of the Pelican in her Piety is Sufficiently close to Pisanello's to have been made by working up an impression.
page 32 note 2 This might seem to identify the city as Naples, but not necessarily so. Most writers have shirked the question which city is represented. If Berzeviczy, (Béatrice d'Aragon, i. p. 194)Google Scholar is right in identifying the fountain as the ‘Hungarian fountain,’ the capture of which by Hungarians caused the fall of the city, there can be no doubt that Otranto is intended; and this is a priori probable.
page 33 note 1 For a detailed discussion of the work of Lysippus, with full illustrations, see Burlington Magazine, vol. xiii (Aug. 1908) pp. 274–286Google Scholar; other attributions, ibid. vol. xvi. Oct. 1909) pp. 25–26; Berlin, Amtliche Berichte, xxxiv. p. 1Google Scholar.
page 33 note 2 1506, lib. xxi. p. ccc, v0.
page 34 note 1 The letters L.P. which occur in the field of two medals of Toscani need not be his signature; for other letters (B M, S M) are used by him in precisely the same way (Regling, Amtliche Berichte, loc. cit.).
page 34 note 2 Sometimes, as in the bust of Dotti attributed to Cristoforo (Pl I. 4), with a projection, in the middle of the hollow.
page 35 note 1 Infessura, ed. Tommasini, p. 76.
page 35 note 2 Trés. de Num., Méd. Ital. i. pl. XXIV. 3.
page 35 note 3 Friedländer, Ital. Schaumünzen, Pl. XVII.; de Foville, J. in Rev. de l'Art anc. et mod. xxxii. p. 276Google Scholar.
page 36 note 1 The inscription on the keep (Guglielmotti, in Atti Pont. Accad. Arch. Ser. I. vol. xv. p. 48Google Scholar) says that he began it in the time of Sixtus IV. (i.e. before 1484) and finished it in 1486 under Innocent VIII.
page 36 note 2 By the same hand are the medal with the same type for the reverse, and a portrait of Giuliano himself (Pl. V. 6), and one of the Florentine Francesco de' Bonsi, dated 1484. See Burlington Magazine, xxx. (1917) p. 191Google Scholar.
page 36 note 3 Burlington Magazine, vol. xii. (1907) p. 149Google Scholar.
page 36 note 4 Arm. ii. 55, 8; Friedländer, Pl. XXXVI.
page 36 note 5 Fabriczy, p. 169.
page 36 note 6 Infessura, ed. Tommasini, p. 281.
page 36 note 7 Rev. Num. (1913) pp. 547 ff.
page 37 note 1 Burl. Mag., xiii. (1908) p. 280, Pl. IIIGoogle Scholar. 4 and 5. Compare Candida's medal of Nicolas Ruter.
page 37 note 2 From a photograph kindly supplied by the late M. Gustave Dreyfus.
page 37 note 3 H. de la Tour in Revue Numism. (1894, 1895). Other references in Thieme-Becker, Allgemeines Lexikon. On Candida at the Court of Burgundy, see Tourneur, V. in Rev. Belge de Numism., 1914 [1919] pp. 381–411Google Scholar; 1919, pp. 7–48, 251–300.
page 38 note 1 I suppose that the medal referred to by Fabriczy (p. 165) is that described by Armand, (Médailleurs, ii. 106, 22Google Scholar), which has on the obverse the bust of Gianfrancesco della Rovere, grand-nephew of Julius II. (Io. Fran. Ruvere eps. Taur. arcis Hadri. Prefect.), and on the reverse the curious type of a genius, carrying a branch, flying toward an oak-tree before which is a butting bull, with the motto Glans Genius Taurus singula dicta Iovi, and the date 1498. (On the Vienna specimen, which is a bad after-cast, the date has been removed; see Trés. de Num., Méd. ital. ii. Pl. XXVIII. Nos. 1, 2. The same is true of a specimen in the Paris Cabinet here illustrated, Pl. I. 7, for lack of access to an original). This reverse is chronologically incompatible with the obverse (which cannot be earlier than 1504), and seems to refer to some relation between the Rovere (the oak) and the Borgia Pope (the bull). Dr. Ashby suggests that the reference may be to the reconciliation with Giuliano della Rovere, when Giuliano received Cesare Borgia amicably at Avignon in autumn 1498 (see Pastor, iii. p. 381, 443.) Fabriczy, if I understand him rightly, makes the curious mistake of supposing Gianfrancesco to have been Prefect of Rome, whereas he was only Governor of Castel Sant'Angelo. His predecessor in that office was his uncle Gian Lodovico, Bishop of Turin, who died in Aug., 1510. Gianfrancesco had already been appointed coadjutor to his aged uncle in the see of Turin on 10 May, 1504, and filled the see as sole Bishop from 1510 to May, 1515, when he became the first Archbishop. He died before the end of 1516. The combination of titles on the obverse limits it to the years 1504–1515. For the dates of his governorship of Castel Sant'Angelo see E. Rodocanachi, Le Château Saint- Ange, p. 115.
page 38 note 2 Burckard, ed. Celani, i. p. 75 (Muratori, , R.I.S., new ed., vol. xxxii.Google Scholar) He is mentioned earlier (p. 26, 26 Aug.), without description; and Burckard afterwards continues to call him now subdiaconus apostolicus, now secretus cubicularius, until in Dec., 1491 (p. 330) he describes him as episcopus Montis Regalis. Promis, (Misc. Stor. Ital. (1873) xiii. 713–15Google Scholar) says that he did not leave Rome for his diocese until after the death of Innocent. The Catalogue of the Medici Archives (Christie's, London, 4 Feb., 1918) p. 68, No. 226Google Scholar, describes a letter from Francesco di Savoia, Bishop of Geneva, dated 7 Mar., 1491, promising Lorenzo to resign the Cathedral Church of Monreale in favour of Geronimo Calagrano. There must be some strange confusion here, since Callagrani's predecessor at Mondovi was not Francesco di Savoia (who could not have written a letter on that date, seeing that he was already dead on 6 Oct., 1490) but Antonio Campione.
page 39 note 1 First mentioned by Burckard, 6 Jan., 1485 (ed. Celani, i. p. 105). In 1501 he became Bishop of Cavaillon, and filled the see until 1510.
page 39 note 2 Berlin, Jahrbuch, xxv. p. 10Google Scholar.
page 39 note 3 Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst, xv. p. 41.
page 39 note 4 Ital. Medals (Eng. trans.) p. 114.
page 39 note 5 Bode, BerlinJahrbuch, xxvGoogle Scholar. Taf. A3, C3, or Florentiner Bildhauer 2, Figs. 151, 152. A specimen of this medal was found in the Pope's tomb. On this flimsy foundation, it would seem, is based the attribution of the medals of this type to Antonio Pollaiuolo, the artist of the Pope's sarcophagus. The same obverse is also found combined with a heraldic reverse which is too small for it, and evidently does not belong (I. B. Supino, Medagliere Mediceo, No. 70).
page 40 note 1 Quoted by Creighton, , Papacy, v. pp. 320–321Google Scholar.
page 40 note 2 Burckard, ed. Celani, i. p. 275 (13 Sept., 1489). Arm. ii. p. 87, No. 15. Guillaume also went as the French king's ambassador to Spain shortly before the French expedition to Italy (Chorier, , Hist. gén. du Dauphiné, ii. p. 495Google Scholar).
page 40 note 3 Such a horn is substituted for the horn of plenty in the hand of Charity on the reverse of the Florentine medals of Niccolò Puccini and Bernardo Salviati.
page 40 note 4 The intricate question of these medals of Christ is dealt with by me in a separate monograph (Medallic Portraits of Christ and other Essays) shortly to be issued by the Clarendon Press.
page 41 note 1 The medal with the reverse design of a cross charged with nine rosettes may be based, so far as the obverse is concerned, on an early medal; but I am judging only from the illustration in Trés. de Num., Méd. ital. i. Pl. XXV. No. 3.
page 41 note 2 Annali, Aless. VI. p. 21.
page 41 note 3 The word incisore is, of course, unhappy, since the medal is cast. It is unfortunate that so many writers on the subject are so little careful to distinguish between the two methods of making medals, which differ almost as much as manuscript from printing.
page 42 note 1 Employed as engraver to the Papal Mint; died 1499 (Martinori, , Annali, etc., Alessandro VI., p. 29Google Scholar).
page 42 note 2 Yriarte, Autour des Borgia (1891) p. 81. I know this medal only from descriptions and from the illustration in Yriarte. It seems to be by a coarser hand than the other.
page 42 note 3 Trés. de Num., Méd. ital. i. Pl. XXV. No. 4.
page 42 note 4 Letter from Rome to Lodovico il Moro, dated 25 Feb., 1495, formerly in the Morrison Collection, now belonging to Mr. W. H. Woodward. Caffi's statement (Arch. Stor. Lomb., 1880, p. 601) that Caradosso wrote on 27 Feb. saying he was going to Rome is a mistake for 21 Feb. (See E. Piot in Cab. de l'Amateur, 1863, No. 26, p. 35.)
page 43 note 1 When he was employed in connexion with the pledging of some of the Duke's jewels (Müntz, in Gaz. d. Beaux Arts, xxvii., 1883, p. 494Google Scholar).
page 43 note 2 Müntz says that a letter of 24 June, 1495, communicated to him by Caffi, shows Caradosso engaged in this business of the jewels. He does not say who wrote the letter (Lodovico or Caradosso ?) and whence. It has been assumed that this letter is evidence that Caradosso was in Milan at the time, but obviously the slovenly description given by Müntz does not suffice to prove this. The artist was certainly there oh 12 Dec., 1495 (Müntz, loc. cit.).
page 43 note 3 Illustrated by W. H. Woodward, Cesare Borgia, at p. 396; cp. p. 378.
page 43 note 4 Reduced from Rev. Num., 1910, Pl. viii.
page 43 note 5 It seems to me to bear no resemblance to the head of ‘Augustus’ (rather Constantine) on the medal by Cristoforo di Geremia, as Ferares, the latest writer on the subject, supposes.
page 43 note 6 Revue Numism. (1910) pp. 196 ff.
page 45 note 1 All the specimens other than the one found at Fourvières and now in the Paris Cabinet seem to have been cast from that one.
page 45 note 2 Unless one recorded by Armand (iii. p. 197, A) is contemporary. The inscription Optimo principi occupies the field of the reverse. I have not seen it.
page 45 note 3 Summary of his career, with bibliography, in Thieme-Becker's Allgem. Lex. d. bild. Künstler. See also F. Malaguzzi Valeri's sanely sceptical account in La Corte di Lodovico il Moro, vol. iii. (1917) pp. 325 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 45 note 4 Some, or perhaps all, of the portrait coins of Galeazzo Maria Sforza and Bona of Savoy, on the other hand, are from designs by Zanetto Bugatto, the dies being cut by Francesco da Mantova and Maffeo da Civate or his son Ambrogio. See F. Malaguzzi Valeri, op. cit. pp. 358–9.
page 48 note 1 This medal, on which the sitter is called Bramantes Asdruvaldinus, must not be confused with the later copy, on which he is called Bramantes Durantinus, the view of St. Peter's is omitted, and the date 1504 is inscribed on the weight. The maker of this later copy has followed Vasari (or Vasari's authority) in making Bramante a native of Castel Durante instead of Monte Asdrualdo, and, having inscribed the date 1504 on the weight, has been obliged to omit the façade of St. Peter's, on which Bramante did not begin work until 1506. (See G. F. Hill, Portrait Medals of Italian Artists, 1912, p. 42.)
page 48 note 2 Appointed for life by Alexander VI. on 24 Aug., 1499 (Martinori, , Annali, Aless. VI., pp. 17, 29Google Scholar) he engraved the dies for the bullæ of Pius III. (ibid. p. 33), and continued to be employed under Julius II. and Leo X.
page 48 note 3 Op. cit. p. 65.
page 49 note 1 Martinori (op. cit. p. 66) is ‘not too well persuaded’ by the attribution, as being conjectural and without documentary support.
page 49 note 2 Armand, i. 108. 4, iii. 36a. I owe the cast of this specimen to the kindness of M. Jean Babelon.
page 50 note 1 Projets primitifs, p. 258, No. 67.
page 50 note 2 De Sculptura (1504), c. xvi., ad fin.
page 50 note 3 Armand, i. 116. 10.
page 51 note 1 Milanesi doubts it (apud Armand, iii. 45b) and so does Martinori (op. cit. p. 66, 1).
page 51 note 2 See especially Venturi, A. in Arch. Stor. dell'Arte, i. pp. 49–59, 107 ff. 148 ff.Google Scholar; Giordani, P. in L'Arte, x. (1907) pp. 197–208Google Scholar.
page 51 note 3 Giordani, op. cit. p. 206 (in the volume ‘Mandatorum’ of the Camera Apostolica): ‘a Gian Christophoro scolptore D. 18 per haver fatto lo conio de duo medaglie, per N. Signore una della pace che se fece e l'altra della caristia.’
page 52 note 1 Armand, ii. 110. 7; Trés. de Num., Méd. des Papes, Pl. IV. 4.
page 52 note 2 Mazio, , Serie dei conj di medaglie Pontificie … esistenti nella Pontifioia Zecca (Rome, 1824), No. 34Google Scholar. The specimens in the London and Paris Cabinets are from such modern dies.
page 52 note 3 Cp. Vasari's description of Francia's method, quoted by Friedländer, Ital. Schaumünzen, p. 175.
page 52 note 4 Giordani, loc. cit. (from the same volume of Mandati). ‘Pagato a Gian Christophoro scolptore D. 20 per coniare duo medaglie delli edificî di Roma et Civitavecchia.’
page 53 note 1 Friedläder, op. cit. p. 174, Pl. XXXIV. 12. The figures are Justice and a blacksmith; there is no river.
page 53 note 2 Trés. de Num., Méd. des Papes, Pl. IV. 2; Armand, ii. 112. 16; E. Rodocanachi, Rome au temps de Jules II. et de Léon X., Pl. XI.
page 53 note 3 Arm., ii. 110. 8.
page 53 note 4 Trés. de Num., Méd. des Papes, Pl. IV. 1; Armand, ii. 112. 17.
page 53 note 5 Arm., ii. III. 14. The second word on all specimens that I have seen has only one C. Some specimens were struck off before the inscription was engraved on the reverse die, and this may be what Giordani is referring to when he speaks of an unfinished piece. It happens to be the most ‘original’ of them all.
page 53 note 6 Arm., ii. 111. 12; cf. Supino, Med. Mediceo, No. 711.
page 53 note 7 Martinori, op. cit. p. 68, hote 6. Certain sketches and plans of the building are extant; cp. P.B.S.R. ii. p. 15, No. 11; Boll. d'Arte, viii. (1914), pp. 185–195Google Scholar.
page 53 note 8 Friedländer, p. 175, Pl. XXXIV. 13; Arm. ii. in. 11.
page 54 note 1 Quoted by Bonanni, i. p. 157. Cp. B.M. Add. MS. 8441, fol. 249.
page 54 note 2 Arm. ii. 110, 45; Trés., Pl. IV. 3; E. Rodocanachi, Rome au temps de Jules II. et de Léon X., Pl. X.
page 54 note 3 The abbreviations presumably mean Via Iulia trium adituum longitudinis mille altitudinis septuaginta pedum. Cp. Bonanni, , Num. Pont., i. p. 159Google Scholar.
page 55 note 1 Of course, I ignore here medals, such as that by Sperandio, representing Julius before he became Pope, unless they were made at Rome; pieces referring to Bologna and probably made there; also a number of coins which are enumerated by various writers among his medals; and finally certain pieces of which the contemporaneity is disproved or highly doubtful.
page 55 note 2 Arm., iii. 198E; another specimen is in the collection of the Earl of Portsmouth (26 mm., cast).
page 55 note 3 Cp. Ezek., xxxiii. II.
page 55 note 4 The idea seems to go back to S. Ambrose; see U. Aldrovandi de Anim. Insectis (Bologna, 1638), p. 594.
page 55 note 5 Infessura, ed. Tommasini, p. 245.
page 55 note 6 Arm., ii. 112, 19; iii. 201 f.
page 55 note 7 As Venuti supposed (p. 53), because the motto, from Ps. lxxxiv, 10, is [Iustitia et pax] osculatae sunt.
page 55 note 8 Quoted by Bonanni, i. p. 145.
page 56 note 1 Arm., ii. 110, 4. I have to thank M. Dieudonné for a cast of the specimen at Paris. The original was struck. Bonanni (Num. Pont., i. 139, 3) gives the inscription as Benedict. q. venit, etc.
page 56 note 2 Numismata Rom. Pontificum, p. 47, No. ii and p. xii: ‘Rem ab Haereticis confictam, et dolo malo excogitatam, Legatus quidam Aloysii XII. Galliae Regis, datis Januae literis ad Regem detulit, si fidem habeamus Valesio, qui hanc epistolam in collectione quadam Litterarum, quas Legati ad Galliae Reges Aloysium XII., Franciscum I., et Henricum II. scripsere,. se legisse testatur.’
page 56 note 3 Burl. Mag., xiii. (1908), p. 286, Pl. III. 9Google Scholar; Katal. Simon, p. 54, No. 296A.
page 57 note 1 Armand, i. p. 122. The specimen illustrated is in the Victoria and Albert Museum.
page 57 note 2 The title of his Homily delivered before Maximilian at Mechlin on 4 Sept., 1508, describes him as utriusque philosophiae facile princeps.
page 57 note 3 Armand has taken this P for an artist's signature.
page 57 note 4 See E. Mâle, L'Art Religieux du XIIIe. siècle en France (1898), pp. 121 f. The medal represents Philosophy as wearing a crown, but this is not mentioned by Boëthius; on the other hand the medallist omits the clouds in which the mediæval artists involved her head. ‘Vestes,’ says Boethius, (de Cons. Phil., i. 1Google Scholar), ‘erant tenuissimis filis, subtili artificio, indissolubili materia perfectae. … Harum in extremo margine Π, in supremo vero Θ legebatur intextum. Atque inter utrasque litteras in scalarum modum gradus quidam insigniti videbantur, quibus ab inferiore ad superius elementum esset adscensus. … Et dextra quidem eius libellos, sceptrum vero sinistra gestabat.’ There are other details which the medallist has not attempted to reproduce For some reason he has substituted Latin P for Greek Π.
page 57 note 5 Martinori, , Annali, Leone X., etc., p. 13Google Scholar. For Gambello at Rome see de Foville, J., ‘Camelio,’ in Rev. de l' Art anc. et mod., xxxii. pp. 280 ffGoogle Scholar. Among many fanciful attributions, de Foville's suggestion that the small medals of Leo X. and Giuliano de' Medici, Duke of Nemours, are by Gambello seems comparatively plausible.
page 57 note 6 Armand, ii. p. 113, No. 26; Rev. de l'Art, xxxii. pp. 281 (rev.) and 286 (obv.).
page 58 note 1 See p. 59, note I.
page 58 note 2 Op. cit., p. 281. The medal exists in two versions, one reading MAG. (Pl. X. 7), the other MAGNVS IVLIANVS MEDICES (Pl. X. 6); the latter is the earlier, and has finer lettering than the other, but the portrait is from the same model on both pieces. C.P. had been explained as Cavinus Patavinvis (Keary, Brit. Mus. Guide, No. 222), but the style of the medal alone disproves the attribution to that artist. Milanesi (in Armand, iii. 193a) remarks that one of the extant medals of Giuliano may be that which is recorded as having been made for Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici by the Sienese goldsmith Giov. Batt. di Bernardino. The obverse with Magnus is also found enlarged to 41 mm by the addition of a laurel-wreath border (Arm., ii. 94, 4). I observe that the letters C.P. have been explained as a signature on a medal of Lorenzo II., Duke of Urbino (Arm., iii. 191B). Here the ever fertile Milanesi says that the letters doubtless denote the Florentine goldsmith Paolo di Clemente Tassini, who was born in 1477. Armand says that this medal is in the Florence Gallery, but it is not included in Supino's catalogue.
page 58 note 3 Trés. de Num., Méd. ital., ii. Pl. XXXIT. 3; Heiss, Méd. de la Renaissance, Florence, i. Pl. XX. 5.
page 59 note 1 Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 3462 f. 6 vo.: ‘dopoi Berecintia geto al populo gran numero de medaglie del prefato Magco cū Roma da riuerso.’ Dr. Thomas Ashby also kindly supplies me with the following passages bearing on these medals: Marco Antonio Altieri (ed. Pasqualueci, , Giuliano de' Medici eletto cittadino Romano ovvero il Nataledi Roma nel 1513, Rome, 1881, p. 52Google Scholar, after describing the speech made by a boy dressed as Roma in the Theatre on the second day) ‘et in queste simili parole, per quelle Ninfe, che smontate gli stavano alii piedi, aperti certi lor Borscioni, ne cavaro numero infinito di Medaglie in forma d'argento, et ancora di rame stampate da l'un de lati l'immagine di S. Magnificentia, et dall' altro, un Marte che sedeva, in spoglie acquistate da Nemici, con l'espressione di questi tali lettere C. P. cioè, consenso pubblico, e si sparse per tutto il Teatro.’ Paolo Palliolo of Fano (ed. Guerrini, O., Le Feste pel conferimenlo del Patriziato Romano a Giuliano e Lorenzo de' Medici, Bologna, 1885, p. 109Google Scholar) ‘intanto M. Camillo Portio gentiluomo romano, autore della presente farsa, fece sparger nel Theatro da li medesmi Coribanti buon numero di medaglie della qui annotata grandezza, in nulla parte alle antique inferiori di bellezza et arte. Da un lato è ritratta naturalmente la testa del Mag0 Jul0 con le littere qui descritte [MAG IVLIANVS MEDICES]. Da l'altro lato se vede Roma sotto spetie di una vaga damigella, nuda tutta, excetto che tiene intorno un certo manto annodato sopra la spalla sinistra. Sede sopra certi trophei de scudi, ha in mano la Vittoria. Dalle bande et sqtto li piedi sono le littere descritte in questo cerchio [CP ROMA].’
On the scene of the ceremony, see Ashby, in P.B.S.R. vi. pp. 194 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 59 note 2 Arm., iii. p. 45D) (Martinori, , Annali, Leone X., etc., p. 23Google Scholar). I have not seen the piece.
page 59 note 3 As for instance in the procession described by Chieregato (p. 60, note 4). Is the inscription meant for Refrigerium (requiem) animabus vestris (Jer. vi. 16, Matth. xi. 29) ? If so, it is no coincidence that among the Medici devices used by Leo is a yoke with the motto suave (Matth. xi. 30). For medals with this device, see Typotius, Hierogr. Pont., p. 31, No. 20; Bonanni, , Num. Pont., i. 163, 12Google Scholar; Venuti, Num. Rom. Pont., p. 370, No. 12. The last writer describes this piece as an, ‘emblema.’ A specimen in the British Museum (75 mm., set in a rim making 86·5 mm.), the only one I have seen, is hardly earlier than the eighteenth century; and I doubt whether a contemporary medal with this type ever existed. But the device is frequently found on other contemporary objects associated with Leo; see, e.g. A. Marquand, Robbia Heraldry (1919) figs. 215, 219.
page 60 note 1 I refer for details to the Burlington Magazine, xxxi. (1917), p. 182Google Scholar, where both medals are illustrated.
page 60 note 2 This community of authorship has been observed by Bode, , Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst., xv. p. 41Google Scholar, though the affinity of the artist to Sangallo, which he recognises, seems to me to be purely superficial, in that both artists worked coarsely and on a large scale. I may add that the idea that either of the medals is an eighteenth century ‘restitution,’ as suggested by Milanesi in connexion with the medal of Leo X. (Arm., iii. p. 62), and by Armand himself (ii. p. 94, 3 note) with that of Lorenzo, cannot be reasonably entertained.
page 60 note 3 He was made a citizen and baron of Rome on 13 Sept., 1513. From Francesco Chieregato's account of the festivities on this occasion (Br. Mus. MS. Harl. 3462, quoted by Creighton, , Hist, of the Papacy, v. p. 227Google Scholar) it appears that the last car in the procession contained ‘Florence weeping for her children, whom she vainly implored Cibele (sic) to restore. Cibele to console her proposed at last that Rome and Florence should confederate, nay should become one together and enjoy the same rule. Florence and Rome agreed to the proposal, and medals were scattered amongst the crowd to celebrate the happy union.’ These were the medals with Roma on the reverse described above (p. 57).
page 60 note 4 The dignity of Patricius Romanus was conferred on Giuliano and Lorenzo Tie' Medici at the same time; see the account of the ceremony by Paolo Palliolo, ed. Guerrini, cited above (p. 59, note 1).
page 60 note 5 Armand, ii. 97, 19; Mus. Mazzuchellianum, i. xlv. 1.
page 61 note 1 Katal. Simon, No. 216. I have not seen an original.
page 61 note 2 Arm., ii. 113, 22. Heiss, Méd. de la Ren, Florence, i. p. 159, No. 6.
page 61 note 3 Venuti, p. x., mentions one in the collection of Baron Stosch. There is a specimen in the British Museum (42 mm., cast).
page 61 note 4 E. Rodocanachi, Rome au temps de Jules II., etc., p. 205; Hülsen, C. and Egger, H.. Die römischen Skizzenbucker von Marten von Heemskerck i. (Berlin 1913) fol. 55 v. and p. 31Google Scholar. Rodocanachi gives the date of Branconi's death as in the text; but Lanciani, (Storia degli Scavi i. p. 211Google Scholar) reports him still alive in 1543.
page 62 note 1 Bishop of Como, 12 April, 1508; Cardinal of S. Ciriaco, 6 July, 1517; resigned his bishopric of Como, 1519; administrator of see of Piacenza, 26 Sept. 1519; resigned, 1525; died, 3 Aug., 1527.
page 62 note 2 Ital. Medals, p. 171.
page 62 note 3 Burlington Magazine, xviii. (1910), p. 14Google Scholar.
page 62 note 4 Burlington Magazine, xxix. (1916), pp. 251 fGoogle Scholar.
page 63 note 1 Martinori, , Annali, Clemente VII. pp. 153, 168Google Scholar; Paolo III. p. 18.