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The Norman royal charters of S. Bartolomeo di Carpineto

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Walter Holtzmann
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Extract

The history of the old Benedictine abbey of S. Bartolomeo di Carpinetoi n the Abruzzi was written at the end of the twelfth century by one of its monks, Alexander. This chronicler tells us much concerning the quarrels of the abbots during his lifetime with their unruly neighbours, chiefly the famous count palatine Roberto di Loritello and the bishop of Penne. Although he very seldom gives the year of the events he records, Alexander's narrative is firmly based for, as he tells us, he made use of the documents contained in the archives of the monastery. His statement to this effect is confirmed, in the case of the papal bulls, by several original documents which are known to have survived in the archives of the Cistercian abbey of S. Maria di Casanova, to which foundation Carpineto had been united in 1258. Of the remaining documents, royal and private charters, only a few were till recently known.

Type
Research Article
Information
Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 24: Studies in Italian Medieval History , November 1956 , pp. 94 - 100
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 1956

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References

1 Chronica monasterii s. Bartholomaei de Carpineto auctore Alexandro monacho, ed. Ughelli, F., Italia sacra, 2nd ed. (Venice, 1722), x (b), cols. 349–382Google Scholar.

2 For the former archive of Carpineto, v. Kehr, P. F., Italia pontificia, iv, Berlin, 1909, p. 293Google Scholar.

3 Ughelli, cols. 383–392.

4 For these details v. Kehr, l.c., p. 293 sub C.

5 Fr. Gratianus a Teresia, S., O.C.D., , ‘Castigationes Kehrianae,’ Ephemerides Carmeliticae, iii, 1949, pp. 351–404Google Scholar; for the MS. chiefly pp. 353–355.

6 Capasso, B. had printed in Archivio storico Napoletano, i, 1876, pp. 205Google Scholar seq. the rubies of the chartulary in the Naples MS. of the chronicle (the texts having been omitted), among them was an entry: ‘Littere protectionis d. Henrici Imp. renunciationis Coni de Civitaquana,’ the same wording also occurring in the Chigi MS. The Milan MS. shows that two different documents are referred to, namely a privilege, of Henry VI of 1195 (Clementi, D., ‘Calendar of the diplomas of the Hohenstaufen Emperor Henry VI concerning the kingdom of Sicily,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, xxxv, 1955, Cal. 74Google Scholar) and another document of Coni de Civitaquana of January 1204.

7 Ughelli, col. 371C: ‘Post haec … dominus rex speciale fecit mandatum, quod postea regiis es litteris annotatum, aliud comiti Loretelli super querimoniis, quas dominus abbas fecerat de Ruberto de Pulis et Annibale de Civitaquana et fratribus suis ….’ In the Catalogus baronum, ed. del p. 602, no. 1065 and p. 611, no. 1242, there is a Cleopas de Civitaguana who held in Penne Civitatem Aguanam. A baron de Pulis I have no been able to trace.

8 It. pont., iv, p. 294, no. 1.

9 Loc. cit., no. 3.

10 Some confusion arises from the monk Alexander's dating of the death of Oliverius Alexander (Ughelli, col. 374A), gives the day of the month (31 August) and (col. 373D) 35 years as the period during which Oliverius had held office as abbot. During his description of the suit of the bishop of Penne against Abbot Boemund (v. infra, n. 14), however, he notes that Oliverius was consecrated abbot by Eugenius III apud Tusculanum and Eugenius III's privilege for Oliverius, Abbot (It. pont., iv, 294, no. 4Google Scholar; full text in Gratianus a S. Teresia, p. 375, no. 1) is dated Tusculanum, 16 May 1149, so there is every likelihood that it was issued on the occasion of the consecration, Yet according to our letter No. 3 Oliverius was unquestionably dead on 28 October 1180. Alexander has either made a slip in his reckoning—35 years instead of 31—or a mistake has been made in the subsequent transcription of his MS., or possibly Oliverius may have been nominated in 1145 but only consecrated in 1149, for in 1145 Eugenius III was contending with the Romans and during the two following years he was far from the south of Italy in France or Germany. In the light of this information the recent chronological list of the abbots of Carpineto compiled by Gratianus a S. Teresia, p. 404, requires correction.

11 Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et Sicile, ii, Paris, 1907, p. 591Google Scholar with no. 2, text from the Registrum Petri diaconi in the archives of Montecassino.

12 Mon. Germ, hist., Constitutiones, i, no. 413, p. 588 seq., 11.

13 Ughelli, col. 374A: ‘… tunc dominus rex litteras suas mandavit conventui pro eligendo abbate (our No. 3). Fratres ergo, quia dissidebant, duas nominaverunt personas et eorum nominationes per quosdam suorum d. regi miserunt; sed quia illae personae fuerant in dissidio nominatae, d. regi non placuerunt. Tandem vero fraires delegati, quibus ab universo conventu fuerat de electione plenitudo potestatis indulta, in unum conveniunt et pari voto ac communi deliberatione elegerunt quendam monachum s. Clementis de Piscaria d. Boamundum de Luco et celebrata in praesentia regis electione attulerunt regias litteras conventui huius monasterii et alias episcopo Valvensis et Aprutino ….’ (our no. 4).

14 Ughelli, col. 373 for the quarrel of bishop Oderisius with the monks, col. 375 for the suit concerning the right of consecration.

15 This notion has been chiefly elaborated by Mitteis, H., Die deutsche Königswahl, ihre Rechtsgrundlagen bis zur goldenen Bulle (Baden bei Wien, 1938, 2nd ed., 1944Google Scholar).

16 An analogous kind of procedure regarding the election of a bishop in the Regno is revealed by an interesting document, an inquisitio published by Celidonio, G., ‘Notizie normanne locali e regionali da un documento del secolo XII sulla elezione del vescovo Valvense,’ Boll, della Soc. di stor. patr. A. L. Antinori, xix, 1907, pp. 305–323Google Scholar. I have discussed yet another aspect of the ecclesiastical policy of Norman kings in a paper, ‘Zur Kirchenpolitik König Wilhelms II’, in Studi medievali in onore di Ant. de Stefano, Palermo, 1956, pp. 289–95Google Scholar.

17 Jamison, E. M. ‘The Norman administration of Apulia and Capua,’ Papers of the British School at Rome, vi, 1913, p. 379Google Scholar.

18 Ughelli, cols. 374D–375A; our letter is mentioned: ‘facta fidelitate d. regi Siciliae.. remeavit. afferens litteras … contra Marsilium et Yvonem de Populo ad comitem Raynaldum Aprutii ….’ The Chigi MS. reads ‘Marsilium et Rahonem.’

19 Cat. bar., ed. del Re, p. 602, no. 1069 and p. 611, n. 1246; Riccardus de Poliano, ib., nos. 1070 and 1247, Transmundus de Poliano, ib., nos. 1071 and 1248.

20 Ughelli, col. 375A: ‘… sequenti die in ecclesia s. Clementis de Veletro huius monasterii electo munus contulit benedictionis.’ On this occasion Abbot Boemund received a confirmation of Pope Innocent's II privilege (full text: Gratianus a S. Teresia, p. 377, no. 2; It. pont., iv, 295, n. 11) and a littera dimissoria mentioned by Alexander (It. pont., iv, 296, n. 12, full text: Gratianus a S. Teresia, p. 379, n. 3). Only the littera dimissoria has a date (3 Sept.); the year must be, according to the pope's itinerary, 1182.

21 Chalandon, , op. cit., ii, 447Google Scholar seq.

22 This confirms the statement of the most recent editor of Richard of S. Germano, C. A. Garufi, that ‘Tancredi, infatti, poté allontanarsi dalla Sicilia solo negli ultimi mesi del 1191’ (Muratori, nov. ed., viii (2), Bologna, 1938, p. 11, no. l).

23 Clementi, l.c., Cal. 74.

page 98 note a Ciuitate.

page 98 note b sagitus.

page 98 note c mense.

page 98 note 1 Now Civitaquana near Carpineto; cf. Catal. bar., no. 1065, 1242.

page 98 note a justicieris.

page 98 note b dillectionem.

page 98 note c sic!

page 99 note a conuentu.

page 99 note b misisti.

page 99 note a Oderio.

page 99 note b Valuensis.

page 99 note c Atto.

page 99 note d episcopi.

page 99 note e ellectioni.

page 100 note a balulis.

page 100 note b benignus.

page 100 note c permitatis.