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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 June 2011
1 The distorting effect of art history's dependence on the Liber Pontificalis, which essentially ends in the mid-ninth century and documents only the papal patronage of churches in early medieval Rome, has been noted by Robert Coates-Stephens, who has contributed to the recovery of the architectural history of the so-called ‘dark ages’ through examinations of early modern textual evidence and modern archaeology; see Coates-Stephens, R., ‘Dark age architecture in Rome’, Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (1997), 177–232, esp. pp. 179–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 Gigli, L., S. Sebastiano al Palatino (Rome, 1975).Google Scholar
3 For other versions of the iconography, see Marchiori, L., Art and Reform in Tenth-century Rome — the Paintings of S. Maria in Pallara (Queen's University, Ph.D. thesis, 2007), 130–53Google Scholar.
4 For a summary of the main Barberini documents recording the renovation, see Poliak, O., Die Kunsttätigkeit unter Urban VIII, 2 vols (Vienna, 1927), I, 193–5Google Scholar.
5 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 378, 33v, 53r. The marginal notation records the founder's death; it reads: ‘Vii kl oc[tober] … Obiit Petrus laudabilis medicus, qui de sua ope construxit monasterium istud’ (25 September … The honourable physician Peter, who erected this monastery on his own property, died). For the dating of the manuscript, see Supino Martini, P., Roma e l'area grafica romanesca (secoli X-XII) (Alexandria, 1987), 136–40.Google Scholar
6 The inscription, which is now in a fragmentary state, was recorded by early modern authors, some of whose discussions were collected and published in the nineteenth century; see Uccelli, P.A., La chiesa di S. Sebastiano martire sul Colle Palatino e Urbano VIII P.M. – memoria storica dell'Ab. P.A. Uccelli con scritture inedite del P. Orazio Giustiniani, indi Cardinale, di Antonio Bosio, del Lonigo, di Francesco Maria Tomgio e di Monsignor Antonio Riccioli, Vescovo di Beicastro e segretario della Congregazione della Sacra Visita (Rome, 1876), 101Google Scholar , 106. It is thought to have read: ‘VIRGO REDEMPTORIS GENITRIX ET SPLENDIDA MATER CHRISTI, ACCIPE CUM ZOTICO ET SEBASTIANO VOTA BEATA QUAE SOPHUS ILLUSTRIS MEDICUS QUOQUE PETRUS OFFERT UT PRECIBUS CAPIAT VESTRIS COELESTIA REGNA’ (Virgin progenitor of the Saviour and noble mother of Christ, accept with Zoticus and Sebastian the blessed gifts that the wise and distinguished physician Peter offers so that by your prayers he may achieve the heavenly kingdom). The translation is my own. For further discussion of the inscription, see below, pp. 243–7.
7 Little is known about Eclissi, although his drawings generally have been praised as being accurate in detail, if not as to colour or style; see Morey, C.R., Lost Mosaics and Frescoes of Rome of the Mediaeval Period (Princeton, 1915), 19Google Scholar; Osborne, J. and Claridge, A., The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo, Series A, Part II – Early Christian and Medieval Antiquities. Volume 1: Mosaics and Wallpaintings in Roman Churches (London, 1996), 53–68Google Scholar; Noreen, K., ‘Recording the past: seventeenth-century watercolor drawings of medieval monuments’, Visual Resources 16 (1) (2000), 1–26Google Scholar. The drawings are preserved in Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 9071, 62, 234–50, esp. p. 243. See also Waetzoldt, S., Die Kopien des 17. Jahrhunderts nach Mosaiken und Wandmalereien in Rom (Vienna, 1917), 75–6Google Scholar.
8 The iconography of Christ in a garden setting handing the scroll of the New Law to his Apostles, often symbolically represented only by Peter and Paul, is known as the Traditio Legis and is found in many apses of Rome's medieval churches; see Davis-Weyer, C., ‘Das Traditio-Legis-Bild und seine Nachfolge’, Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst ser. 3, 12 (1961), 7–45Google Scholar.
9 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 9071, 62; Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), fig. 30.
10 Richard Krautheimer generally characterized the ninth-century art of Rome as a renascence, a rebirth of the early Christian city; see Krautheimer, R., ‘Renewal and renascence: the Carolingian age’, in R., Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City (Princeton, 1980), 109–42, esp. pp. 123–34.Google Scholar
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15 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 9071, 234–5; Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), fig. 14a, b.
16 The first example, San Paolo fuori le mura, features a bust of Christ instead of the Agnus Dei as the focus of worship by the 24 Elders; although the composition is a modern rendition, it is thought to be a faithful copy of an early medieval original; see Waetzoldt, S., ‘Zur Ikonographie des Triumphbogenmosaiks von St. Paul in Rom’, in F., Graf, W., Metternich and L., Schudt (eds), Miscellanea Bibliothecae Hertzianae zu Ehren von Leo Bruhns (Rümische Forschungen der Bibliotheca Hertziana 16) (Munich, 1961), 19–28Google Scholar. For other witnesses of the iconographie tradition featuring the Agnus Dei, see Manion, M., ‘The frescoes of S. Giovanni a Porta Latina – the shape of a tradition’, Australian Journal of Art 1 (1978), 93–110Google Scholar; Nilgen, U., ‘Die Bilder über dem Altar. Triumph- und Apsisbogenprogramme in Rom und Mittelitalien und ihr Bezug zur Liturgie’, in N., Bock, S., de Blaauw, C., Frommel and H., Kessler (eds), Kunst und Liturgie im Mittelalter. Akten des Internationalen Kongresses der Bibliotheca Hertziana und des Nederlands Instituut te Rome (Munich, 2000), 75–89.Google Scholar
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19 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 9071, 243; Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), fig. 15.
20 For a discussion of the church in the context of archaeological investigation of the Palatine, see Augenti, A., Il Palatino nel medioevo: archeologia e topografia (secoli vi-xii) (Rome, 1996), 65–6Google Scholar.
21 Wilpert, J., Die Römischen Mosaiken und Malereien der Kirchlichen Bauten vom IV. bis XIII. Jahrhundert, 4 vols (Freiburg, 1917), II, 1, 075–81.Google ScholarLadner, G., ‘Die Italienische Malerei im XI. Jahrhundert’, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien N.F. 5 (1931), 33–160, esp. pp. 100–3Google Scholar; Matthiae, G., Pittura romana del medioevo, 2 vols with an aggiornamento by M., Andaloro (Rome, 1965; 1987), I, 196–204Google Scholar ; Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), 81–6.
22 Fedele, P., ‘Una chiesa del Palatino’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 26 (1903), 343–8Google Scholar. , esp. pp. 356–9. The copies are found in Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 7928, 178–180.
23 Ferrari, G., Early Roman Monasteries: Notes for the History of the Monasteries and Convents at Rome from the V through the X Century (Vatican City, 1957), 215–24Google Scholar.
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25 Hubert, É., ‘«In regione Pallarie», contribution à l'histoire du Palatin au Moyen Âge’, in La Vigna Barherini 1. Histoire d'un site – étude des sources et de la topographie (Roma antica 3) (Rome, 1997), 89–140.Google Scholar
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28 John of Salisbury, Metalogicon 3.4, edited by Hall, J.B. (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 98) (Turnhout, 1991), 116.Google Scholar ‘Dicebat Bernardus Carnotensis nos esse quasi nanos, gigantum umeris insidentes, ut possimus plura eis et remotiora uidere, non utique proprii uisus acumine, aut eminentia corporis, sed quia in altum subuchimur et extollimur magnitudine gigantea’. The translation above is my own.
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33 The tradition of such commentaries begins in the fourth century, but the earliest clear equation of the Elders with the Apostles and Prophets is found in the eighth-century exegesis of Ambrosius Autpertus (ob. 778), a Frankish monk at the monastery of San Vincenzo al Volturno; ‘Expositionis in Apocalypsin’, in Weber, R. (ed.), Ambrosií Autperti Opera, 2 vols (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 28) (Turnhout, 1975)Google Scholar, 4.3, II, 210–13.
34 For a discussion of sources and meaning, see Marchiori, Art and Reform in Tenth-century Rome (above, n. 3), 130–53.
35 LeClercq, J., The Love of Learning and the Desire for God: a Study of Monastic Culture, translated by C., Misrahi (New York, 1982), 25–36.Google Scholar
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40 This methodology is presented formally in his recent paper dealing with the medieval wall paintings excavated in a small chapel near the apse at San Lorenzo fuori le mura; see Osborne, J., ‘Dating medieval mural painting in Rome: a case study from S. Lorenzo fuori le mura’, in É.Ó., Carragáin and C., Neuman de Vegvar (eds), Roma Felix – Formations and Reflections of Medieval Rome (Aldershot, 2007), 191–206.Google Scholar
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42 Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), 105–8.
43 I am grateful to Dott.ssa Isabella del Frate for sharing her information on the paintings. Some summary of the earlier restorations is to be found in a thesis completed by students of the Istituto Centrale del Restauro, housed in the Institute's library in Rome; see Liquori, L. and Segré, M., L'abside affrescata di S. Sebastiano al Palatino, già S. Maria in Pallara: metodologie di studio ed ipotesi di restauro (Rome, Istituto Centrale del Restauro, dissertation, 1987), 164–7Google Scholar , 180–1. I am also grateful to Dr Cathleen Hoeniger for explaining matters of painting technique and restoration to me.
44 I am grateful to Dott.ssa del Frate for sharing the recent findings; see also Englen, A., ‘Restauro degli affreschi del catino absidale e del presbiterio di S. Sebastiano al Palatino (see. X-XI)’, Monumenti di Roma 1(1) (2003), 154.Google Scholar
45 Again, I am grateful to Dott.ssa del Frate for sharing the report prepared by Susanna De Cristofaro, Cristina Ramici, Giulia Bordi, Stefania Pennesi, Simone Piazza and Manuela Viscontini.
46 Osborne and Claridge, The Paper Museum (above, n. 7), 320–1; Enekeli Julliard, J., ‘II pannello con tre figure a mezzo busto nell'abside di Santa Maria in Pallara’, in S., Romano (ed.), Riforma e tradizione, 1050–1198 (Milan, 2006), 196–7Google Scholar.
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48 Osborne, ‘Textiles and their painted imitations’ (above, n. 38), 321–49.
49 Ferrari, Early Roman Monasteries (above, n. 23), 379–407; Osborne, ‘Wall paintings as documents’ (above, n. 36), 9–10; Clark, F., The ‘Gregorian’ Dialogues and the Origins of Benedictine Monasticism (Leiden, 2003), 279–91Google Scholar.
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54 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 378, 53v–54r. ‘Ethic Rome apud Pallariam dedicatio altaris eiusdem BENEDICTI ABBATIS' (And at Rome at [the monastery of Santa Maria in] Pallara, the dedication of the altar of the same Abbot Benedict). It should be noted that the martyrology is bound with a copy of the Rule of Saint Benedict.
55 Hoffman (ed.), Chronica Monasterii Casinensis (above, n. 53), III, 29, 398.
56 Augenti, A., ‘lacere in Palatio. Le sepolture altomedievali del Palatino’, in G.P., Brogiolo and G., Cantino Wataghin (eds), Sepolture tra IV e VIII secolo. Atti del 7° seminario sul tardo antico e l'alto medioevo in Italia centro settentrionale (Mantua, 1998), 115–21Google Scholar; Rizzo, G., Villedieu, F. and Vitale, M., ‘Mobilier de tombes des VIe–VIIe siècles mises au jour sur le Palatin (Rome, Vigna Barberini)’, Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome. Antiquité 111 (1) (1999), 351–403.Google Scholar
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59 Osborne and Claridge, The Paper Museum (above, n. 7), 118–20.
60 Saints Lawrence and Stephen flank Christ in a niche of the Crypt of Epyphanins and are depicted almost as twins, with similar tonsured heads, beardless faces, light-coloured tunics and pallia; see Mitchell, J., ‘The Crypt reappraised’, in R., Hodges (ed.), San Vincenzo al Volturno 1; the 1980–86 Excavations, Part I (Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 7) (London, 1993), 92–5, figs 7.24–7.25.Google Scholar
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63 Reynolds, R.E., ‘Image and text: the liturgy of clerical ordination in early medieval art’, Gesta 22 (1) (1983), 27–38, esp. fig. 13Google Scholar; Cadetti, S., ‘S. Lorenzo’, Bibliotheca Sanctorum, 13 vols (Rome, 1961–1970), VIII, cols 108–21, esp. col. 118Google Scholar; Hühl, C., Ottonische Buchmalerei (Frankfurt am Main, 1996), 51–2, figs 56, 97.Google Scholar
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65 For analyses of the cults of Saints Sebastian and Zoticus in early medieval Rome, see Marchiori, Art and Reform in Tenth-century Rome (above, n. 3), 154–279.
66 The crypt of Saint Cecilia is a roughly square chapel discovered in the late nineteenth century during excavations organized by Giovanni Battista De Rossi; see De Rossi, G.B., La Roma sotterranea cristiana, 3 vols (Rome, 1864–1877), II, 113–31, pl. 7.Google Scholar More recently, see Bisconti, F., ‘Il lucernario di S. Cecilia: recenti restauri e nuove acquisizioni nella cripta callistiana di S. Cecilia’, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 73 (2) (1997), 307–39Google Scholar.
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70 The paintings have been detached, restored and mounted in the cathedral of that city; see Moretti, S., ‘Alle porte di Roma: un esempio pittorico e il suo contesto da ricostruire. La “Grotta degli Angeli” a Magliano Romano’, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia 76 (2003–2004), 105–33Google Scholar.
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73 The Acta Sebastiani traditionally are ascribed to Saint Ambrose of Milan, but have been dated to the fifth century; see Pesci, B., ‘Il culto di San Sebastiano a Roma nell'antichità e nel medioevo’, Antonianum 20 (1945), 177–200, esp. pp. 183–4.Google Scholar For the Latin text, see Acta Sanctorum quotquot Toto Orbe Coluntur, vel a Catholicis Scriptorihus Celebrantur quae ex Latinis et Graecis, aliarumque Gentium Antiquis Monumentis Collegit, 68 vols (Antwerp, 1643–1794; Brussels/Paris, 1863–1940), January, II, 265–78.
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75 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 9071, 62; Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), fig. 30.
76 On the general reliability of the Eclissi drawings, see Osborne and Claridge, The Paper Museum (above, n. 7), 48–50, 63–4; Noreen, ‘Recording the past’ (above, n. 7), 6–15.
77 Gigli, S. Sebastiano al Palatino (above, n. 2), 83.
78 It should be noted, however, that the identification does not appear in Gaetani's discussion as transcribed by Uccelli; see Uccelli, La chiesa di S. Sebastiano martire (above, n. 6), 83–99, 108; cf. Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense MS 2119, 529–36.
79 For example, Gactani identified the figures flanking Saint Benedict in the panel inserted subsequently in the lower apse as Saints Peter and Paul, even though he recognized that the latter were depicted wearing military costume; see Uccelli, La chiesa di S. Sebastiano martire (above, n. 6), 83–8; cf. Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense MS 2119, 530–2.
80 Jounel, P., Le culte des saints dans les basiliques du Latran et du Vatican au douzième siècle (Rome, 1977), 216, 313, 315–16, 324Google Scholar; Mazzocchi, E., ‘Una parete dai molti misteri: alcuni precisazioni sugli affreschi della basilica inferiore di San Crisogono a Roma’, Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa ser. IV, 6 (1) (2001), 39–60Google Scholar , esp. pp. 42–3; Osborne, ‘Dating medieval mural painting in Rome’ (above, n. 40), 197–8, fig. 8.1.
81 For example, the church of Sant'Agata dei Goti was dedicated to that saint in the late sixth century; a church located to the west of the Palatine Hill was dedicated to Saint Anastasia as early as the seventh century; see Krautheimer, Corbett and Franki, Corpus Basilicarum (above, n. 39), I, 2–12, 42–61.
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84 For a translation of the complete inscription, see note 6. Uccelli provided no citation for the inscription; Uccelli, La chiesa di S. Sebastiano martire (above, n. 6), 106. There is no mention of an inscription in Gaetani's discussion of the paintings of Santa Maria in Pallara transcribed by Uccelli; see Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense MS 2119, 529–36.
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94 The inscriptions for Saint Quiricus in the former and Pope Leo IV (847–55) in the latter were laid out in this way; see Osborne, J., ‘The portrait of Pope Leo IV in San Clemente, Rome: a re-examination of the so-called ‘square’ nimbus, in medieval art’, Papers of the British School at Rome 47 (1979), 58–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Belting, ‘Eine Privatkapelle’ (above n. 13), figs 1–2.
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102 Lafontaine, Peintures médiévales (above, n. 74), pl. 8.
103 The programme is thought to have been commissioned by Abbot Frederic of Montecassino, later Pope Stephen IX (ob. 1058); see S. Romano, ‘Storie di San Benedetto e altri santi’, in Romano (ed.), Riforma e tradizione (above, n. 46), 79–87; Brenk, ‘Die Benediktszenen in S. Crisogono und Montecassino’ (above, n. 50); Brenk, ‘Roma e Montecassino’ (above, n. 50).
104 Osborne and Claridge, The Paper Museum (above, n. 7), 78–9, 282–3.
105 Osborne and Claridge, The Paper Museum (above, n. 7), 238–9.
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109 Osborne, “The ‘Particular Judgment” (above, n. 38), 336.
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111 Davis-Weyer, C. and Emerick, J., “The early sixth-century frescoes at S. Martino ai Monti in Rome”, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 21 (1984), 3–60Google Scholar , esp. pp. 26–8; Osborne, ‘Early medieval painting in San Clemente’ (above, n. 38), 300–1, 307; Nilgen, ‘Eine neu aufgefundene Maria Regina’ (above, n. 86), 232–3, fig. 1.
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116 This evaluation of ornamentation applies to both saintly costume and clerical costume. For twelfth- century examples, see Hoegger, Die Fresken in der Ehemaligen Abteikirche (above, n. 11), fig. 14; Croisier, ‘I mosaici dell'abside e dell'arco trionfale di Santa Maria in Trastevere’ (above, n. 64), 305–11.
117 Lafontaine, Peintures médiévales (above, n. 74), pls 7, 13.
118 Lamy-Lassalle, C., ‘Les archanges en costume impérial dans la peinture murale italienne’, in A., Grabar and J., Hubert (eds), Synthronon – Art et archéologie de la fin de l'antiquité et du Moyen Age (Bibliothèque des Cahiers Archéologiques 2) (Paris, 1968), 189–98Google Scholar.
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120 Mackie, G., ‘The Zeno chapel: a prayer for salvation’, Papers of the British School at Rome 57 (1989), 172–99Google Scholar; Wisskirchen, R., ‘Zur Apsisstimwand von SS. Cosma e Damiano/Rom’, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 42 (1999), 169–8Google Scholar. ; Andaloro, M., ‘La parete palinsesto: 1900, 2000’, in Osborne, J., Rasmus Brandt, J. and Morganti, G. (eds), Santa Maria Antiqua al Foro Romano cento anni dopo. Atti del colloquio internazionale Roma, 5–6 maggio 2000 (Rome, 2004), 97–112, esp. p. 112.Google Scholar
121 Osborne, “The ‘Particular Judgement” (above, n. 38), 335; Dos Santos, ‘La decorazione pittorica in una nicchia della Catacomba di Sant'Ermete’ (above, n. 119). These paintings seem to copy the practice from early Christian art.
122 Lafontaine, Peintures médiévales (above, n. 74), pl. 14.
123 Matthiae, Pittura romana (above, n. 21), I, 182, 284. The paintings should probably be dated to the ninth century.
124 For example, the gowns are very similar to those depicted on the female saints in the Marian oratory in Santa Pudenziana, as are the flat crowns they carry; see J. Croisier, ‘La decorazione pittorica dell'oratorio mariano di Santa Pudenziana’, in Romano (ed.), Riforma e tradizione (above, n. 46), 199–206, esp. p. 200.
125 The suggestion is not unusual, as two different workshops have been detected in the sixth-century paintings of the lower church of San Martino ai Monti, which all lie on the same masonry piers; see Davis-Weyer and Emerick, ‘The early sixth-century frescoes at S. Martino ai Monti’ (above, n. 111), 33–54.