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Burial topography and the power of the Church in fifth- and sixth-century Rome*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Marios Costambeys
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 69 , November 2001 , pp. 169 - 189
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2001

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Footnotes

*

I am very grateful to the British School at Rome for a Rome Scholarship in Italian Studies. While it provided me with valuable support for my research into religious and social change in early medieval Italy, it also opened new and complementary avenues of interest, one of which led to this article. I owe a considerable debt to Robert Coates-Stephens's acuity and encyclopaedic command of Rome's topography, and to the advice of Andrea Augenti, Vincenzo Fiocchi Nicolai and Bryan Ward-Perkins, and of Conrad Leyser and the other members of ‘il gruppo Manchester’. I thank all of them. Responsibility for the views expressed here, and for the remaining errors, is mine alone.

References

1 I claim no originality in using the quotation in this context. It was employed, with reference to taxes, by Baynes, N. in his The Byzantine Empire (Oxford, 1925)Google Scholar, and, more recently, with reference to death, by Brown, P. in his preface to Rebillard, E.'s In Hora Mortis. Évolution de la pastorale chrétienne de la mort aux IVe et Ve siècles dans l'occident latin (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 283) (Rome, 1994), vii–xiGoogle Scholar.

2 For example, Wataghin, G. Cantino, ‘The ideology of urban burials’, in Brogiolo, G.P. and Ward-Perkins, B. (eds), The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Leiden, 1999), 147–80Google Scholar.

3 For example, compare the contrasting attitudes of Paxton, F.S., Christianizing Death: the Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca/London, 1990), esp. pp. 78, 91, 113 and 124–5Google Scholar, and Rebillard, In Hora Mortis (above, n. 1), 167 and 225–7.

4 The legislation, from the Twelve Tables to Leo VI, has been reviewed by Lambert, C., ‘Le sepolture in urbe nella norma e nella prassi (tarda antichità — alto medioevo)’, in Paroli, L. (ed.), L'ltalia centro-settentrionale in età longobarda (Florence, 1997), 285–93Google Scholar; see also Meneghini, R. and Valenzani, R. Santangeli, ‘epolture intramuranee e paesaggio urbano a Roma tra V e VII secolo’, in Delogu, P. and Paroli, L. (eds), La storia economica di Roma nell'alto medioevo alla luce dei recenti scavi archeologici (Florence, 1993), 89–111Google Scholar, at p. 89, n. 1. The final repeal is Leo VI, Novellae ad Calcem Cod. lustinianus LIII.

5 For a reassessment of urban burial, problematized across the whole of the (former) Roman Empire, see Cantino Wataghin, ‘The ideology of urban burials’ (above, n. 2), esp. pp. 149–50 and 157–8 on the applicability and reliability of the laws; see also the summary of the 1995 conference on early medieval burial in Italy, focused on northern cities, by Brogiolo, G.P., ‘Conclusion’, in Brogiolo, G.P. and Wataghin, G. Cantino, Sepolture tra IV e VIII secolo (Mantua, 1998), 229–31Google Scholar.

6 Dyggve, E., ‘The origin of urban churchyards’, Classica et Mediaevalia. Revue Danoise de Philologie et d'Histoire 13 (1952), 147–58Google Scholar; ‘L'origine del cimitero entro la città’, Atti dell'VIII congresso internazionale di studi bizantini, Palermo 1951 (Rome, 1953), 138–41Google Scholar. See also Cantino Wataghin, ‘The ideology of urban burials’ (above, n. 2), 148, n. 2.

7 On ad sanctos burial in general, see the thorough treatment by Duval, Y., Auprès des saints corps et âmes: l'inhumation “ad sanctos” dans la chrétienté d'Orient et d'Occident du IIIe au VIIe siècle (Études augustiniennes) (Paris, 1988), esp. pp. 51–129Google Scholar, which traces a general movement from the sixth century to bury in or near churches (pp. 97–8). For a cogent recent analysis, see Ivison, E., ‘Burial and urbanism at late antique and Byzantine Corinth (c. AD 400–700)’, in Christie, N. and Loseby, S.T. (eds), Towns in Transition. Urban Evolution in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Aldershot, 1996), 99–125Google Scholar.

8 Codex Theodosianus 9.17.6 and 9.17.7 (translated by Pharr, C., The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton, 1952), 240Google Scholar); see also Lambert, ‘Le sepolture in urbe’ (above, n. 4), 287.

9 Gregory, , Dialogues IV.52Google Scholar (edited by de Vogüé, A. (Sources chrétiennes 265) (Paris, 1980), 172–4Google Scholar).

10 ‘Quod multi cupiun(t) et rari accipiun(t)’, in Diehl, E. (ed.), Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 3 vols (Berlin, 1925–1931), I, no. 2, 148Google Scholar.

11 Translations of relics have been studied by McCulloh, J., ‘The cult of relics in the letters and ‘Dialogues’ of Pope Gregory the Great: a lexicographical study’, Traditio 32 (1976), 145–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘From antiquity to the Middle Ages: continuity and change in papal relic policy from the 6th to the 8th century’, in Dassmann, E. and Frank, K. Suso (eds), Pietas: Festschrift für Bernhard Kötting (Munster, 1980), 312–24Google Scholar; see now also Bauer, F., ‘La frammentazione liturgica nella chiesa romana del primo medioevo’, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 75 (1999), 385–446, at pp. 420–2Google Scholar. Popes Theodore (642–9) and Leo II (682–3) translated relics to urban churches. Paul I's activity is recorded in Duchesne, L. (ed.), Le Liber Pontificalis. Texte, introduction et commentaire (2nd edition), 3 vols (Paris, 1955–1957) [hereafter LP], I, 464Google Scholar.

12 Osborne, J., ‘Death and burial in sixth-century Rome’, Classical Views (Echos du Monde Classique) 28, n.s. 3 (1984), 291–9Google Scholar; in part, Osborne was following De Rossi, G.B., La Roma sotterranea cristiana descritta e illustrata, 3 vols (Rome, 1864–1877), III, 557Google Scholar. The suburban cemeteries actually continued in use in the second half of the sixth century: see Silvagni, A. (ed.), Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores [[hereafter ICUR] n.s. II (Rome, 1935), 4794Google Scholar and Ferrua, A. (ed.), ICUR n.s. VII (Vatican City, 1980), 1726Google Scholar and Testini, P., Le catacombe e gli antichi cimiteri cristiani in Roma (Bologna, 1996), 91Google Scholar.

13 Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), and Meneghini, R. and Valenzani, R. Santangeli, ‘Sepolture intramuranee a Roma tra V e VII secolo D.C. — Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’, Archeologia Medievale 22 (1995), 283–90Google Scholar [hereafter ‘Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’], esp. p. 288, where it is noted that recent discoveries disrupt Osborne's tight chronology linking burial locations with the Gothic Wars.

14 I have not included, for instance, the burial area very recently excavated within the Templum Pacis complex in the Imperial fora. I am grateful to Massimiliano Ghilardi for providing me with a copy of the paper read by himself and Margherita Capponi at Ecclesiae Urbis, Congresso internazionale di studi suite chiese di Roma (IV-X secolo), Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 4–10 Sett. 2000 (forthcoming publication edited by F. Guidobaldi), in which this discovery was announced. Andrea Augenti has rightly likened attempting to summarize the Roman archaeological picture to trying to stop a moving train: A. Augenti, ‘lacere in Palatio. Le sepolture alto medievali del Palatino’, in Brogiolo, G.P. and Wataghin, G. Cantino (eds), Sepolture tra IV e VIII secolo. 7° seminario sul tardo antico e l'alto medioevo in Italia centro settentrionale, Gardone Rivera, 24–26 ottobre 1996 (Mantua, 1998), 115–22, at p. 115Google Scholar.

15 Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), 105, have dated ‘the diffusion of the phenomenon of intramural burials’ to the mid-sixth century, after the Gothic Wars, though the evidence they have collected shows that some sites were in use before that. Precision of any kind is, of course, impossible: it is worth noting, however, that the intramural burials in north Italian cities examined by Lambert, ‘Le sepolture in urbe’ (above, n. 4), esp. p. 290, show exactly the same chronological pattern.

16 Of larger sites (ten or more excavated burials), those at churches are Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani's nos. 5 (Santi Quattro Coronati), 11 (Sant'Eusebio), 29 (Santa Maria Antiqua), 45 (San Saba), 64 (Santa Bibiana), 74 (San Gregorio Magno), plus Santa Susanna. ‘Public’ spaces are nos. 6 (valley of the Colosseum), 7 (Porticus Liviae), 16 (Castro Pretorio), 37 (Mausoleum of Augustus), 40 (Vigna Barberini, Palatine), 44 (Baths of Caracalla), 47 (Baths of Decius), 55 (Domus Tiberiana, Palatine), 68 (eastern slopes of the Palatine), 70 (Baths of Diocletian).

17 For ‘places of power’ see Augenti, A., ‘Il potere e la memoria. Il Palatino tra IV e VIII secolo’, in Pergola, P. (ed.), ‘Roma dal IV all'VIII secolo: quale paesaggio urbano? Dati da scavi recenti. Atti della seduta dei Seminari di archeologia cristiana, Roma, 13 marzo 1997’, Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome, Moyen Âge 111 (1) (1999), 197–207CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 On the Palatine in this period, see Augenti, A., Il Palatino nel medioevo. Archeologia e topogrqfia (secoli VI-XIII) (Rome, 1996)Google Scholar, with current thinking on Santa Maria Antiqua at p. 167; the burial sites are Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani's nos. 29 (Santa Maria Antiqua) and 40, 41, 42, 43, 54, 55, 68 (various places on the Palatine).

19 See Coates-Stephens, R., ‘The walls and aqueducts of Rome AD 500–1000’, Journal of Roman Studies 88 (1998), 166–78Google Scholar.

20 Cantino Wataghin, ‘The ideology of urban burials’ (above, n. 2), 153–4.

21 The relative lack of importance of the walls, and the blurring of the urban/rural boundary, in the Roman mental map emerges from the eloquent examination by Purcell, N., ‘Town in country and country in town’, in Macdougall, E. Blair (ed.), Ancient Roman Villa Gardens (Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture 10) (Washington DC, 1987), 185–203Google Scholar. For the horti in Rome in general, see Grimal, P., Les jardins romains (third edition) (Paris, 1984)Google Scholar.

22 Ward-Perkins, B., ‘Continuitists, catastrophists and the towns of post-Roman northern Italy’, Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (1997), 157–76, esp. p. 167CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ward-Perkins's observations are equally, if not especially, relevant to Rome. On this ‘urban ruralization’ see Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), 90 and their references.

23 Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), 92–3 and Osborne, J., ‘The Roman catacombs in the Middle Ages’, Papers of the British School at Rome 53 (1985), 278–328, at pp. 281–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 The cemetery associated with Sant'Eusebio was ‘vast’, extending north perhaps as far as the baths of Diocletian, and therefore covering, if patchily, at least the entire northern half of the Horti Tauriani : Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), no. 11, p.99. Ermini, L. Pani, ‘Forma urbis e renovatio murorum in età teodericiana’, in Carile, A. (ed.), Teoderico e i Goti tra Oriente e Occidente (Ravenna, 1995), 171–225, at pp. 204–5Google Scholar, has averred that there was a direct link between cemetery and church at Sant'Eusebio.

25 Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), no. 64, p. 105, and ‘Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’ (above, n. 13), 284.

26 On the legal status of churches' property in this period, see now Marazzi, F., I Patrimonia Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae nel Lazio (secoli IV–X). Struttura amministrativa e prassi gestionali (Nuovi studi storici 37) (Rome, 1998), 25–46Google Scholar.

27 Krautheimer, R., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae [hereafter CBCR], vol. I (Vatican City, 1937), 210–16Google Scholar, and Fusciello, G., ‘La chiesa medievale di S. Eusebio sull'Esquilino’, Quaderni dell'Istituto di Storia dell'Architettura n.s. 21 (1993), 15–29Google Scholar; also De Spirito, G., ‘Titulus Eusebii’, in Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae [hereafter LTUR] (Rome, 1993–2000), II, 239–40Google Scholar, though note that his interpretation of the church is to an extent bound up with his innovative and unproven views on Santa Bibiana, see below, n. 32. The older church was restored in the eighth century: Coates-Stephens, R., ‘Dark age architecture in Rome’, Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (1997), 177–32, at p. 195CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The present basilica dates from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and was reworked in the baroque period.

28 Delehaye, H. and Quentin, H. (eds), Martyrologium Hieronymianum, AASS Nov. II, pars posterior (Brussels, 1931), 443Google Scholar. On the date of the martyrology, see Dubois, J., Les martyrologes du moyen âge latin (Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 26) (Turnhout, 1978), 29–37Google Scholar.

29 Silvagni, ICUR (above, n. 12), n.s. II, 16002. There has been some confusion over the epigraphic evidence for Sant'Eusebio: on this particular inscription see Wilpert, J. in Römische Quartalschrift 22 (1908), 80Google Scholar; for other epigraphy and general interpretations, Huelsen, C., Le chiese di Roma nel medio evo: cataloghi ed appunti (Florence, 1927), 251Google Scholar with n. 4, Krautheimer, CBCR (above, n. 27) I, 210 with n. 3, and De Spirito, ‘Titulus Eusebii’ (above, n. 27).

30 Mommsen, T. (ed.), Acta Synhodi A. CCCCXCVIIII (Monumenta Germanae Historica. Auctores Antiquissimi XII) (Berlin, 1894), 399–415, at pp. 412–15Google Scholar. On this basis, Pietri dated the foundation to the second half of the fifth century, though a date in the first half looks just as likely: Pietri, C., ‘La Roma cristiana’, in L'etàtardoantica. Crisi e trasformazioni (Storia di Roma, 4 vols in 7) III. 1 (Turin, 1993), 697–722, at p. 714Google Scholar.

31 Acta of the synod of 595: Norberg, D. (ed.), Registrum Epistolarum Gregorii Magni (Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 140 and 140A) (Turnhout, 1982)Google Scholar, V.57a (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Epistolae I, 367): ‘Donus presbyter tituli sancti Eusebii’.

32 Despite the evidence of the Hieronymian Martyrology that the anniversary of Eusebius was celebrated in urbe in the first half of the fifth century, there is no claim of relics there: Pietri, C., Roma Christiana. Recherches sur l'église de Rome, son organisation, sa politique, son idéologie de Miltiade à Sixte III (311–440), 2 vols (Paris, 1976), I, 494 and 630Google Scholar.

33 Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina [hereafter BHL] 2740, Acta Sanctorum Aug. III, 166–7; see also Acta Sanctorum Aug. II, 116–17, Amore, A., ‘Eusebius’, in Biblioteca Sanctorum V, 260–1Google Scholar, and Verrando, G.N., ‘Liberio-Felice’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 35 (1989), esp. p. 53, n. 70Google Scholar.

34 Amory, P., People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489–554 (Cambridge, 1997), 227–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar has given a fully textured and convincing picture of the evolving animosity towards a regime (and a heresy) with which previous popes had been relatively happy to do business; see pp. 196–227 for the situation during Theoderic's reign. It is important to note that it is only the Gesta that identifies Eusebius as an anti-Arian: his church has no such association. I can find nothing to support De Spirito's suggestion that Santa Bibiana was the base for a Liberian/Ursinian faction (De Spirito, ‘Titulus Eusebii’, LTUR (above, n. 27) II, 239–40).

35 LP (above, n. 11) I, 249. Geertman, H., More Veterum. Il Liber Pontificalis e gli edifici eccesiastici di Roma nella tarda antichità e nell'alto medioevo (Groningen, 1975), 190–1Google Scholar, has suggested that it had been begun by Simplicius's predecessor Hilarus (461–8).

36 For a summary of various views on the preceding structures, see De Spirito, G., ‘S. Bibiana’, in LTUR (above, n. 27) I, 194–5Google Scholar. That it was an older cult building dedicated with the translation of Bibiana's relics was proposed by Kirsch, J.P., ‘Römische Martyrerlegenden und altchristliche Kirchen Roms’, in Festschrift Georg von Hertling zum Siebzigsten Geburtstage am 21. Aug 1913 (Kempten, 1913), 56Google Scholar, and Kirsch, J.P., ‘I santuari domestici di martiri nei titoli romani’, Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia. Serie 3: Rendiconti 2 (1923–1924), 43Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , CBCR (above, n. 27) I, 93Google Scholar, thought a hypogaeum, cemetery or ‘Roman edifice’ was the basis; for the hypothesis (or speculation) that the surviving remains indicate a Roman domus, see Rocca, S. Vasco, Santa Bibiana (Rome, 1983), 23 and 35Google Scholar. Even if previous structures had been cemeterial rather than residential (and none of the discovered burials seem to date before the fifth century: see below), it is a speculative leap to suggest that any bodies that were found were taken to be those of martyrs, as did Dufourcq, A., Étude sur les Gesta martyrum romains I (Paris, 1910), 123–6Google Scholar, and de' Cavalieri, P. Franchi, Note agiografiche IV (Studi e testi 24)(Rome, 1912), 18Google Scholar, n. 1. On the architectural origins of titular churches see Guidobaldi, F., ‘L'edilizia abitativa unifamiliare nella Roma tardoantica’, in Giardina, A. (ed.), Società romana e impero tardoantico II. Roma: politico, economia, paesaggio urbano (Rome/Bari, 1986), 165–237, esp. pp. 231–7Google Scholar.

37 LP (above, n. 11) I, 249: ‘basilicam intra urbe Roma, iuxta palatium Licinianum, beatae martyris Bibianae, ubi corpus requiescit’.

38 LP (above, n. 11) I, 360 and II, 24, and see Ferrari, G., Early Roman Monasteries (Vatican City, 1957), 68–73Google Scholar. Leo II's church does not appear in the Einsiedeln Itinerary, which does, however, refer to Santa Bibiana: Valentini, R. and Zucchetti, G. (eds), Codice topografico della città di Roma II (Fonti per la storia d'Italia 88) (Rome, 1942), 189Google Scholar. The present church almost certainly dates from the pontificate of Honorius III (1216–27). The current state of knowledge has been summarized fully by Krautheimer in CBCR (above, n. 27) I, 93, and now Coates-Stephens, ‘Dark age architecture in Rome’ (above, n. 27), 187.

39 Pani Ermini, ‘Forma urḃis e renovatio murorum’ (above, n. 24), 204 with n. 45; see also De Rossi, Roma sotterranea cristiana (above, n. 12), 507.

40 For example, most of the burials in the graveyard next to the Colosseum were a cappuccina, and are datable between the fifth and seventh centuries: Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), no. 6, p. 98, and, for more detail, Rea, R., ‘II Colosseo e la valle da Teodorico ai Frangipane: note di studio’, in Delogu, P. and Paroli, L. (eds), La storia economica di Roma nell'alto medioevo alla luce dei recenti scavi archeologici (Florence, 1993), 71–88, esp. pp. 75–81Google Scholar. It is generally considered that a cappuccina burials were not employed in Rome later than the seventh century: see Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), p. 96 with n. 65, but also the qualifications of Augenti, ‘Iacere in Palatio’ (above, n. 4), 118. The grave on the Via Mamiani is attested in the notebooks of G. Gatti, now in the Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Arch. Gatti R.IV, f. 19, and noted by Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), no. 11, p. 99.

41 The data on Santa Bibiana (Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), no. 64, p. 105) first appeared in Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità (1880), 464, and is supplemented by information drawn from unpublished documents in the Archivio Centrale dello Stato, noticed in Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’ (above, n. 13), 284. For Santa Susanna, Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, 7Sepolture intramuranee’ (above, n. 4), no. 23, pp. 100 and 106.

42 BHL (above, n. 33) 1,322–3 (see also Bibliotheca Sanctorum III, 177–81). The text—known interchangeably as the Passio sanctae Bibianae, the Passio sancti Pi(g)menii and the Passio sanctorum Fausti et Pigmenii — was analyzed by Delehaye, H., Étude sur le legendier romain, les saints de Novembre et de Décembre (Subsidia hagiographica 23) (Brussels, 1936), 124–43Google Scholar, with an edition from the Vatican ms lat. 1193 at pp. 259–63; another edition is in Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum antiquiorum saeculo XVI, qui asservantur in bibliotheca nationali Parisiensi (Brussels, 1889), I, 520–3Google Scholar. Bibiana's feast (on 2 December) appears first in the Hieronymian Martyrology onl y in an eighth-century copy, ms G (Paris, BN lat. 12048, the Gellone Breviary): Martyrologium Hieronymianum, xxx. The topos of family property and church foundation has been refined by Pietri, C., ‘Donateurs et pieux établissements d'après le lègendier romain (Ve–VIIe s.)’, in Hagiographie, culture et sociétés, IVe–XIe siècles. Actes du colloque organisé à Nanterre et à Paris (2–5 mai 1979) (Paris, 1981), 435–53Google Scholar, reprinted in Christiana Respublica. Éléments d'une enquête sur le christianisme antique II (Rome, 1997), 1,187–205Google Scholar.

43 LP(above, n. 11) I, 249; see further Donckel, E., ‘Studien über den Kultus der hl. Bibiana’, Römische Quartalschrift 43 (1935), 23–33Google Scholar; ‘Der Kultus der hl. Bibiana in Rom’, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 14 (1937), 125–35Google Scholar; and Delehaye, Étude sur le legendier romain (above, n. 42), 135.

44 Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’ (above, n. 13), 286.

45 Grimal, Les jardins romains (above, n. 21), 149–50 and 160; Grimal, P., ‘Les Horti Tauriani. Étude topographique sur le région de la Porte Majeure’, Melanges de l'École Française de Rome, Antiquité 53 (1936), 250–86Google Scholar; and now E. Papi, ‘Horti Tauriani’, in LTUR (above, n. 27) III, 85.

46 For the presumed breakup of the Horti Tauriani, see the references in the previous note, together with Mancioli, D., ‘Horti Epaphroditiani’, in LTUR (above, n. 27) III, 60Google Scholar; ‘Horti Pallantiani’, in LTUR (above, n. 27) III, 77Google Scholar. For the Regionary Catalogues, Valentini, R. and Zucchetti, G. (eds), Codice topogrqfico della città di Roma I (Fonti per la storia d'ltalia 81) (Rome, 1942), 105 and 170Google Scholar.

47 Guidobaldi, F., ‘Il ‘Tempio di Minerva Medica'e le strutture adiacenti: settore privato del Sessorium costantiniano’, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 74 (2) (1998), 485–518, at pp. 496–7Google Scholar.

48 Guidobaldi, ‘I1 ‘Tempio di Minerva Medica ’’ (above, n. 47), 503–4.

49 Guidobaldi, ‘I1 ‘Tempio di Minerva Medica ’’ (above, n. 47), 500–12.

50 LP I (above, n. 11), 171 and 182 (and see Duchesne's comment on the former, p. 188,n. 12); Haüber, C., ‘Horti Maecenatis’, LTUR (above, n. 27) III, 70–4Google Scholar.

51 Jones, A.H.M., Martindale, J.R. and Morris, J., The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, I. A.D. 260–395 [hereafter PLRE] (Cambridge, 1971)Google Scholar, sub nomine Praetextatus 1; Guidobaldi, F., ‘Domus: Vettius Agorius Praetextatus’, LTUR (above, n. 27) II, 164Google Scholar.

52 LP (above, n. 11) I, 249; Cecchelli, M., ‘S. Andreas’, LTUR (above, n. 27) I, 39Google Scholar.

53 The toponym ‘Massa Iuliana’ is attached to what is almost certainly this church in the Liber Pontificalis's donation-list of Leo III: LP (above, n. 11) II, 23. One candidate for the toponym's origin is Anicia Tyrrania Iuliana, daughter of Anicius Auchenius Bassus, praefectus urbi in 382: see PLRE (above, n. 51), sub nomine.

54 Haüber, ‘Horti Maecenatis’ (above, n. 50); De Rossi, G.B., ‘La basilica profana di Giunio Basso sull'Esquilino dedicata poi a S. Andrea ed appellata catabarbara patricia’, Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana 2 (2) (1871), 5–30, at p. 28Google Scholar.

55 Kötting, B., ‘Die Tradition der Grabkirche’, in Schmid, K. and Wollasch, J. (eds), Memoria. Der Geschichtliche Zeugniswert des Liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Munich, 1984), 69–78Google Scholar; Chavasse, A., La liturgie de la ville de Rome du Ve au VIIIe siècle (Studia Anselmiana 112) (Rome, 1993), 47–67, esp. pp. 50–1 and 56–7Google Scholar.

56 See H.-R. Philippeau, ‘Textes et rubriques des Agenda Mortuorum’, Archly für Liturgiewissenschaft 4 (1955), 52–72Google Scholar.

57 Connolly, R.H. (ed.), Didascalia Apostolorum (Oxford, 1929), 257 (section xxvi)Google Scholar.

58 Apostolic Constitutions 6.30: see the references in Rowell, G., The Liturgy of Christian Burial. An Introductory Survey of the Historical Development of Christian Burial Rites (Alcuin Club Collections 59) (London, 1977), 22Google Scholar; also Paxton, F., Christianizing Death: the Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca/London, 1990), esp. p. 25Google Scholar.

59 Jerome, , Epistolae 108.30Google Scholar (edited by Migne, J.-P., Patrologia Latina 22, col. 878)Google Scholar. Augustine, , Confessions 9.12Google Scholar (edited and translated by Chadwick, H. (Oxford, 1991), 174–6)Google Scholar.

60 Rowell, The Liturgy of Christian Burial (above, n. 58), 22–3; Codex Theodosianus 9.17.5 (translated by Pharr (above, n. 8), 240) (issued at Antioch, 12 February 363), compare Codex Justinianus 9.19.5.

61 In general, see Vogel, C., Medieval Liturgy. An Introduction to the Sources (revised and translated by Storey, W.G. and Rasmussen, N.K.) (Washington, 1986Google Scholar; original French publication, Spoleto, 1981), 37. Chavasse, La liturgie de la ville de Rome (above, n. 55), 27–46 and 47–68, is also useful, but note that his attempt to reconstruct the Roman libelli missarum on which the Old Gelasian Sacramentary was based have met with strong disagreement : for example, Hen, Y., ‘The liturgy of St Willibrord’, Anglo-Saxon England 26 (1997), 41–62, at p. 49 with n. 45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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64 The Memento etiam has been published in Moeller, E., Clément, J.M. and Wallant, B.C. (eds), Corpus Orationum, 10 vols (Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 160A–I ) (Turnhout, 1992–1997), X, 85, no. 6272aGoogle Scholar. See also Andrieu, M., ‘L'insertio n du Memento des morts dans le canon de la messe’, Revue des Sciences Religieuses 1 (1921), 151–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; further references have been given by Constable, ‘The commemoratio n of the dead’ (above, n. 63), 185, n. 57, and see p. 177 for the vexed question of the recitation of names in the Mass.

65 Callewaert, C., ‘De officio defunctorum’, Sacris Erudiri: Fragmenta liturgica collecta a monachis Sancti Petri de Aldenburgo in Steenbrugge ne pereant (Steenbrugge, 1940), 169–77Google Scholar.

66 Leyser, C., ‘The temptations of cult: Roman martyr piety in the age of Gregory the Great’, Early Medieval Europe 9 (3) (2000)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Conrad Leyser for allowing me to see a copy of this article in advance of publication.

67 Marrou, H.I., Décadence romaine ou antiquité tardive (Paris, 1977), 114Google Scholar, the shortcomings of whose view have been pointed out by Ariès, P., ‘La liturgie ancienne des funérailles’, in En face de la mort (La Maison-Dieu 144) (Paris, 1980), 49–57Google Scholar.

68 Ordo XLIX: Andrieu, M. (ed.), Les Ordines Romani du Haut Moyen Age IV (Louvain, 1956), 523–30Google Scholar. It is extant only in an eleventh-century manuscript, but bears a close resemblance to a sequence of prayers in Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps ms 1667, fols 173v–174r, a copy of the Gelasian Sacramentary transcribed c. 800, and printed in Frank, H., ‘Der älteste Ordo defunctorum der Römischen Liturgie’, Archiv fur Liturgiewissenschaft 7 (1962), 363–4Google Scholar.

69 Sicard, D., La liturgie de la mort dans l'église latine des origines à la reforme carolingienne (Munster, 1978)Google Scholar has identified eight manuscripts containing ordines for the dead from Rome, which include a prayer that, he has demonstrated (pp. 79–102), was that in the Old Gelasian Sacramentary (III.91). An excellent summary of work on the Old Gelasian, including its date, has been provided by Vogel, Medieval Liturgy (above, n. 61), 66–9.

70 On the whole question, see most recently and usefully: Rebillard, E., ‘Les formes de l'assistance funéraire dans l'Empire Romain et leur évolution dans l'antiquité tardive’, Antiquité Tardive 7 (1999), 269–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Église et sepulture dans l'antiquité tardive (Occident Latin 3e–6e s.)’, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 5 (1999), 1027–46Google Scholar.

71 Rebillard, ‘Église et sepulture dans l'antiquité tardive’ (above, n. 70); see further Willen, R.L., The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven, 1984), 34–44Google Scholar and Hopkins, K., Death and Renewal (Cambridge, 1983), 211–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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73 Novellae XLIII and LIX: Krüger, P. (ed.), Corpus Iuris Civilis III (Berlin, 1954)Google Scholar; see also Codex lustinianus 1.2.18 (Krüger, P. (ed.), Corpus Iuris Civilis II. Codex Iustinianus (Berlin, 1954))Google Scholar. Rebillard, ‘Les formes de l'assistance funéraire’ (above, n. 70), 269–75, and n. 85 for Constantine's dispensation in Constantinople, contra Testini, P., Archeologia cristiana (second edition) (Bari, 1986), 154, n. 1Google Scholar, who thought that Constantine had been inspired by the fossores at Rome (see below).

74 Rebillard, ‘Les formes de l'assistance funéraire’ (above, n. 70), 273, and see Brown, P., Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity. Towards a Christian Empire (Madison, 1992), 71–117Google Scholar, who has shown how bishops could accrue power within their cities, whether deliberately or not, through taking care of those excluded from the traditional model of citizenry.

75 Durliat, J., De la ville antique à la ville byzantine. Le problème des subsistances (Paris/Rome, 1990), esp. pp. 134–7Google Scholar, basing his view on the work of Hannestad, K., especially L'evolution des ressources agricoles de l'ltalie du 4ème au 6ème siècle de notre ère (Copenhagen, 1962)Google Scholar; see now Marazzi, I Patrimonia Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae nel Lazio (above, n. 26), 70–1 and n. 94.

76 II Esdras 2.23. Botte, B. (ed.), Apostolic Tradition, ch. 34 (Sources chretiennes 11 bis) (Paris, 1968), 122–3Google Scholar. The attribution of this text to Hippolytus is contested (Rebillard, ‘Église et sepulture dans l'antiquité tardive’ (above, n. 70), 1035); it does not mention rites of burial, but stipulates that the poor should not be charged heavily, but should pay the gravedigger his fee and meet the cost of tiles for the tomb. See further Rowell, The Liturgy of Christian Burial (above, n. 58), 18–19.

77 Rebillard, ‘Les formes de l'assistance funéraire’ (above, n. 70), 274, contra Waltzing, J.-P., Étude historique sur les corporations professionelles chez les Romains, 2 vols (Louvain, 1895–1912), II, 130–2Google Scholar.

78 Codex Theodosianus 13.1.1 (translated by Pharr (above, n. 8), 385), issued by Constantius in 356 (‘clerics who are called copiatae’); 16.2.15 (translated by Pharr (above, n. 8), 443), issued by Constantius and Constans, 359/60 (‘clerics and those persons whom recent usage has begun to call copiatas’). For comment, see Rebillard, ‘Les formes de l'assistance funéraire’ (above, n. 70), 275–6; note also 7.20.12, of 400, in which Arcadius and Honorius complained that men seeking to avoid military service took on the cloak of clerical status: ‘they are protecting themselves by the title of cleric and occupied in unholy obsequies for the dead’.

79 Guyon, J., ‘La vente des tombes à travers l'épigraphie de la Rome chrétienne (IIIe-VIIe siècles): le rôle des fossores, mansionarii, praepositi et prêtres’, Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome, Antiquité 86 (1974), 549–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Guerri, E. Conde, Los fossores de Roma paleocristiana (Estudio iconografico, epigrafico y social) (Studi di antichità cristiana 33) (Rome, 1979)Google Scholar; Pietri, Roma Christiana (above, n. 32), I, 131–4 and 659–67; Pietri, C., ‘Appendice prosopographique à la Roma Christiana’, Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome, Antiquité 89 (1977), 371–415, at pp. 398–406CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and G. Cantino Wataghin and C. Lambert, ‘Sepolture e città. L'ltalia settentrionale tra IV e VIII secolo’, in Brogiolo and Cantino Wataghin (eds), Sepolture tra IV e VIII secolo (above, n. 5), 89–114 at pp. 105–6.

80 Gregory, , Dialogues IV.54Google Scholar (edited by de Vogüé (above, n. 9), 178–81).

81 The evidence is listed by Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’ (above, n. 13), 288, n. 14.

82 Priests of the titular churches of San Crisogono and Santa Prassede appear in inscriptions: Silvagni, (ed.), ICUR n.s. II (above, n. 12), 4279Google Scholar and Ferrua, (ed.), ICUR n.s. VII (above, n. 12), 19991Google Scholar respectively. Note, however, that both inscriptions refer to the sale of plots in the suburban cemeteries of San Pancrazio and San Hippolytus.

83 Norberg, D. (ed), Registrum Epistolarum Gregorii Magni, VIII.35Google Scholar (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae I: Bk IX, no. 3); translated in Rowell, The Liturgy of Christian Burial (above, n. 58), 25; also Dialogues IV.54 (edited by de Vogüé (above, n. 9), 178) (‘episcopus, accepto pretio, locum in ecclesia praebuit, in quo sepeliri debuisset’).Norberg and Rowell differ as to what Gregory considered to be an excessive fee: the former gave 3 solidi, the latter 100! Gregory's particular problems with the senile and eccentric Ianuarius, noted by Markus, R., Gregory the Great and his World (Cambridge, 1997), 110–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar, do not detract from the general validity of the association that he posited between burial charges and euergetism.

84 For a penetrating examination, with implications well beyond Lombard Italy, see C. LaRocca, ‘Segni di distinzione. Dai corredi funerari alle donazioni ‘post obitum’ nel regno longobardo’, in Paroli (ed.), L'ltalia centro-settentrionale in età longobarda (above, n. 4), 31–54.

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86 Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani, ‘Aggiornamenti e considerazioni’ (above, n. 13), 286.

87 Werminghoff, A. (ed.), Concilium Moguntinense a. 813 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Concilia Aevi Karolini 1:1:1)(Hanover, 1906), 272Google Scholar.

88 Guidobaldi, ‘II ‘Tempio di Minerva Medica’’ (above, n. 47), 500–12.

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