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‘The Honour of the Mind’: Intellectual Integrity in Scholarly Research

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2024

Catherine Brown Tkacz
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Keywords

IntegrityScholarshipReasonFeminismMisogyny
Type
Original Article
Information
New Blackfriars , Volume 99 , Issue 1084 , November 2018 , pp. 693 - 710
Copyright
Copyright © 2018 Provincial Council of the English Province of the Order of Preachers

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References

1 This paper was first presented on December 5, 2008, for The Socratic Club, founded by Dr. David Calhoun at Gonzaga University in imitation of C. S. Lewis’ Socratic Club at Oxford.

2 Sayers, Dorothy L., Gaudy Night (New York: Avon Books, 1968), p. 287Google Scholar.

3 Petit, Madeline, ‘Exploitations non bibliques des thèmes de Tamar et de Genèse 38. Philon d'Alexandrie: texts et traditions juives jusqu'aux Talmudim’, in Alexandrina, Mélanges offerts à Claude Montdésert, S.J. (Paris: Le Cerf, 1987), pp. 76‐115Google Scholar.

4 Petit, Madeline, ‘Tamar’, Figures de l'Ancien Testament chez les Pères (Cahiers de Biblia Patristica 2; Strasbourg: Centre d'Analyse et de Documentation Patristiques, 1989), pp. 143‐57Google Scholar.

5 ‘dans la littérature pseudépigraphique … s’ébauche une typologie messianique de Tamar’: Petit, ‘Tamar’, p. 144.

6 Actually the note is at the end of the previous sentence, but seeing no note with the pertinent sentence, one goes to the nearest note, in hope.

7 Equally in God's Image: Women in the Middle Ages, ed. Holloway, Julia Bolton, Wright, Constance S., and Bechtold, Joan (New York: Peter Lang, 1990)Google Scholar.

8 Kelly, J. N. D., Jerome, His Life, Writings and Controversies (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1998)Google Scholar. See each woman's name in the index.

9 These introductions are included in the Stuttgart edition of the Vulgate.

10 On Jerome's production of the Vulgate, see Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘Labor tam utilis: The Creation of the Vulgate’, Vigiliae Christianae 50.1 (1996), pp. 42‐72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on the issue of authorship, see pp. 46, 52‐53.

11 An important point indeed: It seems quite clear that in some regards the Masoretic Text does not record the earlier Hebrew. For two instances of this in Psalm 21 see Gilles Dorival, ‘L'Interpretation ancienne du Psaume 21 (TM 22)’, pp. 225‐314 in Gilles Dorival et al., David, Jésus et la reine Esther: Recherches sur le Psaume 21 (22 TM) = Collection de la Revue des Études Juives 25 (Paris: Peeters, 2002) at p. 293; Michaela Burks, ‘Le Psaume 21 (22 TM) dans la recherche veterotestamentaire du XXe siècle’, pp. 341‐92 in Dorival, David, Jésus et Esther, at 347‐48; and Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘Esther, Jesus, and Psalm 22’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 70.4 (2008), pp. 705‐28 at 721, 725, 728Google Scholar.

12 Corley, Kathleen E., Women and the Historical Jesus: Feminist Myths of Christian Origins (Santa Rosa, Calif.: Polebridge Press, 2002), e.g., pp. 4, 142Google Scholar.

13 Bultmann, Rudolf, ‘Ursprung und Sinn der Typologie als hermeneutische Methode’, Theologische Literaturzeitung 75 (1950), pp. 205‐12Google Scholar, reprinted in his Exegetica (Tübingen: Mohr / Siebeck, 1967), pp. 369‐80. The essay's logical flaws are discussed by Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘Typology Today’, New Blackfriars 88 (2007), pp. 564‐80 at 576‐78CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The rest of this paragraph and the following one are indebted to that essay.

14 ‘Personen, Ereignissen oder Einrichtungen’: Bultmann, ‘Typologie’, col. 205. Italics mine.

15 ‘In recht freier Weise nimmt Joh. 3, 14f. auf die Mose‐Christus‐Typlogie Bezug: wie Mose die Schlange in der Wüste “erhöht” hat, so wird der “Menschensohn” – nicht etwa eine analoge Tat tun, sondern selbst “erhöht” werden’: Bultmann, ‘Typologie’, col. 209.

16 ‘Diesen Stellen liegt also wohl Typologie zugrunde; aber der Evangelist führt das typologische Denken mit ihm spielend, ad absurdum’: Bultmann, ‘Typologie’, col. 210. Initial emphasis added.

17 Warner, Marina, Alone of All Her Sex (New York: Vintage, 1983), p. 55Google Scholar.

18 The radical change in depiction of Susanna in the sixteenth century, from positive and impressive to negative and exploited, is now documented: Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘O Beatissima Susanna: Three Witnesses in the Walters to an Articulate Woman in Iconographic Context,’ Journal of the Walters Art Gallery (in press)Google Scholar.

19 For examples, see Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘The Doctrinal Context for Interpreting Women as Types of Christ’, Studia Patristica, vol. 40, ed. Young, F., Edwards, M., and Parvis, P. (Leuven / Paris / Dudley, Mass.: Peeters, 2006), pp. 253‐57Google Scholar.

20 The “moral monstrosity” of the elders (p. 87) is well analyzed by Stump, Eleanore, ‘Susanna and the Elders: Wisdom and Folly’, in Spolsky, Ellen, ed., The Judgment of Susanna: Authority and Witness (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996) 85‐100, esp. at 85‐87, 97‐98, 99Google Scholar.

21 Glancy, Jennifer, ‘The Accused: Susanna and Her Readers’, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 58 (1993), pp. 103‐16 at p. 108CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Reprinted as pp. 288‐302 in A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna, ed. Brenner, Athalya, The Feminist Companion to the Bible, vol. 7 (Sheffield, Eng.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

22 Bal, Mieke, ‘The Elders and Susanna’, pp. 1‐19 in Biblical Interpretation (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993), p. 4Google Scholar; somewhat revised from pp. 149‐50 in her Reading Rembrandt: Beyond the Word‐Image Opposition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

23 MacKenzie, R. A. F. S.J., ‘The Meaning of the Susanna Story’, Canadian Journal of Theology 3.4 (1957), pp. 211‐18 at p. 217Google Scholar.

24 ‘She turns on the instant to the morally heroic choice: she will put her life on the line to avoid collaborating with moral evil. In this choice she exemplifies the special excellence of intellect and will that Aquinas calls wisdom’: Stump, ‘Wisdom and Folly’, p. 100. See also Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘A Biblical Woman's Paraphrase of King David: Susanna's Refusal of the Elders’, Downside Review 450 (2010) 39‐52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Bal, Reading Rembrandt, p. 151. Italics mine.

26 Glancy, ‘The Accused’, p. 107; see also p. 105.

27 Tuana, Nancy, Woman and the History of Philosophy, Paragon Issues in Philosophy (New York: Paragon House, 1992)Google Scholar. Tuana and others are discussed in Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘Silencing Susanna: The Rise of Neosexism and the Denigration of Women’, The Intercollegiate Review 34.1 (1998), pp. 31‐37 at pp. 34‐36Google Scholar.

28 Alice Bach, ‘Susanna Speaking for Herself’, pp. 65‐72 in Women, Seduction, and Betrayal in Biblical Narrative (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 68Google Scholar.

29 The initial prohibition against false witness is of course in the Ten Commandments: Exod. 20:16, Deut. 5:20.

30 In general Bach is fast and loose with the text. In addition to the examples already given above, note that Bach asserts that ‘nothing is said [in the biblical account] of [the Elders’] lascivious designs on her’ (p. 71), although Daniel had denounced the Elders for precisely this at their trial in vv. 56‐57.

31 Such an assumption is a basic departure from orthodox Judeo‐Christian belief, which holds that every human being is made in the image of God and is equal in moral competence: Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘Women and the Church in the New Millennium’, St Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 52.3‐4 (2008), pp. 243‐74 at 246‐48Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Jesus and the Spiritual Equality of Women’, Fellowship of Catholic Scholars Quarterly 24.4 (Fall 2001), pp. 24‐29Google Scholar.

32 Joravsky, David, The Lysenko Affair (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Stanbury, Sarah, ‘The Virgin's Gaze: Spectacle and Transgression in Middle English Lyrics of the Passion’, Publications of the Modern Language Association 106.5 (1991), pp. 1083‐93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Karras, Valerie, ‘Female Deacons in the Byzantine Church’, Church History 73.2 (2004), pp. 272‐316CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 MacKenzie, ‘Meaning of the Susanna Story’, p. 217.

36 Tkacz, Catherine Brown, ‘Susanna and the Pre‐Christian Book of Daniel: Structure and Meaning’, The Heythrop Journal 49.2 (2008), pp. 181‐96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Sölle minimizes the heroism of Susanna's refusal to sin by asserting that ‘the greatest sin for women is self‐sacrifice’: Sölle, Dorothee, Great Women of the Bible in Art and Literature, Eng. tr. Kirchberger, Joe H. of Femmes célèbres de la Bible (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W. B. Eerdmans, 1994), p. 238Google Scholar.

38 Tkacz, Michael W., ‘Scientific Reporting, Imagination, and Neo‐Aristotelian Realism’, The Thomist 68 (2004), pp. 531‐43 at p. 543CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Sayers, Dorothy L., Clouds of Witness (New York: HarperTorch, 1995), p. 114Google Scholar. Sayers returns to this idea in her novel Busman's Honeymoon (1937; reprint New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1965), pp. 245‐46Google Scholar.

40 Similarly in Agatha Christie's Murder at the Vicarage (1930) and L. M. Montgomery's Anne's House of Dreams (1917) only taking the honest course succeeds. In each novel, a well‐intentioned physician is tempted to play God and let a presumed‐guilty man die or remain incapacitated, but after the physician follows the professional course of healing the man, it becomes clear that the man is innocent.

41 The initial research was funded by a Summer Stipend from the National Endowment for the Humanities and resulted in the article, ‘Susanna as a Type of Christ’, Studies in Iconography 21 (1999), pp. 101‐53Google Scholar. Expanded research on this was funded by Pew, Earhart, and Mellon, and is reflected in The Key to the Brescia Casket: Typology and the Early Christian Imagination, Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série «Antiquité», tome 165 = Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series, vol. 15 (Turnhout: Brepols / University of Notre Dame Press, 2001), see index. See also, e.g., my ‘Women as Types of Christ: Susanna and Jephthah's Daughter’, Gregorianum 85.2 (2004), pp. 281‐314Google Scholar; and ‘Aneboesen phonei megalei: Susanna and the Synoptic Passion Narratives’, Gregorianum 87.3 (2006), pp. 449‐86Google Scholar; and ‘Women and the Church’, pp. 271‐73.

42 The seven other women are Jephthah's daughter, Esther, Ruth, Judith, the widow of Zarephath, Jairus’ daughter, and the homemaker in the parable who finds the lost drachma: Tkacz, ‘Women as Types of Christ.’

43 Sölle, Great Women of the Bible, p. 130; Martin, Nell Gifford, ‘Vision and Violence in Some Gothic Meditative Imagery’, Studies in Iconography 17 (1996), pp. 311‐48 at p. 313Google Scholar; and Kramer, Phyllis Silverman, ‘Jephthah's Daughter: A Thematic Approach to the Narrative as Seen in Selected Rabbinic Exegesis and in Artwork’, in Judges, A Feminist Companion to the Bible, 2nd ser., vol. 4 (Sheffield, Eng.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), pp. 67‐92, esp. at 80‐84Google Scholar. In contrast, male scholars have sometimes recognized the representation of biblical women as types of Christ: see Tkacz, ‘Singing Women's Words’, pp. 281‐82.

44 Both sermons on Susanna are in five manuscripts (GLMRS). Only seven manuscripts survive. No sermon is attested in all seven, and the Susanna sermons are better attested than two thirds of the sermons by Maximus, as is seen if one tabulates the attestations for each sermon. See esp. Almut Mutzenbecher's apparatus to his edition of Maximus of Turin, Sermones = CCL 23, pp. LXXVIII (list of manuscripts), 227 (MSS for the first Susanna sermon), 231 (MSS for the second Susanna sermon).