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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
1. The significance of the musicality of the Czech nation is generally recognized. However, the social importance of music must also be stressed. At this time music was a necessary part of a general education, and an advantage in social life. Traditionally, hymns were important during every period of Czech history. The interests of Catholic propaganda enhanced church music during the period of the Counter-Reformation. This development benefited vocalists. Many young Czechs “with a bundle in their hands” joined monasteries merely to secure a free stay and a free education, as chorus singers!Google Scholar
2. Zdeněk Nejedlý, Dějiny husitského zpěvu v šesti svazcich (2nd ed., Prague: 1954-56); Hubert Doležil, Staročské duchovní zpěvy XIV. a XV. století (Prague: 1917), published with notes of the Hussite chorales.Google Scholar
3. Bohuš Hrejsa, “Kancionály v Jednotě bratrské,” Sborník reformační 4 (1931): 11-47. Jan B. Čapek, Českosiovenská literatura toleranční, 1781-1862, 2 vols. (Prague: 1933).Google Scholar
4. Charles Burney, The present state of Music in Germany, the Netherlands, and United Provinces, or The Journal of a Tour through those Countries, undertaken to collect Materials for a General History of Music (2nd ed., corrected, London: 1775), 2: 3.Google Scholar
5. According to the information of Rev. Adolf Vacovský, a Minister of the Unity of Czech Brethren in Podštejn nad Orlicí in East Bohemia.Google Scholar
6. Josef Jungmann (1773-1847) grew up in a poor, large family. His mother wanted him to become a priest. He, however, decided to study law. During this period Jungmann earned money by giving violin lessons. After graduating, he gladly accepted a teaching position at the academic school (gymnasium) in Litoměřice. Jungmann considered the education of the young the best service to his country, and therefore remained a teacher during his entire life. His translation of John Milton's Paradise Lost and other works was directed toward the advancement of the Czech literary language. This main objective of his scholarly work culminated in a Czech-German Dictionary, completed in 1833, a result of Jungmann's lifelong work. In the field of philology, Jungmann achieved the greatest merits of all of the representatives of the Czech National Revival. About Jungmann, see Josef Emler, ed., “Zápisky Josefa Jungmanna,” Časopis Českého musea (1871): 258-335, and Václav Zeleny, Život Josefa Jungmanna (Prague: 1873).Google Scholar
7. Počátkové was published in Bratislava (Pressburg) during Palacký‘s sojourn in Slovakia. The edition was published again in 1918 by Fr. Frýdecký “according to the reading of 1818” to mark the centennial of its first printing. (Světová knihovna, No. 1305-08, Prague: 1918). In their correspondence, Palacký and Šafařík defended rhythmical prosody against the accented prosody favored by Josef Dobrovský. The essay provoked excitement and divided Prague's patriots into two factions. Jungmann, who defended rhythmical prosody, expected music to be “the touchstone in testing the purity of everything.” The patriotic romanticist Jungmann accepted this criterion as a general rule without hesitation (cf. Jungmann's letter to Ant. Marek of Feb. 24, 1818, Časopis Českého musea (1882): 445; Josef Král, “O prosodii české, Listy filologické 21 (1894): 3). Consequently, the students of Jungmann began translating operas on the basis of rhythmical prosody. This undertaking was a mistake, but it moved Bohemia's stagnant waters. Interestingly enough, the first Czech operas met with success thanks to the good performances of vocalists of Czech origin such as Kateřina Kometová Podhorská and Karel Strakatý. In this development, prosody did not play any role. Young Palacký‘ was also seized by the current. See Marie Tarantová, ”Ohlas Mozartova díla v Každodeníčku Františka Palackého,“ Časopis Národního musea, odd. věd společenských 134 (1956), no. 1:75-83; ”Das Echo von Mozarts Werk in der Epoche der Wiedergeburt des tschechischen Volkes,“ Internationale Konferenz über das Leben und Werk W.A. Mozarts (Prague: 1956), pp. 282-88; ”Ohlas díla W.A. Mozarta v českém obrození,“ Zprávy Bertramky, Jubilejní výtisk ke 40. výročí založení Mozartovy obce (25.5 1927-1967) (Prague: 1967), pp. 16-35.Google Scholar
8. See the section, “The relationship between the formation of things and sentiments” which is “the analysis of the beauty of sounds, i.e., the analysis of the formation of musical sounds.” (Leander Čech, “Palacký jako aesthetik” Památník na oslavu stých narozenin Františka Palackého (Prague: 1898), p. 393; Otakar Hostinský, “Fr Palackého esthetické studie, 1816-1921,” Ibid., pp. 367-90; Mirko Novák, Česká estetika (Prague: 1941.) Palacký never finished his essay Krasověda čili o kráse a umění knihy patery of 1819-23. Its first part, Přěhled dějin krasovědy a její literatury, and another section were published in Krok (1823). The unfinished work was published in Časopis Společ-nosti vlasteneckého musea v Čechách in 1827-30. Palacký was the founder and editor of this journal until 1838.Google Scholar
9. Časopis Spoleěnosti vlasteneckého musea v Čechach 5(1831), no. 1:235-6. Palacký noted that the notes of the published chorales and hymns should have been published also.Google Scholar
10. Jahrbücher des böhmischen Museums für Natur und Länderkunde, Geschichte, Kunst und Literatur 1(1830), part 1:119-22. This journal was originally published (in 1827-29) under the title Monatschrift der Gesellschaft des vaterländischen Museums in Böhmen. Palacký remembered the still-forgotten composer Jan Dismas Zelenka (1679-1745), who had been praised by the German music critic and editor of the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (Leipzig: 1798), Friedrich Rochlitz. See his work Für Freunde der Tonkunst (Leipzig: 1825, 2nd ed. 1830), 2:178-82. Palacký quoted the first edition. About Zelenka see also Rochlitz, Für Freunde der Tonkunst (Leipzig: 1832), 4: 206-209. Palacký appealed to the Unity for the Advancement of Church Music in Bohemia to direct its interest toward Zelenka's heritage.Google Scholar
11. Palacký submitted the proposition for the first time in 1841, when he was appointed a secretary of the Czech Museum, then repeated the suggestion on Feb. 2, 1864, at the meeting organized by Vojtěch Náprstek. See Slavoj, Feb. 15, 1864, pp. 60-1. František Ladislav Rieger repeated Palacký‘s proposal at the General Assembly of the Czech Museum. See Časopis českého musea (1864):75. However, Palacký‘s idea was realized only some ten years later, although the musical collections were enlarged by many bequests and gifts.Google Scholar
12. Later Palacký confessed to Professor Josef Kalousek, who was a tutor in the family of the Riegers in 1866-68: “All of the happiness which I experienced in this lifetime of mine lies in my marrying into this household.” (See V. Chaloupecký, František Palacký (Prague: 1912), p. 92.)Google Scholar
13. Heinrich Klein was born in Rudoltice near Šumperk in Moravia in 1756, i.e., in the same year as Mozart. Both Mozart and Klein were child prodigies. As an eight-year-old, Klein played the organ at church. After improving his musical art, he left for Olomouc. At seventeen Klein became a bandmaster of the Moravian cavalier, Count Josef Hodic, who was described by George Sand in her novel Consuelo. Heinrich Klein lived in Bratislava from his twenties until his death in 1832, i.e., 56 years. It is possible to conclude that Klein created a whole epoch in the musical history of old Bratislava. Early after his arrival in Bratislava, he became known as an organist, pianist, composer, and teacher of music. Among his students were Erkel Férenc, who later became the founder of the national Magyar music, and Františ'ek Palacký, who studied musical theory. The relationship between Klein and Beethoven and also Beethoven's sojourn in Bratislava can be traced from many documents. The most important is the letter of Nov. 19, 1796, written by Beethoven in Bratislava to his friend Andreas Streicher, the well-known Viennese piano-builder. This important document on the history of Bratislava was in the possession of an excellent pianist, Harold Bauer (1873-1951), who toward the end of his life moved to New York. It was published by O.G. Soneck in Beethoven's Letters in America (New York: Beethoven Association, 1927). In Czechslovakia, the existence of this letter was taken into account only recently, but with great interest. From many articles in musical journals, see Zdena Bokesová, “Beethovenov vztah k Bratislave,” Slovenská hudba 5(Dec. 1961), no. 12:533; Marie Tarantová, “Hrál Beethoven v Bratislavan?” Hudební věda (Prague: 1965), no. 2:301-09; Ibid., “L.v. Beethoven a Heinrich Klein,” Československá beethoveniana 2 (Hradec u Opavy, 1965), no. 2-3:32-64. Anton Klodner published a photographic reproduction of the letter, Slovenská hudba 4 (Dec. 1960), no. 12:594-95; Vlastivedný časopis 10(1961), no. 1:37; Predvoj (1962), no. 16:18. The personality of Professor Klein was very important for the musical education of young Palacký. Klein properly oriented Palacký toward the study of the musical theories of J. Ph. Kirnberger, J. Ph. Rameau, D. G. Türk, and E. Fl. Fr. Chladni, and intimately acquainted Palacký with the special atmosphere of Bratislava which was at the time deeply influenced by Beethoven. Sometime during 1819 or 1820, during the period of Palacký's friendship with Professor Klein, Beethoven recorded in his conversation book: “Der Professor Klein aus Pressberg war zweimal bei Ihnen, er wünscht Ihre grosse Sonate und kommt bald wieder hierher” (Theodor Frimmel, Beethoven-Handbuch, 1 [Leipzig: 1926]:278).Google Scholar
14. Palacký met the composer Marschner for the first time at a party given by Mrs. Csúzy in the afternoon of Feb. 20, 1820. At that time, Palacký was tutoring the sons of Mrs. Csúzy and working on his Krasověda (see V.J. Nováček, ed., Františka Palackého Korespondence a zápisky, 1 [Prague: 1898]:69). Palacký and Marschner became friends immediately. Two of the letters written to Palacký during the school year, 1820-21, to Vienna (where Palacký's young charges studied philosophy), reveal the common bonds of the two talented men. In his first letter (Nov. 28, 1820) Marschner wrote: “ … Sie sind jetzt so glücklich, in der Nähe des Herrn (meines Apollo) Beethoven zu leben, doch auch ich werde bald so glücklich sein… . ” At the same time he mentioned his bold music plans: “Doch Muth! Wer nicht das Höchste zu erreichen strebet, wird es auch nie erreichen” (Nováček, ed., Františka Palackého Korespondence a zápisky, 2[Prague: 1902]:55-56). In his second letter of Dec. 1820, Marschner pitied Palacký in regard to worthless music which he was at times forced to listen to. Marschner finished the letter pathetically: “… Sie fühlen die Macht der Musik. (O gäb es lauter solche Herzen!) Drum singen Sie fleissig — bei Ihnen ist es Gottesdienst” (Ibid., pp. 61-62). Palacký left Teplice-Schönau for Dresden to visit Marschner in 1825, and wrote to his friend Antonín Vyrožil on Nov. 19, 1825: “… Bin ich in Dresden gewesen und habe meinen alten immer gleich herzlichen Freund Marschner mit seiner Frau und seinem Söhnchen Alfred in angenehmen Verhältnissen gefunden. … ” (Nováček, ed., Františka Palackého Korespondence a zápisky, 3[Prague: 1911]: 105). On Sept. 3, 1826, Palacký recorded that after the death of his wife, Marschner remarried and left Dresden (p. 165).Google Scholar
15. The literature about L. v. Beethoven often refers to Jan Emanuel Doležálek. His reminiscences of Beethoven compiled by Otto Jahn were used by A. W. Thayer for his Ludwig van Beethoven's Leben (see Theodor v. Frimmel, Beethoven-Handbuch, 1[Leipzig: 1926]: 113-14, 237). Dolezálek was a patron of Czech literature. He had a share in ordering the portrait of Josef Dobrovskya from František Tkadlík. See Doležálek's correspondence with Václav Hanka, Literary Archives of the National Museum, Památník Národního písemnictví (The Monument of National Literature), Prague. Doležálek's correspondence with other representatives of the Czech National Revival, particularly with Palacký, is held at the same place.Google Scholar
16. Libuše Bráfová, Rieger, Smetana, Dvořák (Prague: 1913), p. 15.Google Scholar
17. Palacký often spoke about Beethoven's sonatas. He either bought or borrowed the scores. He played them himself, or sometimes his friend, Josef Dessauer, played the sonatas for him. Palacký never mentioned the opus numbers. There was only one exception: the Sonata in E-Minor, No. 90. We can assume that Palacký bought this sonata because he knew its romantic history. The sonata of two movements was written in 1814 and published in 1815 with a dedication to the widower Count Moritz Lichnowski, who during this period contemplated marriage with the witty court singer, Johanna Stummer. However, his family strongly opposed the idea. The sonata reflected the story of this love.Google Scholar
18. At Tomášk's Palacký found himself close to Beethoven. Tomášek visited Beethoven during the Vienna Congress on Oct. 10 and Nov. 24, 1814. The encounter with Beethoven was fresh in Tomášek's memory. This visit, as well as Doležálek's recollections, have often been mentioned in literature dedicated to Beethoven. Tomášek described his visit in detail in his autobiography.Google Scholar
19. On Sept. 10, 1825, Palacký entered in his Diary (p. 114): “… Lunch in spa. At a later meeting with Prof. Müller on the bridge, I quarreled about esthetics. On my way home, I continued the discussion. …” Palacký frequently mentioned the visits of Professor Müller or his meeting with Professor Müller at Tomášek's. Anton Müller was one of the promoters of Beethoven's art in Prague. Therefore it is possible to suppose that discussions about Beethoven's music and esthetics were the main bond between the young historian and the Professor of Esthetics at Prague University. V.A. Svoboda-Navarovský was not only a translator but also a poet who wrote in Czech, Latin, and German. For Tomášek, Svoboda translated the “Starožitné písně Rukopisu Královédvorského.”Google Scholar
20. See Blaze de Bury, “Poètes et musiciens de l'Allemagne: Uhland et M. Dessauer,” Revue de deux mondes, Quatrième serie, 4 (Oct. 15, 1835): 131; Pierre Hedouin, Mosaïques (Paris: 1856), pp. 411-17; C.v. Wurzbach, Biographisches Lexikon des Kaisertums Oesterreich, 3 (Vienna: 1858):255-257. Marie Tarantová, “Fryderyk Chopin a Josef Dessauer,” Chopiniana bohemica (Mariánské Lázně, 1963); Ibid., “L. v. Beethoven und Josef Dessauer,” Tagungsbericht des II. Internationalen musikologischen Symposiums Feiern zum 200. Jahrestag der Geburt L. v. Beethovens in der ČSSR (Piešťany-Moravany: 1970), pp. 33-62.Google Scholar
21. W. Karénine, George Sand, sa vie et ses oeuvres, 1838-1848, 3(Paris: 1912): 140.Google Scholar
22. Ibid., p. 145.Google Scholar
23. Karl Egon Ebert grew up in Prague in the cultural milieu of the home of Dr. Michal Ebert, a counsellor to Count Karel Egon Fürstenberg. Palacký taught Ebert Czech. The most popular literary achievement of Ebert was his romantic epos Wlasta of 1829. The prologue to Wlasta, in which Ebert apostrophized Bohemia as his country, was published in 1827 in the first number of the German version of the journal of the Prague Museum (Monatschrift). Ebert's poem clearly coincided with the purpose of the journal founded by Palacký to publish information about Bohemia in a way favorable to Czech national interests.Google Scholar
24. The correspondence between Palacký and Měhura is quite interesting. Only some of the letters of the two friends were published in Palacký's mentioned correspondence. See especially the letter of July 7, 1826, written in Otín, describing Měhura's family life (Korespondence, 3:113). The letter shows that in Otín music was performed one hour in the morning and two hours in the afternoon. After his wedding on Sept. 28, 1828, in Předslav, Měchura became the manager of the estate of Otín near Klatovy, which at the time belonged to his father. Palacký was also married in Předslav and described the proceedings in his letter to K.E. Ebert. From the abundant literature, see e.g., Mirko Očadlík, “Opery L.E. Mechury,” in Sbornik prací k padesátinám Zdeňka Nejedlého (Prague: 1928), pp. 129ff.; and Adolf Smolák, L.E. Měchura (Klatovy: 1939).Google Scholar
25. After his marriage, Palacký frequently mentions the name Peters in his diary. The widowed Mrs. Peters took charge of Měhura's four children after their mother died in 1812. Palacký met Hofrätin Josephine Peters in Měchura's house at a concert and ball on Jan. 7, 1826(p. 130). Palacký undoubtedly made a good impression on her by his musical performance. A few days later, acting on the request of Counsellor Peters, Palacký bought a new piano by Weimes (p. 130). Palacký often mentions his accompaniment of Peters on the piano. In this way, Palacký succeeded Beethoven, Schubert, and Dessauer as the accompanist of this excellent artist.Google Scholar
26. Probably Dusík began to spell his name Dussek in order to achieve the right pronunciation of his name only after his arrival in London. However, his name change has confused some German researchers, who have mistaken Jan Ladislav Dusík of Čáslav for Františk X. Dušek of Prague-Bertramka (in German spelling, Duschek) who was the host of Mozart. Georges Onslow was born in 1784 in Clermont-Ferrand (Puy-de-Dôme) to a family of old Franco-English nobility. His father was the second son of the first Lord Onslow, his mother a descendant of the old French family de Brantôme. In Clermont-Ferrand his parents owned a large estate. Onslow grew up during the French Revolution. At the time he lived in London, where Dusík also found his refuge from the French revolutionaries. Onslow's parents entrusted this famous virtuoso with the musical education of their son. At the age of twenty, Onslow began to compose quintets and other forms of chamber music in the style of Mozart. On Aug. 27, 1819, on hearing Onslow's Romance in Csúz, Palacký noted: “… I found great pleasure in listening to the angelic sounds” (pp. 44-45). From that time on, he was always looking for Onslow's compositions and was pleased to find a “great sonata” (No. 2) in Bratislava during the second half of November, 1819.Google Scholar
27. Antonín Rejcha was Josef Rejcha's (1752-95) nephew. From 1785 (literature has always erroneously quoted 1787) he was a conductor of the orchestra of the Cologne Elector Maxmilian Francis (brother of Emperor Joseph II) in Bonn. The fifteen-year-old Beethoven and Antonín Rejcha, who was of the same age, used to play under the direction of Josef Rejcha.Google Scholar
28. As we have already mentioned (see Note No. 26) Palacký spent the summer of 1819 with his wards in Csúz, near Húl, a district of Nitra. (Karel Kálal, Palackého mladá léta (Prague: 1925), pp. 96-97.) During the absence of the mistress of the house, Palacký received Mr. de Pauli and his daughter, Mrs. Ormozdy. Soon the young couple were playing Beethoven's Septet No. 20 four-handed. Palacký always loved this composition. This picture of a remote village in Slovakia, where a young couple devoted to Beethoven played his piano music, illustrates the high musical level of the contemporary society. (Palacký's Diary, Sept. 9, 1819, p. 46.)Google Scholar
29. Tomášek prepared carefully for providing the famous manuscript with music in his “Ancient Songs of the Manuscript Králodvorský” (today incorrectly transcribed as the Manuscript Královédvorský). He believed that the “antique songs” had once actually been sung. In his opinion, the old Czech hymns were based on the songs of shepherds in particular, and on the songs of the rural folk in general. Palacký recollected hearing the songs on Nov. 19, 1826 (p. 175.) According to the entry in Palacký's diary, Tomášek organized on that day one of his home concerts, where he played them. Palacký, like Tomášek, never questioned the authenticity of the “Manuscripts” “discovered” by Hanka and always enjoyed the “Ancient Songs.” Palacký listened with pleasure to Žežulice and Opuštěná, in particular. These songs were often performed for him in the intimate milieu of his home.Google Scholar
30. Josef Slavík — the “Czech Paganini” — was a devoted patriot. His father, Antonín Slavik, was a schoolmaster. Slavik was obliged to his father not only for his good musical education but also for his patriotism. As a teacher, Slavík's father described to him the important events of Czech history with patriotic enthusiasm. Slavík's impressions from childhood became a decisive factor in the growth of his national feelings. Later, Slavík became a member of a circle of Prague patriots united around Palacký during his first sojourn in Prague. Palacký's diary of the period between the end of 1823 and the end of 1824 is lost. However, Palacký's correspondence with his friends discloses warm mutual relations between S.K. Macháček, Josef Slavík, K.A. Vinařický, and others. Jungmann's son, Josef Josefovič Jungmann (1801-33), was also a member of this group. These persons were Palacký's friends before he became socially anchored in the families of V.J. Tomášek and the Eberts. Palacký heard Slavík for the first time at the Seminary of the Prague Archbishop. The concert was given in honor of Palacký's arrival in Prague. Palacký often mentioned Slavík's Prague concert and their meetings and also witnessed Slavík's successes in Vienna.Google Scholar
31. Václav Vilém Würfel became a student of V. J. Tomášek during a period when Jan Hugo Vořišek (1791-1325) was acquainted with Tomášsk. Würfel was born in Plaňany near Kouřim. His father was a schoolmaster and organist. His mother taught him to play the piano. Würfel studied composition and perhaps also piano with Tomášek. In 1815, he came to Warsaw as a professor of piano and musical theory. His health problems forced him to leave Warsaw, and he lived in Prague for some time. During the period he prepared his opera Rübezahl for its opening performance in 1824. A few documents indicate that at that time Palacký was already in contact with Würfel. Soon after the première, Würfel left for Vienna and his new position of conductor at the Kärtnerthor-Theater. On Jan. 8, 1825, Palacký mentioned Würfel's concert: “At night in a playhouse listening to the concert of an excellent musician, Mr. Würfel” (p. 88.). See Marie Tarantová, “Vlastenectví Chopinova učitele Václava Würfla,” Chopiniana bohemica et slovenica (Mariánské Lázně, 1964), pp. 34-72.Google Scholar
32. V.V. Zelený published Smetana's remembrance of these lessons in O Bedřichu Smetanovi (Prague: 1894), p. 17: “It was mentioned that for many years Smetana visited Palacký. Smetana called Mrs. Palacký a lady of great and extraordinary musical talent. He taught her daughter to play the piano. At present, she is the wife of Dr. Rieger.”Google Scholar