Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Freedom from the Soviet empire created an opportunity for elites of each former Soviet Socialist Republic to “nationalize” their newly independent state. Most observers of contemporary Kazakh politics would agree that Kazakhstan has taken advantage of this historic opportunity, and can thus be classified as a nationalizing state. For Rogers Brubaker, a nationalizing state is perceived by its elites as a nation-state of and for a particular nation, but simultaneously as an “incomplete” or “unrealized” nation-state. To resolve this problem of incompleteness and to counteract perceived discrimination, Brubaker argues, “nationalizing elites urge and undertake action to promote the language, culture, demographic preponderance, economic flourishing, or political hegemony of the core ethnocultural nation.” While the foundation of any Soviet successor state's nationalization program is a cluster of implemented formal policies that privilege the titular nation, these policies are often reinforced by informal practices, primarily discriminatory personnel practices, with the same function. Much has been written about Kazakhstan's nationalization strategy, and not surprisingly scholars rely on what they know about formal policies and informal practices to characterize that strategy. Little has been written, however, about the “Pugachev Rebellion” in Ust'-Kamenogorsk, Kazakhstan, and nothing has been written about the relationship between the official Kazakh reaction to what I call the “Pugachev incident,” and Kazakhstan's nationalization strategy in general. This article sorts out confusing events surrounding the Pugachev incident, and offers an interpretation of the official Kazakh reaction, which is best understood when situated in the broader context of Kazakh nationalization, to the incident.
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40. Mira Alipinova, “Vynecen Prigovor,” Rudnyi Altai, 10 June 2000, p. 1. Given that there were 143 tenge to the U.S. dollar in early 2000, Pugachev's fine is equivalent to roughly U.S.$2,535.Google Scholar
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45. Although I do not have data on the effect of informal nationalization practices on Russians in Ust'-Kamenogorsk, extensive research I conducted in Almaty indicates that Russians are highly dissatisfied with Kazakh nationalization, and in particular with informal discriminatory personnel practices. Interview data suggest that informal personnel practices greatly disadvantage Russians, and thus create a widespread sense of perceived ethnic discrimination among Almaty Russians.Google Scholar
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47. The right to hold dual citizenship is denied in the Law on Citizenship (Article 3), and all three Constitutions: 1993, Article 4; 1995, Article 10; 1998, Article 10.Google Scholar
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114. This referendum highlighted the difference in Kazakh and Russian views on secession: while Kazakh deputies voted unanimously against secession, Slav deputies who were willing to make their view public voted in favor of secession. Ian Bremmer, “Nazarbaev and the North: State-Building and Ethnic Relations in Kazakhstan,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 17, No. 4, 1994, p. 626.CrossRefGoogle Scholar