Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Troeshchyna is a down-at-the-heels late Soviet moonscape that happens to be located on the fringe of Kyiv, though it is indistinguishable from hundreds of other socialist neighborhoods built in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s anywhere between Berlin and Beijing. This Brezhnev-era district has almost no distinguishing features other than the Ukrainian capital's most robust and scraggly markets. Walk by one of Troeshchyna's neighborhood elementary schools, such as School 247, and something looks not quite appropriate for this part of the world. The school's playground will be chock full of kids from countries and cultures not traditionally associated with the central Dniepr, including children from Afghanistan, Angola, Korea, Mongolia and Vietnam.
1. This categorization of Kyiv's migrant community, which is discussed further in Nancy E. Popson and Blair A. Ruble, “Kyiv's Nontraditional Immigrants,” Post-Soviet Geography and Economics, Vol. 41, No. 5, 2000, pp. 365–378, is based on Tomas Frejka, Marek Okolski, and Keith Sword, In-Depth Studies on Migration in Central and Eastern Europe: The Case of Ukraine (New York and Geneva: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and United Nations Population Fund, 1999); T. Klincheko, O. Malynovska, I. Mingazutdinov, and O. Shamshur, Country Studies on Migrant Trafficking and Alien Smuggling: The Case of Ukraine (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 1999); and T. Klincheko, O. Malynovska, I. Mingazutdinov, and O. Shamshur, Migrant Trafficking in Ukraine. Report to the International Organization for Migration (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 2000).Google Scholar
2. For discussion of interviews with migrants concerning motivation for travel to Ukraine, see Klincheko et al., Country Studies on Migrant Trafficking and Alien Smuggling, pp. 35–38, and Volodymyr Volovich, Volodymyr Yevtukh, Vladimir Popovich, Vasiliy Kousherec, and Konstantin Korzh, Transit Migration in Ukraine (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 1994), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar
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13. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #71 and #261). The actual monthly reported income levels appear to be incomplete. However, the hierarchy of earning power reported here is consistent with other data as well as more anecdotal evidence.Google Scholar
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22. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #181 and #261)Google Scholar
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43. Oxana Shevel, in an excellent and perceptive analysis comparing the performance of indigenous and international institutions in dealing with migrant issues in Russia, Ukraine, and various neighboring states, argues that international organizations in general—and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, in particular—have been unusually effective in Ukraine due to their relatively late entry into the country, by which time lessons learned from previous experiences in Russia and elsewhere enabled both international and Ukrainian officials to respond more effectively to one another. See Oxana Shevel, “International Influence in Transition Societies: The Effect of UNHCR and Other IOs on Citizenship Policies in Ukraine,” Rosemary Rogers Working Paper Series of the Inter-University Committee on International Migration, Working Paper No. 7 (Cambridge, MA, 2000).Google Scholar
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50. Afghan leaders and local officials concur, for example, that the per capita crime rate among Kyiv's Afghan community has remained far lower than that of native-born city residents (interview, Mokhammed Zekriia Khamnava, Sudkhan Dzhamat, and Abdul Mokhammed Iadchari, Afghan community leaders, Kyiv, 30 June 2000; interview, Yurii Vasyliovych Buznicki, Chairman, Ukrainian Charitable Foundation “Migration,” Kyiv, 29 June 2000).Google Scholar
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53. “Urban social sustainability” is defined by Richard Stren and Mario Polese as “policies and institutions that have the overall effect of integrating diverse groups and cultural practices in a just and equitable fashion” (Richard Stren and Mario Polese, “Understanding the New Sociocultural Dynamics of Cities: Comparative Urban Policy in a Global Context,” in Richard Stren and Mario Polese, eds, The Social Sustainability of Cities: Diversity and the Management of Change [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000], pp. 3–38). For further discussion of the applicability of Stren and Polese's conception of “urban social sustainability” to the case of Kyiv's migrants, see Nancy E. Popson and Blair A. Ruble, “A Test of Urban Social Sustainability: Societal Responses to Kyiv's ‘Non-Traditional’ Migrants,” Urban Anthropology, Vol. 30, No. 4, 2001, pp. 381–409.Google Scholar