Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
During the first years of the Bulgarian transition to democracy, all indicators seemed to point towards an impending explosion of interethnic hatred. Located at the crossroads of Islam and Christianity, this predominantly Orthodox country harbors a 13.1% strong Muslim minority, which was subjected to forcible assimilation under communist rule. The assimilation policy reached a climax in 1984–1985, when around 800,000 Bulgarian Turks were forced to renounce their Turkish-Arabic names in favor of Slavic patronyms within the framework of the so-called “Revival Process,” a campaign that aimed at precipitating the unification of the Bulgarian nation. Far from achieving the intended result, the authorities' move not only fostered a reassertion of distinct ethnic and religious identification among the Turks, but also succeeded in durably upsetting intercommunitarian relationships. Significantly, the Communist Party's announcement on 29 December 1989 that it would restore Muslim rights met with sharp resistance in mixed areas, where large-scale Bulgarian protests rapidly gathered momentum. Against this background, in 1990–1991, few analysts would have predicted that Bulgaria could avoid religious conflict, especially as the country was faced with growing regional instability and a belated shift to a market economy—two conditions often said to be conducive to the exacerbation of ethnic tensions.
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2. The term “clash of civilizations” was coined in 1993 by the renowned political scientist Samuel Huntington in an article that initiated a lively debate among the American and international community of social scientists on the future cleavages and conflicts in the post- Cold-War world. See Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations?” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 72, No. 3, 1993, pp. 22–49; The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), Samuel Huntington et al., The Clash of Civilizations?: The Debate (New York: Norton, 1997).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3. This expression is borrowed from John Feffer, “Bulgaria … The Wrath of Nations,” in Shock Waves. Eastern Europe after the Revolutions (Boston: South End Press), 1992, pp. 225–252.Google Scholar
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8. Most of the documentation on the Revival Process has either disappeared or been destroyed. It is thus difficult to know how exactly the decision was made. On 29 December 1989 in his report before the Central Committee, Alexandâr Lilov blamed the campaign on “Todor Zhivkov and his closest circle.” No names were mentioned.Google Scholar
9. The Orthodox majority had already completed its demographic transition, while Muslims were still going through it.Google Scholar
10. Some analysts also believe that Moscow had a part in the campaign. They argue that the Soviet Union thereby hoped thereby to deter religious mobilization in its Central Asian republics. Yet there is no evidence of direct Soviet involvement in the Revival Process, and much reason to believe that the USSR at that time was rather unfavorably disposed toward such an initiative, not the least because it needed Turkey as a shield against radical Islamism.Google Scholar
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24. Most of the refugees crossed the border over to Turkey. Turkey was soon overwhelmed by the influx of immigrants and closed its border on 21 August 1989. The statistics quoted here are from Margareta Mommsen, ed., Nationalismus vs. Demokratie: Der Fall Bulgarien—Nationalisms in Osteuropa. Gefahrvolle Wege in die Demokratie (Munich: Beck, 1993), p. 177.Google Scholar
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27. Approximately 3,000 homes were restituted to their former proprietors. See Irina Nedeva, “Democracy-Building in Ethnically Diverse Societies: The Case of Bulgaria and Romania,” in I. Cutherbertson and J. Leibowitz, eds, Minorities: The New Europe's Old Issue (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), p. 135.Google Scholar
28. After 1991 pupils from the third to the eighth grade were permitted to enroll in Turkish language courses, for four hours per week. In 1994–1995, these measures were extended to include first-graders (aged 6–7). See “Zakon za narodnata prosveta,” Dărzhaven Vestnik, No. 86, 18 October 1991, amended in 1996 (Dărzhaven Vestnik, No. 90, 24 October 1996) and 1998 (Dărzhaven Vestnik, No. 36, 31 March 1998).Google Scholar
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31. This survey is analyzed in Antonia Zheliazkova, ed., Relations of Compatibility and Incompatibility between Christians and Muslims in Bulgaria (Sofia: ICMSIR, 1995) (1994 for the Bulgarian version). Some of the results were published earlier in Zhivko Georgiev, ed., “Njakoi rezultati ot izsledvaneto ‘Etnokulturnata situacija v Bâlgarija’ 1992” [Some results from the study on “The ethnocultural situation in Bulgaria” 1992], Sociologicheski pregled, No. 3, 1993, pp. 61–78.Google Scholar
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34. The only formation that could make it into parliament in June 1990 was the People's Labor Party. It obtained one seat (out of a total of 400).Google Scholar
35. Alexandâr Lilov, a pre-eminent communist who had fallen into disgrace in 1983 and was to become one of the initiators of the transition, seems to have played a decisive role in the December 29 decision. By contrast, Andrei Lukanov, the prime minister between February and November 1990, is said to have shown explicit support for the nationalists during his visit to Kurdzhali in January 1990. In the Politburo, Panteleï Pachov and Dimitâr Iovchev were particularly vocal in their opposition to the restoration of the Turks' rights. Interview with Mihaïl Ivanov, former advisor to President Zheliu Zhelev on ethnic issues (1990–1996), Sofia, 20 October 1998.Google Scholar
36. The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) was renamed the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) in March 1990 after an internal referendum.Google Scholar
37. The BSP notably demanded that the MRF be declared unconstitutional. See Engelbrekt, “Movement for Rights and Freedom to Compete in Elections,” Report on Eastern Europe, 4 October 1991, pp. 1–5.Google Scholar
38. Whether the brand of nationalism advocated by the two political forces is the same remains an open question. In effect, one might insulate a more distinctly right-wing “Great Bulgarian” nationalism among some supporters of the UDF, notably the members of the Bulgarian Democratic Forum (BDF) and of the IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization). That nationalism is not always primarily anti-Turkish. Its roots can be traced to the national conflicts at the turn of the century. At that time, the polarizing issue was the recovery of Macedonia, a land lost at the Berlin Congress in 1878 a few months after the San Stefano Treaty had attributed it to Bulgaria. For further information on the role of the IMRO in Bulgaria's post-communist politics, see Nadège Ragaru, “Le retour de l'ORIM sur la scène politique bulgare”, La nouvelle Alternative, September 1999, pp. 148–167.Google Scholar
39. In 1991, Bulgaria shifted towards a strictly proportional system but kept the 4% barrier.Google Scholar
40. The UFD emerged in December 1989 as a coalition of a dozen formations. In 1997, this mode of organization was replaced with a unified party under the aegis of Ivan Kostov, Bulgaria's current prime minister.Google Scholar
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43. For an illustration, see Hristofor Zrakov, “Koi se krie zad maskata na DPS v obshtina Borino?” [Who hides behind the mask of the MRF in the Borino municipality?], Demokratsija, 19 January 1993, p. 3.Google Scholar
44. In one of his contributions to Demokratsija, Asparuh Panov (of the Radical Democratic Party (RDP), a member of the UDF) argued for example that “one of the greatest errors of the UDF was that it did not tour Turkish-inhabited [regions]; it did not lay the seeds of the UFD in places where we could have accomplished the most. … Let us set out as apostles from Kurdzhali to Razgrad; let us explain to the Bulgarian people what the new [Berov] government costs.” See Asparuh Panov, “Sluchajât Ahmed Lukanov” [The Ahmed Lukanov case], Demokratsija, 1 April 1993, p. 1.Google Scholar
45. According to the state Committee on Religious Affairs, 100 to 150 mosques were restored between 1990 and 1998, and 16 new ones were built. All in all, 960 mosques are currently in working order, plus 333 meshica (Muslim religious buildings devoid of minarets).Google Scholar
46. In 1994, there were 340 students enrolled at the three Islamic high schools and 150 in the Sofia Institute. Statistics provided by the Committee on Religious Affairs.Google Scholar
47. Shahida is controlled by El Fatih Ali Hassenein. Its main correspondent in Bulgaria is believed to be Mohamed Rabiia, an Egyptian who also happens to be the head of the Board of Directors of Nedim Gendzhev's pension fund, Justice. See Georgi Milkov, “Kak terorist No. 1 pusna pipala u nas,” 24 Chasa, 21 March 1993 p. 7.Google Scholar
48. The first translation of the Koran in Bulgarian dates back to the 1930s. However, it was based on a series of commentaries of the Koran published in Germany, not on the text itself. The 1997 translation received financial support from the Irshad Foundation and the Third World Relief Agency.Google Scholar
49. According to former Chief Mufti Nedim Gendzhev, in 1994 Al Wakf al Islami, the International Relief Organization, Menar, and Irshad were all officially registered in Bulgaria. Some of them were suspected of fundamentalist leanings. With the hope of curbing their activities, the Bulgarian parliament passed a set of amendments to the Law on Persons and Family in February 1994. The new text requested that the organizations engaged in religious activities reregister with the Council of Ministers. A year later, the cooperation agreement between the Office of the Chief Mufti and Al Wakf al Islami (signed at the time of Nedim Gendzhev) was suspended. Interviews with Nedim Gendzhev, Sofia, 27 February 1998, and Mihaïl Ivanov, Sofia, 10 October 1998.Google Scholar
50. On average the Islamic Institute sends less than a dozen students abroad per year. Interview with Alexandâr Velinov, a teacher at the Islamic institute, Sofia, 3 May 1999.Google Scholar
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52. It should be noted that faith frequently appears as more of a cultural than a religious referent. The Bulgarian anthropologists Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov report that some Roma even go so far as to identify as “Muslims” despite the fact that they have long ceased to be such, their families having converted to Orthodoxy sometimes as early as the beginning of the twentieth century. Interview with Marushiakova and Popov, Sofia, 22 February 1999.Google Scholar
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54. Since the fall of communism, several Orthodox priests have sought to bring about (supposedly voluntary) conversions to Christianity. Father Boyan Sarâev is certainly the best known among them. In 1990, he set up the Movement for Christianity and Progress, whose stated goal was to help young Pomaks return to the “true faith.” The movement is mostly active around Krumovgrad and Zlatograd. In 1996, Sarâev claimed to have baptized 20,000 Muslims.Google Scholar
55. In official textbooks, the Pomaks are still presented as heirs to the Bulgarians who were forcibly converted to Islam during the Ottoman Empire. They are thus seen as a part of the victimized body of the Bulgarian nation. See, among others, Stoyan Raïchevski, Bâlgarskite Mohamedani (Sofia: Universitetsko izdatelstvo, 1998). The author is a UDF deputy (since 1997) and heads the Parliamentary Committee on Culture.Google Scholar
56. For an introduction to the Pomaks' history, see Boriana Panaïotova, “Bâlgari, mohamedani i hristijani v Tsentralnite Rodopi. Pogled vârhu tehnite vzaimootnoshenija” [Bulgarians, Mohamedans and Christians in the Central Rhodopes. An outlook on their relationships], in Aspekti na etnokulturnata situatsija v Bâlgarija i na Balkanite [Aspects of the Ethnocultural Situation in Bulgaria and the Balkans] (Sofia: Center for the Study of Democracy & Foundation Friedrich Nauman, 1992), pp. 33–47. On the polemics over the Pomaks' origins, see Eminov, Turkish and other Muslim Minorities, pp. 99–111.Google Scholar
57. Interview with Galina Lozanova, Sofia, 3 March 1999.Google Scholar
58. See Dvizhenie na prava i svobodi, Ustav 1996, p. 1.Google Scholar
59. Quoted in Engelbrekt, “The Movement for Rights and Freedoms,” p. 7.Google Scholar
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63. See Ivanka Nedeva, “Democracy Building in Ethnically Diverse Societies,” p. 140. This does not mean that the local activists of the MRF never displayed any form of intolerant attitude. On several occasions, the MRF was accused by non-ethnic parties of turkifying the Pomak minority. The actual situation is probably more complex. As noted, the Pomaks are currently going through diverse processes of “ethnic” redefinition, some of which include identification with the Turkish minority. Yet there is no denying that the Pomak electorate represents an interesting target for the MRF, whose electoral base is shrinking as a result of continuous Turkish emigration to Turkey.Google Scholar
64. The only signficant achievement in this respect was the appointment of one of the MRF leaders (an “ethnic” Bulgarian) as deputy prime minister under Berov.Google Scholar
65. In February 1994, Hodzha left the MRF's parliamentary group to create his own political organization, the Party for Democratic Changes (PDC, Partija za demokraticheski promeni). The PDC received only 0.27% of the votes in the December 1994 general elections.Google Scholar
66. Kenan reproached Dogan with having sacrificed his original cause—the Bulgarian Turks—for the sake of widening the social base of his movement. Kenan's own formation, he argued, aimed at achieving “Bulgaria's transformation into a federation with two recognized official languages” and intended to fight for “national self-determination and self-preservation.” See Trud, 10 November 1993, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar
67. Ahmed Dogan's personal prestige has since then severely decreased. It received a serious blow in 1997, when the new UDF majority ordered that the files of state police's former agents be opened. Alongside three of his closest political associates, Yunal Lutfi, Osman Oktai, and Kemal Eiup, Dogan was on the list of collaborators with state security revealed by Interior Minister Bogomil Bonev before parliament in September. Meanwhile, the MRF's outward support for Multigroup, a financial consortium linked to the Mafia, further deteriorated its public image.Google Scholar
68. Here again, the statement holds true for the beginning of the transition period rather than the later years. As the economic crisis deepened, the use of their public office by some representatives of the MRF for private purposes met with increasing resentment among the Muslim population. In addition, the gap seems to have progressively widened between the party's ruling elite, the local mayors, and the rank-and-file activists. Faced with economic adversity, some village mayors from the MRF used their elected positions as a jumping-off point for emigration to Turkey. According to statistics from the press center of the Council of Ministers, around 25% of the local MRF mayors from the Rhodopes left the country between December 1995 and July 1999. This move created a breach of trust among their electorate.Google Scholar
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