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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
The question whether a Slovene cultural historian is warranted and justified to speak of a “Slovene Humanism period,” was in Slovene historiography seriously raised in the thirties. Asked in a dispute over a suggestion that a number of scholars, by provenience Inner Austrian Slovenes, who between 1450 and 1525 paved the way for Italian Renaissance Humanism at the University of Vienna, belong to Slovene cultural tradition, the question was answered with the proposition that in the Slovene lands of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries an atmosphere of interests and activities existed which indeed might be understood as a “Slovene Humanism.” In the discussion which followed and which is even today far from terminated, the concept “humanism” has been, of course, understood in very loose and broad terms, so that soon even such Protestant Reformers as Primož Trubar (1508-1586) could be proclaimed “Humanist writers.” What I propose to do in this paper is to reexamine this question; in addition, I hope to be able to show that the proposition I wish to develop in relation to a period in Slovene cultural history, may be applicable to the cultural and social history of Slavic nations in general.
∗ A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the Ninth National Convention of the AAASS (Washington, D.C., October 13-16, 1977), in the Society for Slovene Studies session on HUMANISM IN THE LANDS OF THE HABSBURG EMPIRE.Google Scholar
We speak of humanism in Paul Oscar Kristeller's understanding of Renaissance humanism (see his The Classics and Renaissance Thought, Cambridge, Mass.: Published for Oberlin College by Harvard University Press, 1955). This means that we do not accept any broader cultural humanistic phases of the Reformation, post-Reformation, and pre-Enlightenment intellectual atmosphere in Slavic societies which would represent Slavic Humanism. We would wish to stress, however, that Kristeller's definition of Humanism is essentially limited to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Italy and can not serve for more than a logical invariant of Italian Humanism. Since the life of the Alpine and Transalpine societies in many respects differed from the Italian experience, one should be prepared to allow for a number of variant patterns of humanism and for their slightly different periodization.Google Scholar
1. Cf. Kidrič, Francé, Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva od začetkov do Zoisove smrti [History of the Slovene literature from the beginning to the death of Zois], (Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 1929–1938), pp. 6–16; Anton Slodnjak, “Pisma o slovenski književnosti, 1” [Letters on Slovene literature, 1], Slovenec, Ljubljana, 31 July 1932, pp.8–9; A. Slodnjak, Pregled slovenskega slovstva [A survey of Slovene literature] (Ljubljana: Akademska založba, 1934), pp. 14–17.Google Scholar
2. For later literature on this question, see Lino Legiša, “Slovenci v srednjem veku” [Slovenes in the Middle Ages], in Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva, 1 [History of Slovene literature, 1] (Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 1956):166-70; Bogo Grafenauer, “Odmev humanizma pri Slovencih” [Echoes of Humanism among Slovenes], in Zgodovina narodov Jugoslavije [History of the nations of Yugoslavia],.2 (Ljubljana: Državna založba Sloveni je, 1959); 306-210, 341; A. Slodnjak, Geschichte der slowenischen Literatur (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1958), p. 43-46; Jože Pogačnik, Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva [History of Slovene literature], 1 (Maribor: Založba Obzorja, 1968): 53–58, 111-20.Google Scholar
3. Cf. Barbarič, Štefan, “Ideje humanizma v delih slovenskih protestantov” [Ideas of Humanism in the works of Slovene reformers], Slavistična revi ja, 24 (Maribor, 1976):409-20; Jože Javoršek, Primož Trubar (Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1977).Google Scholar
4. The term “Slovene lands” in our usage applies to ethnically and linguistically Slavic areas of the Inner Austrian lands, consisting of Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Gorizia and Gradisca, Trieste, Istria, united under Habsburgs by Maximilian I (1493-1519); Prekmurje, from about 1000 A.D. under the Hungarian crown; and the so-called Slovenska Beneči ja (Slavia Friuliana), from 1420 on under Venice. Of these lands, Carniola, Benečija, and Prekmurje were ethnically Slovene at the time under discussion; Styria and Carinthia were already then shared with a German majority; Gorizia, Trieste and Istria with a Friulian and Italian population. The administrative center of the Inner Austria was Graz in Sytria, the capitals of individual lands were: Ljubljana-Laibach for Carniola, Celovec-Klagenfurt for Carinthia, Gorica-Gorizia, Trst-Trieste, Koper-Capodistria for Istria, Čedad-Cividale for Slavia Friuliana. The population of these cities was partially Slovene. Before the mid-sixteenth century the Slovene was normally not written, whereas in speech it functioned on the lowest level of the sociolinguistic scale. It is obvious that the modern concepts of “Slovene language” and “Slovene nation,” or anything “Slovene,” did not exist during these centuries.Google Scholar
5. Cf. Gruden, Josip, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda [History of Slovene nation] (Celovec: Družba sv. Mohorja, 1912), pp. 248–320, 496, 513; Bogo Grafenauer, “Odmev humanizma … ”[Echoes of Humanism …], pp. 306–10.Google Scholar
6. See Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, I. A bteilung: Briefe aus der Laienzeit (1431-1445). I. Band: Privatbriefe, ed. Rudolf Wolkan (Fontes rerum austriacarum, Oesterreichische Geschichtsquellen, Zweite Abteilung: Diplomataria et acta. vol. 61) (Vienna: Historische Kommission der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften; Verlag Harold, 1909), p. 313. Letter No. 136, written from Vienna, April 18, 1444, to Giovanni Pergallo in Basel.Google Scholar
7. Cf. Stele, France, Slikarstvo v Sloveniji od 12. do srede 16. stoletja [Painting in Slovenia from the 12th to the mid-16th century] (Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 1969).Google Scholar
8. Cf. Cevc, Emilijan, Poznogotska plastika na Slovenskem [Late Gothic plastic art in Slovene lands] (Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 1970).Google Scholar
9. Cf. Grafenauer, Ivan, “Slovenska ljudska pesem o Kralju Matjažu” [Slovene folk song on Kralj Matjaž, Slovenski etnograf [Slovene ethnographer], 3-4 (Ljubljana, 1951), pp. 189–239. The first historical note on the Slovene folk songs on Matthias Corvinus (Mátyás Hunyadi, 1440–1490) is by Marcantonio Nicoletti (1536-1596), the notary public of the city of Cividale (Cedad) who not long ago before his death reported about the Slovenes in the area of Tolmin on the westernmost edge of Slovene territory: “cantano l' inefabili lodi di Christo, e de beati, et. parimente di Mattia Re incomparabile d'Ungheria et d'altri huomini fra quella nation celebri in diverse maniere de versi nella lingua loro”. Cf. Francesco di Manzano, Annali del Friuli, 2 (Udine, 1858):332. The songs on Kralj Matjaž among Slovenes, however, might have originated still during Matthias Corvinus' military expeditions in Slovene lands (1458-1490). Cf. Milko Maticetov, “Kralj Matjaž v luči novega gradiva in novih raziskovanj” [Kralj Matjaz in the light of new materials and new investigations], Razprave Slovenske Akademije Znanosti in Umetnosti, Razred za fllološke in literarne vede, 4 (Ljubljana, 1958): 103-55.Google Scholar
10. Cf. Kidrič, F., Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva …, p. 15.Google Scholar
11. For the data and bibliographic references on these and other names of Latinists and Humanists from the Slovene lands of this period, see our Biographical and Bibliographical Survey below.Google Scholar
12. Cf. Aschbach, Joseph, von, Ritter, Die Wienner Universitaet und ihre Humanisten (vol. 2 of Geschichte der Wienner Universitaet… von J. A. … mit fuenf Tafeln und einem Plan, 3 vols.) Vienna: Verlag der K.K. Universitaet, 1877. - Gustav Bauch, Die Reception des Humanismus in Wien. Eine literarische Studie zur deutschen Universitaetsgeschichte. Breslau: Marcus, 1903; Adalbert Horawitz, Der Humanismus in Wien, Historisches Taschenbuch, Sechste Jahrgang, 2 (Leipzig: J. A. Brockhaus, 1883).Google Scholar
13. Cf. Historia Rerum Friderici III Imperatoris, in: Kollar, A. F., ed. Analecta Monumentorum omnis Aevi Vindobonensia, 2 (Vienna, 1762:1–474.Google Scholar
14. Quoted from: Piccolomini, Enea Silvio, Vienna nel' 1400 della Historia Friderici III Imperatoris. Testo latino e l'italiano a fronte, ed. Ziliotto, Baccio (Trieste: Edizioni dello Zibaldone, 1958), pp. 25–31.Google Scholar
15. Cf. Murko, Matthias, Die Bedeutung der Reformation und Gegenreformation fuer das geistige Leben der Suedslaven (Prague, Heidelberg: C. Winter Verlag, 1927), p. 18–20 (reprint from Slavia, Časopis pro slovanskou filologii, vols. 4, 5; Prague, 1925-27); Joseph Matl, Europa und die Slaven (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1964), pp. 131–36.Google Scholar
16. The suggestion that “Perger was born in Stanz or Stans, Switzerland,” made by Skarshaug in Skarshaug, Pauline G. W., “Bernhard Perger von Stanz” (The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 37 [New York, 1943]:69–74) should therefore be reconsidered.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
17. Cf. Miklavčič, Maks, “Ravbar Krištof,” Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovene biographical lexicon], 3 (Ljubljana: Slovenska Akademija Znanosti in Umetnosti, 1960–1971:37–39. Cf. also P. Simoniti, “Med knjigami iz stare gornjegrajske knjižnice” [Among the books of the old library of Gornji Grad], Zbornik Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice, 1 (Ljubljana, 1974): 17-48.Google Scholar
18. Cf. Kidrič, F., “Peter Bonomo,” Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovene biographical lexicon], 1 (Ljubljana: Zadružna gospodarska banka, 1925–1932): 53–54; Mirko Rupel, Primus Truber. Leben und Werk des slowenischen Reformators. Deutsche Uebersetzung und Bearbeitung von B. Saria (Munich: Suedosteuropa-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1965), pp. 18–28.Google Scholar
19. For the letter to Builinger, H., dated March 13, 1557, Cf. Elze, Theodor, Primus Trubers Briefe, mit den dazu gehoerigen Schriftstuecken (Tuebingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1897), No. 27. The second quote is from Trubar's German introduction to Ta pervi deil tiga noviga testamenta [The first part of the New Testament] (Tuebingen, 1557), adduced after M. Rupel, Primus Truber. Leben und Werk …, p. 30, Note 46.Google Scholar
20. Cf. Glonar, Jože, “Herberstein Sigismund,” Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovene biographical lexicon] 1:313-14; J. Aschbach, Die Wieneer Universitaet …, p. 195.Google Scholar
21. Cf. Rupel, M., Primus Truber. Leben und Werk …, passim; J. Javoršek, Primož Trubar …, passim.Google Scholar
22. Cf. Berčič, Branko, “Aus dem Leben und Wirken Adam Bohoričs.” In: Adam Bohorič: Arcticae Horulae, die erste Grammatik der slowenischen Sprache, Wittenberg, 1584. II. Teil: Untersuchungen (Munich: Rudolf Trofenik Verlag, 1971), pp. 7–21.Google Scholar
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24. Cf. Polec, Josip, “Pegius Martin,” Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovene biographical lexicon], 2 (Ljubljana: Slovenska Akademija Znanosti in Umetnosti, 1933–1952):281-92.Google Scholar
25. Cf. Turk, Josip, “Muhič Peter,” Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovene biographical lexicon] 2:161-62.Google Scholar
26. Cf. Simoniti, Primož, “Strauss Jacob,” Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovene biographical lexicon], 3 (Ljubljana: Slovenska Akademija Znanosti in Umetnosti, 1960–1971):501-3.Google Scholar
27. See, Kristeller, Paul O., Renaissance Thought: The Classic, Scholastic and Humanistic Strains. 1st Harper Torchbook ed. New York: Harper, 1961 (The Classics and Renaissance Thought. Cambridge, Mass.: Published for Oberlin College by Harvard University Press, 1955).Google Scholar
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