Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-18T20:03:28.142Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Explaining the Yugoslav meltdown, 1: “For a charm of pow'rful trouble, Like a hell-broth boil and bubble”:1 Theories about the Roots of the Yugoslav Troubles

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

Sabrina P. Ramet*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science at the Norwegian University of Science & Technology (NTNU) in Trondheim, Norway, [email protected]

Extract

We all know why the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) disintegrated and why the War of Yugoslav Succession (1991–1995) broke out. It was all because of Milošević/Tudjman/“the Slovenes”/communists/organized crime/Western states/the Vatican–Comintern conspiracy, who planned it all by himself/themselves in order to advance his own personal/Serbian/Slovenian/American/Vatican interests—your choice. Or again—it all happened because of local bad traditions/economic problems/structural issues/system illegitimacy/legitimate grievances/illegitimate grievances/the long shadow of the past. Or again—it really started in 1389/1463/1878/1918/1941/1986/1987/1989/1990/1991—your pick. Of course, we all know that both the breakup and the war were completely avoidable/inevitable, don't we? And best of all, we all know that the real villain(s) in this drama can only be Milošević/Tudjman/“the Serbs”/“the Slovenes”/“the Croats”/“the Muslims”/Germany/Balkan peoples generally/the Great Powers, who must be held (exclusively/jointly) responsible for most of the killing, though some of us also know that all parties were equally guilty. Well, maybe we all know what caused the Yugoslav troubles, but it seems that we “know” different things.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 2004 Association for the Study of Nationalities of Eastern Europe 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

3. This approach is discussed in the context of a review of alternative explanations of the Yugoslav troubles in Davorin Rudolf, Rat koji nismo htjeli. Hrvatska 1991 (Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Globus, 1999), pp. 1935.Google Scholar

4. Rodney Atkinson, “Yugoslavia and Its Enemies, 1903–1998,” < www.1335.com/Serbia.html > (accessed 28 August 2003), p. 1.+(accessed+28+August+2003),+p.+1.>Google Scholar

5. Gerard F. Powers, “Religion, Conflict and Prospects for Peace in Bosnia, Croatia and Yugoslavia,” Religion in Eastern Europe, Vol. 16, No. 5, 1996, p. 1.Google Scholar

6. For documentation of this claim, see Sabrina Petra Ramet, “Yugoslavia and the Two Germanys,” in Dirk Verheyen and Christian Søe, eds, The Germans and Their Neighbors (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), p. 328.Google Scholar

7. Testimony of Aleksandar Vasiljević, Trial of Slobodan Milošević (TSM), International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), The Hague, 17 February 2003, p. 16263, < www.un.org/icty/transe54/030217ED.htm > (accessed 22 January 2004).+(accessed+22+January+2004).>Google Scholar

8. Testimony of Aleksandar Vasiljević, TSM-ICTY, 18 February 2003, p. 16374, < www.un.org/icty/transe54/030218ED.htm > (accessed 22 January 2004).+(accessed+22+January+2004).>Google Scholar

9. Marko Attila Hoare, “Nothing Is left” [a review essay of six books], Bosnia Report , No. 36, 2003, p. 32.Google Scholar

10. Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), p. 52.Google Scholar

11. Daniele Conversi, German-Bashing and the Breakup of Yugoslavia (Seattle: Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies of the University of Washington, 1998), p. 8.Google Scholar

12. Beverly Crawford, “Explaining Defection from International Cooperation: Germany's Unilateral Recognition of Croatia,” World Politics, Vol. 48, No. 4, 1996. For an alternative interpretation, see Sabrina P. Ramet and Letty Coffin, “German Foreign Policy toward the Yugoslav Successor States, 1991–1999,” Problems of Post-communism, Vol. 48, No. 1, 2001, pp. 4864.Google Scholar

13. Brendan Simms, Unfinest Hour: Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia (London: Penguin Books, 2001), p. xvii.Google Scholar

14. James Gow, Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

15. Sabrina Petra Ramet, “The Yugoslav Crisis and the West: Avoiding ‘Vietnam’ and Blundering into ‘Abyssinia,’East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 8, No. 1, 1994, pp. 189219.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16. David Owen, Balkan Odyssey (London: Victor Gollancz, 1995): re U.S. opposition to his plan, pp. 100109, 170, 189, 357, 366; re. recognition, p. 46.Google Scholar

17. Jasna Adler, “The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: Reflections on Its Causes in a Tentative Comparison with Austria-Hungary,” in Reneo Lukić, ed., Rethinking the International Conflict in Communist and Postcommunist States: Essays in Honor of Miklós Molnár (Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1998), p. 96, my emphasis.Google Scholar

18. Ibid., p. 96.Google Scholar

19. Gow, Triumph of the Lack of Will , p. 12.Google Scholar

20. Three examples: Dennison Rusinow, “To Be or Not to Be? Yugoslavia as Hamlet,” UFSI Field Staff Reports, 1990–1991, No. 18, 1991; V. P. Gagnon, Jr, “Yugoslavia: Prospects for Stability,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 70, No. 3, 1991; and Svetozar Stojanović, interview (February 1991), published as “Optimistic about Yugoslavia: Interview with Svetozar Stojanović,” East European Reporter, Vol. 4, No. 4, 1991. See also Dennison Rusinow, “Yugoslavia: Balkan Breakup?” Foreign Policy, No. 83, 1991.Google Scholar

21. Milovan Djilas, comments, in Milovan Djilas, Emmet John Hughes, Lord Trevelyan, and Kei Wakaizumi, “A World Atlas for 2024,” Saturday Review—World , 24 August 1974, p. 25.Google Scholar

22. These early warnings were reported in Pedro Ramet, “Yugoslavia and the Threat of Internal and External Discontents,” Orbis, Vol. 28, No. 1, 1984, p. 109. For a comparison of the Yugoslav war with the war in Lebanon, see Florian Bieber, Bosnien-Herzegowina und der Lebanon im Vergleich. Historische Entwicklung und Politisches System vor dem Bürgerkrieg (Sinzheim, Germany: Pro Universitate Verlag, 1999).Google Scholar

23. See Pedro Ramet, “Apocalypse Culture and Social Change in Yugoslavia,” in Pedro Ramet, ed., Yugoslavia in the 1980s (Boulder: Westview Press, 1985), pp. 611, 1620.Google Scholar

24. Ramet, “Yugoslavia and the Threat,” p. 114.Google Scholar

25. John Major, in House of Commons Hansard Debates , 20 October 1992, < www.publications.parliament.uk/cgi-bin > (accessed 29 January 2004), p. 1.+(accessed+29+January+2004),+p.+1.>Google Scholar

26. Jovan Cvijić, Geografski i kulturni položaj Srbije (Sarajevo, 1914), as summarized in Olivera Milosavljević, “U tradiciji nacionalizma, ili stereotipi srpskih intelektualaca XX veka o ‘nama’ i ‘drugima’” (Belgrade: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2002), p. 35.Google Scholar

27. Dinko Tomašić, Personality and Culture in Eastern European Politics (New York: George W. Stewart, 1948), pp. 2728; see also p. 10.Google Scholar

28. Ibid., p. 30.Google Scholar

29. Ibid., p. 31.Google Scholar

30. Ibid., p. 38.Google Scholar

31. Ibid., pp.35, 218.Google Scholar

32. Sir Neville Henderson's 1929 report is quoted in Arnold Suppan, “Yugoslavism versus Serbian, Croatian, and Slovene Nationalism,” in Norman M. Naimark and Holly Case, eds, Yugoslavism and Its Historians: Understanding the Balkan Wars of the 1990s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), p. 128.Google Scholar

33. Branimir Anzulović, Heavenly Serbia: From Myth to Genocide (London: Hurst, 1999), p. 67 et passim.Google Scholar

34. Ibid., pp. 122123. On this point, see also Milorad Tomanić, Srpska crkva u ratu i ratovi u njoj (Belgrade: Medijska knjižara krug, 2001), pp. 4045, 5659.Google Scholar

35. Anzulović, Heavenly Serbia , p. 2.Google Scholar

36. Ibid., p. 2.Google Scholar

37. Ibid., pp. 23.Google Scholar

38. Ibid., p. 180.Google Scholar

39. Ibid., pp. 89.Google Scholar

40. Lenard J. Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom: The Rise and Fall of Slobodan Milosevic (Boulder: Westview Press, 2001), p. 398, my emphasis.Google Scholar

41. Ibid., p. 82.Google Scholar

42. Ibid., p. 81. For a fuller discussion of Cohen's Serpent, see Sabrina P. Ramet, “In Search of the ‘Real” Milošević: New Books about the Rise and Fall of Serbia's Strongman,” Journal of Human Rightsi Vol. 2, No. 3, 2003, pp. 455466.Google Scholar

43. Lenard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia's Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition, 2nd edn (Boulder: Westview Press, 1995).Google Scholar

44. Ibid., p. 21.Google Scholar

45. Ibid., p. 20.Google Scholar

46. Ibid., p. 246.Google Scholar

47. Ibid., p. 21.Google Scholar

48. Ibid., p. 365, my emphasis.Google Scholar

49. Ivo Banac, ‘The Fearful Asymmetry of War: The Causes and Consequences of Yugoslavia's Demise,” Daedalus, Vol. 121, No. 2, 1992, p. 143.Google Scholar

50. Ibid., p. 144.Google Scholar

51. Ivo Goldstein, Croatia: A History , trans. Nikolina Jovanović (London: Hurst, 1999), p. 93.Google Scholar

52. Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

53. Mitja Velikonja, Religious Separation & Political Intolerance in Bosnia-Herzegovina , trans. Rang'ichi Ng'inja (College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 2003), p. 15.Google Scholar

54. John Major, in House of Commons Hansard Debates , 23 June 1993, < www.publications.parliament.uk/cgi-bin > (accessed 29 January 2004), p. 10.+(accessed+29+January+2004),+p.+10.>Google Scholar

55. Robert D. Kaplan, “Croatianism,” New Republic , 25 November 1991, p. 18, as quoted in Banac, “The Fearful Asymmetry,” p. 142.Google Scholar

56. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), p. 42.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., p. 138.Google Scholar

58. Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968).Google Scholar

59. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations , p. 208.Google Scholar

60. Ibid., p. 260.Google Scholar

61. Erika Harris, Nationalism and Democratisation: Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia (Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2002), p. 146.Google Scholar

62. Susan L. Woodward, Socialist Unemployment: The Political Economy of Yugoslavia, 1945–1990 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 352, 355, 359, 364.Google Scholar

63. Susan L. Woodward, “Reforming a Socialist State: Ideology and Public Finance in Yugoslavia,” World Politics, Vol. 41, No. 2, 1989, p. 304.Google Scholar

64. Woodward, Socialist Unemployment , p. xv.Google Scholar

65. Ibid., p. 339, 346347.Google Scholar

66. All of these factors are mentioned by Cvijeto Job in his Yugoslavia's Ruin: The Bloody Lessons of Nationalism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), pp. 6263.Google Scholar

67. Paul Lendvai, “Yugoslavia without Yugoslavs: The Roots of the Crisis,” trans. Lis Parceli, International Affairs, Vol. 67, No. 2, 1991, p. 255.Google Scholar

68. Paul Lendvai, “Jugoslawien ohne Jugoslawen. Die Wurzeln der Staatskrise,” in Angelika Volle and Wolfgang Wagner, eds, Der Krieg auf dem Balkan. Die Hilflosigkeit der Staatenwelt (Bonn: Verlag für Internationale Politik, 1994), pp. 30, 32.Google Scholar

69. Goldstein, Croatia, p. 188.Google Scholar

70. Reneo Lukić, The Wars of South Slavic Succession: Yugoslavia 1991–1993 (Geneva: Graduate Institute of International Studies, Programme for Strategic & International Security Studies, 1993), p. 8. See also Job, Yugoslavia's Ruin, p. 61.Google Scholar

71. Lukić, The Wars of South Slavic Succession , p. 9.Google Scholar

72. George Schöpflin, “Political Decay in One-Party Systems in Eastern Europe: Yugoslav Patterns,” in Pedro Ramet, ed., Yugoslavia in the 1980s (Boulder: Westview Press, 1985), p. 309.Google Scholar

73. Ibid., p. 312.Google Scholar

74. John B. Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), pp. 418423, 428429.Google Scholar

75. Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1999), p. 4.Google Scholar

76. See Sabrina P. Ramet, Balkan Babel: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to the Fall of Milošević, 4th edn (Boulder: Westview Press, 2002), pp. 4, 375377; and Sabrina P. Ramet, The Three Yugoslavias: The Dual Challenge of State-Building and Legitimation among the Yugoslavs, 1918–2004 (Bloomington and Washington, DC: Indiana University Press and the Wilson Center Press, forthcoming), especially Chapter 1.Google Scholar

77. Those whom I have judged to have been most co-responsible with Milosevic for pushing the country toward war are listed in my Balkan Babel , p. 71. See also pp. 7, 31.Google Scholar

78. Ramet, Balkan Babel , pp. 2648.Google Scholar

79. Ibid, pp. 4951.Google Scholar

80. Ibid, pp. 4445.Google Scholar

81. James J. Sadkovich, The U.S. Media and Yugoslavia, 1991–1995 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998), p. 88.Google Scholar

82. Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom , p. 385.Google Scholar

83. Roger D. Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred, and Resentment in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 251.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

84. Ivo Banac, ed., Eastern Europe in Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992); and Ivo Banac, “The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography,” in Sabrina Petra Ramet and Ljubiša S. Adamovich, eds, Beyond Yugoslavia: Politics, Economics, and Culture in a Shattered Community (Boulder: Westview Press, 1995), pp. 3965.Google Scholar

85. Jasna Dragović-Soso, “Saviours of the Nation”: Serbia's Intellectual Opposition and the Revival of Nationalism (London: Hurst, 2002).Google Scholar

86. Thomas A. Emmert, “A Crisis of Identity: Serbia at the End of the Century,” in Norman M. Naimark and Holly Case, eds, Yugoslavism and Its Historians: Understanding the Balkan Wars of the 1990s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 176177.Google Scholar

87. Bariša Krekić, “An Island of Peace in a Turbulent World: Old Ragusans” Statesmanship as a Paradigm for the Modern Balkans,” in Norman M. Naimark and Holly Case, eds, Yugoslavism and Its Historians: Understanding the Balkan Wars of the 1990s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), p. 65.Google Scholar

88. Lukić, The Wars of South Slavic Succession, pp. 8, 9. See also Reneo Lukić, “Greater Serbia: A New Reality in the Balkans,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1994, pp. 4970.Google Scholar

89. Branka Magaš, The Destruction of Yugoslavia: Tracking the Breakup 1980–92 (London: Verso, 1993), pp. xiii, 241, 261.Google Scholar

90. Dennison Rusinow, “The Avoidable Catastrophe,” in Sabrina Petra Ramet and Ljubiša S. Adamovich, eds, Beyond Yugoslavia: Politics, Economics, and Culture in a Shattered Community (Boulder: Westview Press, 1995), pp. 14, 18, 32.Google Scholar

91. Louis Sell, Slobodan Milošević and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

92. Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Postcommunist Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), p. 7.Google Scholar

93. Warren Zimmermann, Origins of a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and Its Destroyers , rev. ed. (New York: Times Books, 1999), p. vii.Google Scholar

94. Ibid., p. vii.Google Scholar

95. Ibid., p. ix.Google Scholar

96. Ibid, p. 71.Google Scholar

97. Ibid., p. 146.Google Scholar

98. For documentation to support this claim, see Borisav Jović, Poslednji dani SFRJ. Izvodi iz dnevnika (Belgrade: Politika, 1995), p. 131 (entry of 26 March 1990).Google Scholar

99. John V. A. Fine, “Heretical Thoughts about the Postcommunist Transition in the Once and Future Yugoslavia,” in Norman M. Naimark and Holly Case, eds, Yugoslavism and Its Historians: Understanding the Balkan Wars of the 1990s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 179, 184.Google Scholar

100. Ibid., p. 181.Google Scholar

101. Ibid., p. 184.Google Scholar

102. Ibid., p. 259.Google Scholar

103. In early 1991, there were rumors flying around that Branko Mamula, the retired minister of defense, might seek to play the role of “Yugoslav Jaruzelski.” These rumors were fueled by statements given to Slobodna Dalmacija (published in the issue of 11 February 1991) by Tudjman's adviser Slaven Letica and by the Croatian defense minister, Martin Špegelj, and by an article written by Viktor Meier and published in Frankfurter Allgemeine at the beginning of February 1991. Branko Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija (Podgorica, Montenegro: CID, 2000), p. 185.Google Scholar

104. Regarding the involvement of Milošević and the Serbian secret police in the planning and organization of these “meetings,” see Adam LeBor, Milošević: A Biography (Polmont, Scotland: Bloomsbury, 2002), p. 107.Google Scholar

105. Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija , p. 197.Google Scholar

106. Quoted in Mark Thompson, Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina , rev. edn (Luton: University of Luton Press, 1999), p. 81.Google Scholar

107. For a (partial) list of Milošević's unconstitutional and illegal actions between 1989 and 1991 (never mind later), see Ramet, Balkan Babel , pp. 7172. For further details, see Meier, Yugoslavia, passim.Google Scholar

108. Quoted in Sarah A. Kent, “Writing the Yugoslav Wars: English-Language Books on Bosnia (1992–1996) and the Challenges of Analyzing Contemporary History,” American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 4, 1997, p. 1090.Google Scholar

109. LeBor, Milošević , pp. 910, 34, 254. See also p. 144.Google Scholar

110. Martin Špegelj, Sjećanja vojnika , ed. Ivo Žanić, 2nd edn (Zagreb: Znanje, 2001).Google Scholar

111. Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija , p. 118.Google Scholar

112. Ibid., p. 165.Google Scholar

113. Sell, Slobodan Milošević , p. 58.Google Scholar

114. Raif Dizdarević, Od smrti Tita do smrti Jugoslavije: Svjedočenja (Sarajevo: Svjedok, 1999), p. 212.Google Scholar

115. Ibid., p. 218, quoting himself.Google Scholar

116. Except for a few observations dealing with some events after that year, Dizdarević's account ends with 1989.Google Scholar

117. Ibid., p. 90.Google Scholar

118. Massimo Nava, Milosevic. La tragedia di un popolo (Milan: Rizzoli, 1999), pp. 4344.Google Scholar

119. Testimony of Ante Marković, TSM-ICTY, 23 October 2003), < www.un.org/icty/transe54/031023ED.htm > (accessed on 13 January 2004).+(accessed+on+13+January+2004).>Google Scholar

120. Ivo Banac, “The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography,” in Sabrina Petra Ramet and Ljubiša S. Adamovich, eds, Beyond Yugoslavia: Politics, Economics, and Culture in a Shattered Community (Boulder: Westview Press, 1995), pp. 3965.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

121. Dragović-Soso, Saviours of the Nation , note 84.Google Scholar

122. See also Tim Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 158160.Google Scholar

123. See also Svetlana Slapšak, “Serbische Alternativen. Was hat den Krieg in Jugoslawien verursacht?” trans. Thomas Bremer, in Alida Bremer, ed., Jugoslawische (Sch)erben. Probleme und Perspektiven (Osnabrück and Münster: fibre Verlag, 1993), pp. 165187.Google Scholar

124. See Sabrina P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962–1991 , 2nd edn (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), pp. 109115 et passim.Google Scholar

125. Rusinow, “The Avoidable Catastrophe,” note 89, p. 21.Google Scholar

126. Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000), p. 29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

127. Ibid., pp. 36, 5255, 5960.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

128. Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, “Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia,” Daedalus, Vol. 121, No. 2, 1992, p. 126.Google Scholar

129. Ibid., p. 132.Google Scholar

130. Harris, Nationalism and Democratisation , note 60, p. 56.Google Scholar

131. Ibid., pp. 6162.Google Scholar

132. Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence , especially Chapter 1 and Introduction.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

133. Ibid., pp. 3233.Google Scholar

134. Ibid., p. 19.Google Scholar

135. Ibid., pp. 34.Google Scholar

136. Ibid., p. 25.Google Scholar

137. Ibid., p. 83, citing Michael Sells, The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998).Google Scholar

138. Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

139. Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence , p. 237.Google Scholar

140. Ibid., pp. 242248.Google Scholar

141. Marie-Janine Calic, Krieg und Frieden in Bosnien-Hercegovina , rev. edn (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1996), p. 80.Google Scholar

142. Ibid., p. 123.Google Scholar

143. Ibid., p. 131.Google Scholar

144. Ibid., pp. 141146.Google Scholar

145. Paolo Rumiz, Masken für ein Massaker. Der manipulierte Krieg: Spurensuche auf dem Balkan , trans. Friederike Hausmann and Gesa Schröder, rev. edn (Munich: Verlag Antje Kunstmann, 2000), pp. 101102.Google Scholar

146. Ibid., p. 111.Google Scholar

147. See Sabrina P. Ramet, “Under the Holy Lime Tree: The Inculcation of Neurotic & Psychotic Syndromes as a Serbian Wartime Strategy, 1986–1995,” Polemos (Zagreb), Vol. 5, Nos 1–2, 2002, pp. 8397.Google Scholar

148. Albert Bandura, “Moral Disengagement in the Perpetration of Inhumanities,” Personality and Social Psychology Review, Vol. 3, No. 3, 1999, pp. 193209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

149. Samuel A. Guttman, “Robert Waelder and the Application of Psychoanalytic Principles to Social and Political Phenomena,” Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Vol. 34, 1986, pp. 835862.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

150. Herbert C. Kelman, “Violence without Moral Restraint: Reflections on the Dehumanization of Victims and Victimizers,” Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 29, No. 4, 1973, pp. 2561.Google Scholar

151. Roderick M. Kramer and David M. Messick, “Getting by with a Little Help from Our Enemies: Collective Paranoia and Its Role in Intergroup Relations,” in Constantine Sedikides, John Schopfler, and Chester A. Insko, eds, Intergroup Cognition and Intergroup Behavior (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1998), pp. 233255.Google Scholar

152. Jo-Ann Tsang, “Moral Rationalization and the Integration of Situational Factors and Psychological Processes in Immoral Behavior,” Review of General Psychology, Vol. 6, No. 1, 2002, pp. 2550.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

153. See, inter alia, David M. Bersoff, “Why Good People Sometimes Do Bad Things: Motivated Reasoning and Unethical Behavior,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1999, pp. 2839; Mikloš Biro and Slavica Selaković-Buršić, “Suicide, Aggression and War,” Archives of Suicide Research, Vol. 2, 1996, pp. 7579; Carolyn L. Hafer, “Why We Reject Innocent Victims,” in Michael Ross and Dale T. Miller, eds, The Justice Motive in Everyday Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 109126; Hartmann Hinterhuber, Milan Stern, Thomas Ross, and Georg Kemmler, “The Tragedy of Wars in Former Yugoslavia Seen through the Eyes of Refugees and Emigrants,” Psychiatria Danubina, Vol. 13, Nos 1–4, 2001, pp. 314; Anja Meulenbelt, “Sympathy for the Devil: Thinking about Victims and Perpetrators after Working in Serbia,” Women & Therapy, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1999, pp. 153160; Richard Morrock, “The Genocidal Impulse: Why Nations Kill Other Nations,” Journal of Psychohistory, Vol. 27, No. 2, 1999, pp. 155164; S. P. Rathee, P. K. Pardal, and T. R. John, “Diagnostic Value of SIS-II among Sub-groups of Psychotic and Neurotic Patients of Armed Forces,” SIS Journal of Projective Psychology & Mental Health, Vol. 9, No. 1, 2002, pp. 3848; Robert J. Shoemaker, “The Phenomenon of Dehumanization,” Pennsylvania Psychiatric Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 1, 1968, pp. 318; and Amoof R. Singh, K. R. Banerjee, and Supraksh Chaudhury, “Mental Health during War: An Experience and Lesson from the Past,” SIS Journal of Projective Psychology & Mental Health, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2001, pp. 135140.Google Scholar

154. Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War (London: Penguin Books, 1992).Google Scholar

155. For a comprehensive study of the Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian press prior to and during the war, see Thompson, Forging War , note 105.Google Scholar

156. After an exhaustive review of theories emphasizing economic factors, ethnic hatreds, nationalism, cultural differences, changes in international politics, the role of individual leaders, the pre-modern character of the Yugoslav state, and structural–institutional factors, Dejan Jović has argued for the advantage of a multi-factor analysis. See D. Jović, Jugoslavijadržava koja je odumrla (Zagreb: Prometej, 2003), pp. 23102.Google Scholar