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RIDICULE, CENSORSHIP, AND THE REGULATION OF PUBLIC SPEECH: THE CASE OF SHAFTESBURY

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 October 2016

ROSS CARROLL*
Affiliation:
Politics Department, University of ExeterE-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

The Third Earl of Shaftesbury has been celebrated for his commitment to free public discourse regulated only by standards of politeness, a commitment exemplified by his defence of the freedom to ridicule. This article complicates this picture by tracing Shaftesbury's response to the early eighteenth-century crisis of public speech precipitated by the demise of pre-publication censorship and growing uncertainty about intellectual property in the print trade. Shaftesbury, the article shows, was a determined opponent of pre-publication censorship through licensing, but he was also aware of the dangers posed to religious liberty by, in particular, clerical attacks on toleration, and sought ways to curb them that included corrective action by the state. When the Whigs opted to impeach the High Church cleric Henry Sacheverell, whose supporters had capitalized on an unregulated print market to disseminate his sermons ridiculing Whig principles, Shaftesbury expressed satisfaction with this use of state power to silence him. But he did not stop there. The article reads Shaftesbury's 1710 Soliloquy, or Advice to an Author against the backdrop of the Sacheverell controversy, and shows how the earl used it to undercut Sacheverell's claim that clerical speech enjoyed special status.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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References

1 Many of these complaints are to be found in How, John, Some Thoughts on the Present State of Printing and Bookselling (London, 1709)Google Scholar.

2 For the sake of consistency I refer throughout to Anthony Ashley Cooper as “Shaftesbury” even though for some of the period I cover he had not yet assumed the title of earl and so would have been known as Lord Ashley.

3 Shaftesbury, , Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711), ed. Klein, Lawrence E. (Cambridge, 1999), 31Google Scholar. On the importance of politeness to Shaftesbury's Whig politics see Klein, Lawrence, Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness: Moral Discourse and Cultural Politics in Early Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Laerke, Mogens, “G. W. Leibniz: Moderation and Censorship,” in Laerke, , ed., The Use of Censorship in the Enlightenment (Leiden, 2009), 155–78, at 171CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lydia Amir similarly argues that Shaftesbury defended the freedom to ridicule “unconditionally” and trusted in its “auto-regulation.” Amir, Lydia B., Humour and the Good Life in Modern Philosophy: Shaftesbury, Hamann, Kierkegaard (Albany, 2014), 40, 43Google Scholar.

5 As Roger Lund points out, the demise of licensing effectively transformed the common-law courts of England into “textual interpreters” charged with judging whether seemingly innocuous publications harboured seditious intent. Lund, Roger, Ridicule, Religion and the Politics of Wit in Augustan England (Burlington, 2012), 196Google Scholar.

6 The burned publication was A Letter from a Person of Quality, to his Friend in the Country (London, 1675). Kemp, Geoff, ed., Censorship and the Press, vol. 3, 1660–1695 (London, 2009), 151Google Scholar.

7 The Printing Act is sometimes referred to the Licensing Act owing to its stipulation that texts be pre-approved by a licenser before going to print. The licenser responsible varied in accordance with the subject matter. Religious texts, for instance, usually had to be licensed by the Bishop of London or the Archbishop of Canterbury.

8 Locke, John, “Liberty of the Press,” in Locke, Political Essays, ed. Goldie, Mark (Cambridge, 1997), 329–39, at 336Google Scholar.

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12 Locke, “Liberty of the Press,” 338. As William St Clair explains, “the act of printing by itself created a private intellectual property . . . Although an author could own a manuscript . . . until 1710 no author could, under English law or customary practice, own a text.” St Clair, William, The Reading Nation in the Romantic Period (Cambridge, 2004), 51Google Scholar.

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18 Shaftesbury did not participate in this debate. His declining health forced him to leave London and he was at his home in St Giles on 9 November 1705. Voitle, Robert, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury: 1671–1713 (Baton Rouge, 1984), 242Google Scholar. The “Church in Danger” debate took place on 6 December.

19 “House of Lords Journal 17: 24 Jan. 1702,” in Journal of the House of Lords: Volume 17, 1701–1705 (London, 1767–1830), 23; Goldie, Mark and Kemp, Geoff, “Silencing Jacobitism,” in Goldie, and Kemp, , eds., Censorship and the Press, 1580–1720, vol. 4, 1696–1720 (London, 2009), 280Google Scholar; Kemp, “The ‘End of Censorship’,” 61.

20 Goldie and Kemp, “Silencing Jacobitism,” 283. The clause is reproduced in full in Michael G. Pooritz, ‘The Third Earl of Shaftesbury and His Unpublished Correspondence, 1671–1713’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Oxford, 1926). Manuel Luis P. G. B de Miranda concludes from this “two page manuscript in legalese” that Shaftesbury was “keen to establish a framework for controlling the press in order to prevent libelous publications.” Manuel Luis P. G. B de Miranda, ‘The Moral, Social and Political Thought of the Third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1671–1713: Unbelief and Whig Republicanism in the Early Enlightenment’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994), 276. Kemp notes that this clause was “out of keeping” with the “unspecific spirit” of the bill. Kemp, “The ‘End of Censorship’,” 61 n.

21 Goldie and Kemp, “Silencing Jacobitism,” 283.

22 Shaftesbury, and Toland, John, Paradoxes of State, Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England and the rest of Europe; Chiefly grounded on his Majesty's Princely, Pious, and most Gracious Speech (London, 1702), 4Google Scholar.

23 Ibid., 8. There are some scattered references to war against France in the Soliloquy itself. The English are there described as the “happy nation who not only enjoy” liberty “at home” but who “give life and vigor to it abroad” as “head and chief of the European league.” Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, or Advice to an Author (London, 1710), 69.

24 Shaftesbury, , “Askêmata,” in Shaftesbury, Standard Edition: Complete Works, Correspondence and Posthumous Writings, ed. Benda, Wolfram, Jackson-Holzberg, Christine, Müller, Patrick and Uehlein, Friedrich A., vol. 2, part 6 (Stuttgart, 2011), 57–470, at 108Google Scholar; Shaftesbury to Toland, 21 July 1701, TNA: PRO 30/24/21, Part 2. As Philip Connell puts it, Shaftesbury was keen to “dissociate” the Whig commonwealth tradition from its “intellectual filiations” to libertine philosophy. Connell, Philip, Secular Chains: Whig Poetics and the Church in Danger (Oxford, 2016), 158–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Shaftesbury to Jean Le Clerc, 6 March 1705, in The Life, Unpublished Letters, and Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, ed. Rand, Benjamin (New York, 1900), 353Google Scholar.

26 Shaftesbury, Characteristics, 7.

27 Ibid., 68.

29 Sacheverell, Henry, The Perils of False Brethren both in Church and State: Set forth in a Sermon Preach'd before The Right Honorourable The Lord Mayor, Alderman, and Citizens of London, at the Cathedral Church of St Paul, on the 5th of November, 1709 (London, 1709), 6Google Scholar.

30 Ibid., 2.

31 Ibid., 2, 21.

32 Ibid., 19.

33 Ibid., 25.

34 Ibid., 33.

35 An occasional conformist was anyone who received communion in the established Anglican Church in order to gain eligibility for office but who nevertheless continued to worship as a dissenter. Knights, Mark, The Devil in Disguise: Deception, Delusion and Fanaticism in the Early English Enlightenment (Oxford, 2011), 144Google Scholar.

36 Cunningham, Alexander, The History of Great Britain: From the Revolution in 1688, to the Accession of George the First, 2 vols. (London, 1787), 2: 276Google Scholar. Cunningham was a contemporary observer whose Latin history of the period was translated and published in 1787.

37 Sacheverell, Perils of False Brethren, 40; Holmes, Geoffrey, The Trial of Doctor Sacheverell (London, 1973), 73Google Scholar.

38 Dunton, John, The Bull-Baiting: or, Sacheverell Dress'd up in Fire-works (London, 1709), 43Google Scholar.

39 Toland, John, The Jacobitism, Perjury, and Popery of High Church Priests (London, 1710), 14Google Scholar. I follow Justin Champion in attributing this text to Toland. See Champion, Justin, Republican Learning: John Toland and the Crisis of Christian Culture, 1696–1722 (Manchester, 2003), 142CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Defoe cited in Lee, William, Daniel Defoe: His Life and Recently Discovered Writings: Extending from 1716 to 1729, 3 vols. (Piccadilly, 1869), 1:159Google Scholar. Defoe's own parody The Shortest Way with Dissenters was directed at an earlier sermon of Sacheverell's. Speck, W. A., “The Current State of Sacheverell Scholarship,” in Knights, Mark, ed., Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell (Singapore, 2012), 1627, at 19Google Scholar.

41 Bisset, William, The Modern Fanatick. With a Large and True Account of the Life, Actions, Endowments, etc of the famous Dr. Sacheverell (London, 1710), 2731Google Scholar.

42 Distaff, J. (pseud.), A Character of Don Sacheverillio, Knight of the Firebrand; in a Letter to Isaac Bickerstaff Esq; Censor of Great Britain (Dublin, 1710)Google Scholar.

43 The best such example was the anonymously authored poem The Priest Turn'd Poet or, The Best Way of Answering Dr. Sacheverell's Sermon . . . Being His Discourse paraphras'd in Burlesque Rhime (London, 1709). For its author, to treat Sacheverell seriously would be futile, or possibly dangerous. John Dunton likewise asserted that there was “no way in the World to be serious” with Sacheverell, and that any attempt to “Gravely answer” his sermon would make the author “almost as ridiculous as he.” Dunton, The Bull Baiting, 43.

44 Holmes, The Trial of Doctor Sacheverell, 85.

45 Lord Wharton, cited in ibid., 97.

46 “Never was there in our nation a time known when folly and extravagance of every kind were more sharply inspected or more wittily ridiculed.” For “[t]here can be no impartial or free censure of manners,” he continued, “where any particular custom or national opinion is set apart” or “exempted from criticism.” Shaftesbury, Characteristics, 7.

47 On Shaftesbury's ambivalence towards the “Whig politicos” see Voitle, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury, 307.

48 Jones, Clyve, “Debates in the House of Lords on ‘The Church in Danger,’ 1705 and on Dr Sacheverell's Impeachment, 1710,” Historical Journal, 19/3 (1976), 759–71, at 764CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Jones reproduced the full text in this article.

49 John Toland to Shaftesbury, Dec. 1709, Hampshire Record Office, Malmesbury Papers, 9M73/G258/7.

50 Shaftesbury, , “The Ainsworth Correspondence,” in Standard Edition: Complete Works, Correspondence and Posthumous Writings, ed. Benda, Wolfram, ackson-Holzberg, Christine, Müller, Patrick and Uehlein, Friedrich A., vol. 2, part 4 (Stuttgart, 2011), 344–431, at 411Google Scholar.

51 Shaftesbury to Benjamin Furly, 19 July 1710, in The Life, Unpublished Letters and Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, 424.

52 Collections of passages referr'd to by Dr. Henry Sacheverell in his answer to the articles of his impeachment (London, 1710). The passages from Shaftesbury's Letter are cited at 23–4, 28.

53 Levy, Leonard W., Blasphemy: Verbal Offense against the Sacred from Moses to Salman Rushdie (Charlotte, NC, 1995), 286Google Scholar; Connell, Secular Chains, 169.

54 Shaftesbury to Lord Somers, 26 May 1710, in The Life, Unpublished Letters and Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, 420. Connell finds it “very probable” that Shaftesbury is referring here to the condemnation of the Letter Concerning Enthusiasm. Connell, Secular Chains, 170.

55 Cropley was Shaftesbury's “closest friend” from a young age. Voitle, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury, 18.

56 Sir John Cropley to James Stanhope, 17 June 1710, Kent History and Library Centre, U1590/C9/31. Cropley draws Stanhope's attention to a particular attack on the Sacheverellites contained on page 181 of the Soliloquy in which Stanhope himself supposedly makes “a pretty good figure.” There can be no doubt about the edition referred to, and yet the page in question (which mostly deals with authors of travel memoirs) contains no reference to Stanhope that I can identify. On the Tory attacks on Stanhope see A. A. Hanham, “Stanhope, James,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

57 Ransom, Harry, “The Date of the First Copyright Law,” Studies in English, 20 (1940), 117–22, at 121Google Scholar.

58 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, iii.

59 Greene, Jody, The Trouble with Ownership: Literary Property and Authorial Liability in England, 1660–1730 (Philadelphia, 2005), 107Google Scholar.

60 Knights, The Devil in Disguise, 140.

61 On the lobbying to revive the Printing Act see Robertson, Randy, Censorship and Conflict in Seventeenth-Century England: The Subtle Art of Division (University Park, PA, 2009), 166Google Scholar. On the printers’ role in negotiating the Copyright Act see St Clair, The Reading Nation in the Romantic Period, 91.

62 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 3.

63 Ibid., 2.

64 Ibid., 14.

65 Ibid., 7

66 Ibid., 8

67 Ibid., 7

68 Defoe, Essay on the Regulation of the Press, 8.

69 Locke, “Liberty of the Press,” 331.

70 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 10.

71 Ibid., 8.

72 Ibid., 13

73 Ibid.,14.

74 Shaftesbury, “Askêmata,” 294. The italicized part is a rough translation from Epictetus, Discourses 2, 18, 24: “Impression, wait for me a little. Let me see what you are, and what you represent. Let me test you.”

75 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 35.

76 Shaftesbury to Pierre Coste, 1 Oct. 1706, in The Life, Unpublished Letters and Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, 359.

77 Sophia Rosenfeld similarly argues that the likes of Addison and Shaftesbury sought to encourage “a kind of self-censoring” among emerging elites. Rosenfeld, Sophia, Common Sense: A Political History (Cambridge, MA, 2011), 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

78 On the increases in the annual output of the British press made possible by the end of licensing see Robertson, Censorship and Conflict in Seventeenth-Century England, 11.

79 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 104.

80 If the “audience” now “makes the Poet,” he complained, it is the “Bookseller” that makes the author. Ibid.,108.

81 Ibid., 146–7. The term Shaftesbury uses is “amanuensis,” usually a literary assistant or scribe. He clarifies in Miscellany I that he means by this word a “bookseller or printer.” Shaftesbury, Characteristics, 345.

82 In Miscellany I Shaftesbury presents a mock dialogue between author and bookseller in which the latter urges the former to reply to his critics and so generate a literary tumult that would encourage sales. Shaftesbury, Characteristics, 345.

83 Brooke, Christopher, Philosophic Pride: Stoicism and Political Thought from Lipsius to Rousseau (Princeton, 2012), 112Google Scholar.

84 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 13–14.

85 Bisset, The Modern Fanatick, 17.

86 Ibid., 78. In Shaftesbury's notes for his Second Characters he again referred to prefaces as a form of “excuse.” Shaftesbury, , Second Characters of the Language of the Forms, ed. Rand, Benjamin (New York, 1969), 4Google Scholar.

87 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 170.

88 Ibid., 146.

89 Howell, T. B. ed., A Complete Collection of State Trials, vol. 15 (London, 1816), 69Google Scholar.

90 Ibid., 366.

91 Ibid., 40. Gerrard would deny during the trial that he had commanded Sacheverell to publish the sermon.

92 Ibid., 358.

93 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 170.

94 Ibid., 41.

95 State Trials, 376

96 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 40.

97 Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, ed. Tuck, Richard (Cambridge, 1997), 213Google Scholar.

98 The existence of such a law has long been the subject of controversy. Stephen Halliwell maintains that, far from being tightly regulated by law, comedy enjoyed an exceptional degree of cultural freedom in Athens. Halliwell, Stephen, “Comic Satire and Freedom of Speech in Classical Athens,” Journal of Hellenistic Studies, 111 (1991), 4870CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Robert Wallace suggests that the Athenians may have introduced legal restrictions on ridicule in 440 BCE in response to the war with Sparta but that they likely lifted them three years later. Wallace, Robert, “Law, Attic Comedy, and the Regulation of Comic Speech,” in Gagarin, Michael and Cohen, David, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (Cambridge, 2005), 357–73, at 364CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Shaftesbury's own sources for the law are Horace's epistle on The Art of Poetry and Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations 11.6.

99 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 93.

100 Ibid., 95.

101 Ibid., 93–4.

102 Ibid., 96.

103 Shaftesbury's source here is Horace, Epist. 1 lib. 2.

104 As Klein rightly puts it, on Shaftesbury's interpretation these legal curtailments “expressed not the limiting of freedom” but rather a “new and more sophisticated grasp of it.” Klein, Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness, 206.

105 Bloom, Edward A. and Bloom, Lillian D., “Introduction,” in Collins, Anthony, A Discourse Concerning ridicule and irony in writing (1729), ed. Bloom, Edward. A. and Bloom, Lillian D. (Los Angeles, 1970), i–xviii, at xiiiGoogle Scholar.

106 Collins, A Discourse Concerning Ridicule and Irony in Writing, 41.

107 Ibid., 18.

108 Ibid., 74.

109 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 147.

110 Connell, Secular Chains, 169–70.

111 Shaftesbury, Soliloquy, 191.

112 Ibid., 195

113 Ibid., 193.

114 Lake, Peter and Pincus, Stephen, “Rethinking the Public Sphere in Early Modern England,” Journal of British Studies, 45/2 (2006), 270–92, at 290CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

115 Shaftesbury, Characteristics, 31.

116 Shagan, Ethan, The Rule of Moderation: Violence, Religion and the Politics of Restraint in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2011), 330CrossRefGoogle Scholar.