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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 March 2021
In 1648, the Portuguese Estado da Índia found itself at a crossroads. After nearly five decades of attacks by a variety of adversaries—the Dutch East India Company, the Safavids, the Mughals, the Tokugawa shoguns, and the rulers of Kandy, among others—and in the context of the ‘Restoration’ of the Braganza dynasty in Portugal in 1640 and the separation of Portugal from Spain, a brief respite was offered. This article looks at how the situation was diagnosed by various contemporary authors, both outsiders and consummate insiders, such as the viceroy Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas. It suggests that the heavy constraints placed on the state by external forces as well as by forces of internal dissension compelled it to reinvent itself, a process that eventually began in the 1660s. However, this reinvention was not about simply imitating its great rival, the Dutch East India Company.
Thanks are due to Jorge Flores and Giuseppe Marcocci for some useful discussions and references, and to the journal's referees for their comments. The late Charles Boxer pointed me in the direction of the themes treated in this article in the course of two stimulating conversations at Ringshall End, Little Gaddesden, in autumn 1988.
1 Hazlitt, William (ed. and trans.), The Works of Michel de Montaigne, comprising his essays, letters, and journey through Germany and Italy, 2nd edn (London: C. Tempelman, 1845), p. 315Google Scholar. (French text: ‘Et cherchent autre adherent que moy, ceux qui veulent nombrer entre les belliqueux et magnanimes conquerants les Roys de Castille et de Portugal de ce qu’à douze cents lieues de leur oisive demeure, par l'escorte de leurs facteurs, ils se sont rendus maistres des Indes d'une et d'autre part: desquelles c'est à sçavoir, s'ils auroyent seulement le courage d'aller jouyr en presence’.)
2 For an overview of this debate between proponents of structural and processual history, see Poulsen, Bo, ‘Steensgaard vs. Subrahmanyam: to tolkninger af den europæiske ekspansion i Asien’, Historie (Aarhus), vol. 2, 1999, pp. 294–315Google Scholar.
3 One recognized line of analytical development can be found in Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Holding the World in Balance: The Connected Histories of the Iberian Overseas Empires, 1500–1640’, American Historical Review, vol. 112, no. 5, 2007, pp. 1359–1385CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Flores, Jorge, Unwanted Neighbours: The Mughals, the Portuguese and their Frontier Zones (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018)Google Scholar. This may be contrasted to the ‘contrarian’, but rather incoherent, position adopted by Biedermann, Zoltán, (Dis)connected Empires: Imperial Portugal, Sri Lankan Diplomacy, and the Making of a Habsburg Conquest in Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019)Google Scholar.
4 See the general discussion of the Portuguese empire in Burbank, Jane and Cooper, Frederick, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), pp. 154–158Google Scholar.
5 Harlow, Vincent A., The Founding of the Second British Empire, 1763–1793. Volume 1: Discovery and Revolution (New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1952)Google Scholar; Bayly, C.A., Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World, 1780–1830 (London: Longman, 1989)Google Scholar.
6 Yaycıoğlu, Ali, Partners of the Empire: The Crisis of the Ottoman Order in the Age of Revolutions (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016), p. 2Google Scholar.
7 The point of departure for any periodization of the Portuguese empire remains the classic work of de Azevedo, João Lúcio, Épocas de Portugal económico: Esboços de História (Lisbon: Livraria Clássica, 1929)Google Scholar. For a different periodization, still based on economic history, see Costa, Leonor Freire, Lains, Pedro and Miranda, Susana Münch, An Economic History of Portugal, 1143–2010 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a history that embraces the idea of the 1660s as a significant moment of imperial transition, see Newitt, Malyn, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 1400–1668 (London: Routledge, 2005)Google Scholar.
8 See Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History, 2nd edn (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The last major tome in English to adopt the traditional chronology was Diffie, Bailey W. and Winius, George D., Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415–1580 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977)Google Scholar.
9 See ‘The Charles Boxer Bibliography’, Portuguese Studies, vol. 17, 2001, pp. 247–276. For a recent, and rather problematic, attempt to contextualize Boxer's work, but solely in relation to Lusophone historiography, see Schneider, Alberto Luiz, ‘O Brasil e o Atlântico Sul na historiografia de Charles Boxer’, Ler História, vol. 71, 2017, pp. 181–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Schneider in part follows the interpretation of Magalhães, Joaquim Romero, ‘Charles Ralph Boxer et Vitorino Magalhães Godinho: Une polémique qui n'aura pas lieu’, Arquivos do Centro Cultural Calouste Gulbenkian, vol. 50, 2005, pp. 15–24Google Scholar.
10 Disney, Anthony R., Twilight of the Pepper Empire: Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Boyajian, James C., Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580–1640 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Ames, Glenn J., Renascent Empire? The House of Braganza and the Quest for Stability in Portuguese Monsoon Asia, c. 1640–1683 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.
11 See Machado, Pedro, Ocean of Trade: South Asian Merchants, Africa and the Indian Ocean, c. 1750–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ernestine Carreira, Globalising Goa (1660–1820): Change and Exchange in a Former Capital of Empire, (trans.) Claire Davison (Panaji: Goa-1556, 2014). They were preceded by Manguin, Pierre-Yves, Les Nguyễn, Macau et le Portugal: Aspects politiques et commerciaux d'une relation privilégiée en mer de Chine, 1773–1802 (Paris: EFEO, 1984)Google Scholar, and Souza, George Bryan, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea, 1630–1754 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 See the solidly documented, but very traditional, studies by Vila-Santa, Nuno, D. Afonso de Noronha, vice-rei da Índia: Perspectivas Políticas do Reino e do Império em meados de Quinhentos (Lisbon: CHAM, 2011)Google Scholar, and Vila-Santa, Entre o Reino e o Império: A carreira político-militar de D. Luís de Ataíde (1516–1581) (Lisbon: Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2015). In contrast, see Boxer, Charles, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese Merchant-Adventurer in South-East Asia, 1624–1667 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1967)Google Scholar, and Disney, Anthony, The Portuguese in India and Other Studies, 1500–1700 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009)Google Scholar, with six essays on Dom Miguel de Noronha, Count of Linhares. For a larger overview of the question, see McPherson, Kenneth and Subrahmanyam, Sanjay (eds), From Biography to History: Essays in the History of Portuguese Asia (1500–1800) (New Delhi: TransBooks, 2006)Google Scholar.
13 Boxer, Charles R., Portuguese India in the Mid-Seventeenth Century (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980)Google Scholar.
14 Charles R. Boxer, ‘Portuguese and Dutch Colonial Rivalry, 1641–1661’, Studia, no. 2, 1958, pp. 7–42.
15 See José Miguel Moura Ferreira, ‘A Restauração de 1640 e o Estado da Índia: Agentes, espaços e dinâmicas’, Mestrado dissertation, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas (FCSH), Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2011.
16 President Fremlen and Council at Swally to the Company, 27 January 1642, in William Foster (ed.), The English Factories in India, 1618–69, 13 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906–27) (henceforth cited as EFI), 1642–45, pp. 21–22.
17 António da Silva Rego, ‘O início do segundo governo do vice-rei da Índia D. Francisco da Gama, 1622–1623’, Memórias da Academia das Ciências de Lisboa,Classe de Letras, vol. 19, 1978, pp. 323–345; for his departure, see Instrumento de testemunhas tirado em Goa a pitiçam dos Procuradores do Conde Almirante Dom Francisco da Gama despois de haver governado àquelle estado segunda vez, e se haver partido delle pera Portugal (Nantes: Pierre Dorio, 1646).
18 Maria Augusta Lima Cruz (ed.), Diogo do Couto e a Década Oitava da Ásia (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1993), Vol. 1, pp. 44–45.
19 Mafalda Soares da Cunha and Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, ‘Vice-reis, governadores e conselheiros de governo do Estado da Índia (1505–1834): Recrutamento e caracterização social’, Penélope, vol. 15, 1995, pp. 91–120 (citation on p. 102). The analysis in this article does not closely follow the sociological methodology proposed by da Cunha and Monteiro but borrows a few insights from them. Indiáticos were those born in India; casados, those married in India; and fidalgos antigos da Índia were old India fidalgos.
20 See António Caetano de Sousa, História genealógica da Casa Real Portugueza, Vol. 11 (Lisbon: Régia Officina Sylviana, 1745), pp. 530–531; António Dias Farinha, História de Mazagão no período filipino (Lisbon: CEHU, 1970), pp. 131–137.
21 See João Paulo Salvado and Susana Münch Miranda (eds), Cartas do primeiro Conde da Torre, 4 vols (Lisbon: CNCDP, 2001–02). Also see S. M. Miranda and J. P. Salvado, ‘Struggling for Brazil: Dutch, Portuguese and Spaniards in the 1640 Naval Battle of Paraíba’, Tijdschrift voor Zeegeschiedenis, vol. 34, no. 1, 2015, pp. 51–64.
22 António Bocarro, Década 13 da História da Índia, (ed.) R. J. de Lima Felner, 2 vols (Lisbon: Academia Real das Ciências, 1876), Vol. 1, p. 211 (for Dom Francisco) and pp. 343–344 (for Dom João).
23 Ibid., p. 324.
24 Royal letter dated 14 June 1616, in R. A. de Bulhão Pato et al. (eds), Documentos Remettidos da Índia, ou Livros das Monções, 5 vols (Lisbon: Academia Real das Ciências, 1880–1935), Vol. 4, pp. 6–7.
25 Coutinho was an important and well-documented figure in the 1610s and 1620s. See Bulhão Pato et al. (eds), Documentos Remettidos da Índia, Vol. 2, pp. 117–119, 327–328; Vol. 3, pp. 49, 251 and 387; Vol. 4, pp. 34, 80; Vol. 5, pp. 7–8, 34–35 and 233–235; also see António da Silva Rego (ed.), Documentos Remetidos da Índia, ou Livros das Monções, Vols 6–10 (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1974–82), Vol. 6, pp. 297–298, 362–363; Vol. 7, pp. 206–207, 371–372; Vol. 9, 159–162, 326–328, 334–335, passim.
26 Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon (henceforth ANTT), Monções, Livro 24, fls. 74–75, letter from viceroy Count of Vidigueira to the King dated 16 February 1627. In this letter, the viceroy complained of Coutinho's extortionate practices, stating: ‘this fidalgo is much absorbed in his greed and most absolute in that city [Cochin], since he has its captaincy for life’.
27 See Carla Alferes Pinto, ‘“Traz à memória a excelência de suas obras e virtudes”: D. Frei Aleixo de Meneses (1559–1617), mecenas e patrono’, Anais de História de Além–Mar, vol. 12, 2011, pp. 153–180.
28 ANTT, Convento da Graça, II-E, p. 490, letter from the Count of Vidigueira to the King dated March 1626. Also see ANTT, Monções, Livro 21, fl. 63, letter from the King to Vidigueira on the same subject dated February 1625; and ANTT, Monções, Livro 22, fls. 60v–61, for Vidigueira's ongoing complaints about Mascarenhas dated February 1626.
29 ANTT, Monções, Livro 27, fls. 127–27v, letter from the governor Dom Frei Luís de Brito to the King dated 1628, for the death of Coutinho and his dealings with Dom Filipe (the letter is heavily damaged and partly illegible); ANTT, Monções, Livro 29, fls. 125–25v, letter from viceroy Linhares to the King dated 22 September 1631: ‘[Mascarenhas] has performed a very great kindness (gentileza) in having gone to succour that island on the occasion of the death of Constantino de Sá.’
30 ANTT, Monções, Livro 32, fl. 90, letter from the King to Pero da Silva dated 24 February 1635, relaying Mascarenhas's complaint; ANTT, Monções, Livro 33, fl. 87, Silva's response dated 16 December 1635, reporting Dom Filipe's imminent return to Goa.
31 ANTT, Monções, Livro 38, fl. 72, letter from Pero da Silva to the King dated 23 February 1637.
32 ANTT, Monções, Livro 41, fls. 25 and 60, letters from Pero da Silva to the King dated 10 August and 1 October 1638.
33 ANTT, Monções, Livro 47, fls. 10–14, with the letter from Aveiras to the King, the response of Mascarenhas to Aveiras, and a list of expenses and supplies dated November 1640.
34 Some elements may be found in George Davison Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon: Transition to Dutch Rule (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), pp. 67–85, and throughout.
35 J. A. van der Chijs (ed.), Dagh-Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia vant passerende daer ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-India, Anno 1640–1641 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1887), p. 101 (for Saint-Amand's desertion) and p. 220 (for his role in the capture of Negombo). For a general account of such figures, see Dirk van der Cruysse, Mercenaires français de la VOC: La route des Indes hollandaises au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Chandeigne, 2003), with an account of Saint-Amand on pp. 200–204.
36 H. T. Colenbrander (ed.), Dagh-Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia, Anno 1641–1642 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1900), pp. 217–219, 249; H. T. Colenbrander (ed.), Dagh-Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia, Anno 1643–1644 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1902), pp. 206–211, 221–224.
37 Van der Chijs (ed.), Dagh-Register, Anno 1640–1641, pp. 480–482. Thyssen writes: ‘You also say, Sir, that you will give me the daughter of Donne Mariane for my bride; to which I reply, that I do not want any whores; and if she had been attractive to me, I would not have sent her to Cochin.’
38 For this author, see C. R. Boxer, ‘Captain João Ribeiro and His History of Ceylon, 1622–1693’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, nos. 1–2, 1955, pp. 1–12.
39 Fernão de Queyroz, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, (trans.) S. G. Perera (Colombo: Government Printer, 1930), pp. 865–866.
40 Tikiri Abeyasinghe, ‘History as Polemics and Propaganda: An Examination of Fernão de Queirós's “History of Ceylon”’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Sri Lanka Branch, New Series, Vol. 25, 1980–81, pp. 28–68.
41 ANTT, Monções, Livro 60, fls. 281v–82, letter from Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas dated 25 November 1650. For the ongoing disputes on this question, see Panduronga S. S. Pissurlencar (ed.), Assentos do Conselho do Estado (henceforth cited as ACE), 5 vols (Goa: Tipografia Rangel, 1953–57), Vol. 3, pp. 140–148.
42 For the case of Cristóvão Leitão de Abreu, see ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processo 1759, fls. 59r–60v, for letters exchanged with Mascarenhas in 1642.
43 Letter from Vijaya Pala to the Count of Aveiras, dated 1643, in P. E. Pieris, The Prince Vijaya Pala of Ceylon, 1634–1654, from the original documents at Lisbon (Colombo: C.A.C. Press, 1927), pp. 28–34.
44 Cunha and Monteiro, ‘Vice-reis, governadores e conselheiros de governo do Estado da Índia (1505–1834)’, p. 104. ‘Second-born’ is used here in the broader sense of a younger son.
45 See Jacques de Maussion de Favières (ed.), Les Voyages et Observations du Sieur de la Boullaye le-Gouz (Paris: Editions Kimé, 1994); Dirk van der Cruysse, Le noble désir de courir le monde: Voyager en Asie au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Fayard, 2002), pp. 276–80. Van der Cruysse mistakenly situates La Boullaye's visit to Goa in 1646.
46 Jean Mocquet, Voyage à Mozambique et Goa: La relation de Jean Mocquet (1607–1610), (ed.) Xavier de Castro (Paris: Chandeigne, 1996); François Pyrard de Laval, Voyage de Pyrard de Laval aux Indes orientales (1601–1611), (ed.) Xavier de Castro (Paris: Chandeigne, 1998).
47 See François le Gouz de la Boullaye, Les Voyages et Observations du Sieur de la Boullaye-le-Gouz, gentil-homme angevin (Paris: Gervais Clousier, 1653), p. 200.
48 On the Goa Inquisition in the context of the empire, see the useful survey in Giuseppe Marcocci, ‘Toward a History of the Portuguese Inquisition: Trends in Modern Historiography (1974–2009)’, Revue de l'histoire des religions, vol. 227, no. 3, 2010, pp. 355–393; also see José Pedro Paiva, ‘The Inquisition Tribunal in Goa: Why and for What Purpose?’, Journal of Early Modern History, vol. 21, no. 6, 2017, pp. 565–593.
49 Le Gouz de la Boullaye, Les Voyages et Observations, pp. 212–213.
50 Ibid., pp. 202–203. For a discussion, see Jorge Flores and Giuseppe Marcocci, ‘Killing Images: Iconoclasm and the Art of Political Insult in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Portuguese India’, Itinerario, vol. 42, no. 3, 2018, pp. 461–489.
51 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India by Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne, (trans.) V. Ball, (ed.) W. Crooke, 2nd edn, 2 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1925). The most comprehensive description of this author, and his life and work, can be found in Pierre-François Burger, ‘Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste’, Encyclopædia Iranica, published online on 4 December 2017, available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/tavernier-jean-baptiste , [accessed 29 December 2020].
52 Tavernier, Travels in India, Vol. 1, pp. 151–152.
53 Ibid., pp. 164–166, 182.
54 Niccolao Manucci, Mogul India, or Storia do Mogor, (trans.) William Irvine, 4 vols (reprint, Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1990), Vol. 1, p. 223.
55 Thomas Merry and Council at Surat to the Company, 10 January 1652, in EFI, 1651–54, p. 83.
56 See the remarks in Robert Brenner, ‘The Social Basis of English Commercial Expansion, 1550–1650’, Journal of Economic History, vol. 32, no. 1, 1972, pp. 361–384.
57 Francis Breton and Council at Swally Marine to the Company, 31 March 1645, in EFI, 1642–45, p. 254.
58 Francis Breton and Council at Swally Marine to the Company, 3 January 1646, in EFI, 1646–50, pp. 15–16.
59 Francis Breton and Council at Swally Marine to the Company, 30 March 1646, in EFI, 1646–50, p. 37.
60 Francis Breton and Council at Swally Marine to the Company, 25 January 1647, in EFI, 1646–50, p. 87. Also see Bowman's letter from Colombo to the Surat Council, 26 November 1646, ibid., pp. 54–56.
61 Francis Breton and Council at Surat to the Company, 7 October 1647, in EFI, 1646–50, p. 163. Mascarenhas was, of course, well aware that repeated royal letters warned him against selling cinnamon to the English. See ANTT, Monções, Livro 56, fl. 125, royal letter dated 13 March 1645: ‘[I have heard that] in that city there has been a great commerce and trade with English and Dutch foreigners, taking away and lading much cinnamon, including some of mine, which was sold to them.’
62 The English Company in London was very enthusiastic about this; see Ethel Bruce Sainsbury, A Calendar of the Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1644–1649 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912), pp. 241, 245 and 252.
63 Francis Breton and Council at Swally Marine to the Adventurers of the Second General Voyage, 31 January 1649, in EFI, 1646–50, pp. 250–251.
64 The Carreira da Índia was the trading link between India and Portugal via the Cape.
65 Thomas Merry and Council at Swally Marine to the Company, 25 January 1650, in EFI, 1646–50, p. 283.
66 Thomas Merry and Council at Swally Marine to the Company, 20 March 1650, in EFI, 1646–50, p. 306.
67 See Charles R. Boxer, ‘Blake and the Brazil Fleets in 1650’, The Mariner's Mirror, vol. 36, no. 3, 1950, pp. 212–228.
68 Thomas Merry and Council at Surat to the Company, 10 January 1652, in EFI, 1651–54, p. 91. The fleet had left Lisbon in April 1650.
69 For the ‘auto de entrega’ between Aveiras and Mascarenhas, dated 30 December 1645, see ACE, Vol. 3, pp. 97–98.
70 Dom Luís de Menezes Conde da Ericeira, História de Portugal Restaurado: Offerecida ao Serenissimo Principe Dom Pedro Nosso Senhor, 2 vols (Lisbon: Officina de Joaõ Galraõ, 1679–1698), Vol. 1, pp. 509, 687 and 715.
71 For the Portuguese-Omani relationship, see João Teles e Cunha, ‘Oman and Omanis in Portuguese Sources in the Early Modern Period (ca.1500–1750)’, in Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf and Abdulrahman Al-Salimi (eds), Oman and Overseas (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2013), pp. 227–263.
72 Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, its Empire, and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 183.
73 Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon, pp. 103–113.
74 Boxer, Portuguese India in the Mid-Seventeenth Century, p. 53.
75 ANTT, Monções, Livro 59, fls. 64–65, letter from Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas in Goa dated 16 November 1648.
76 See Charles R. Boxer, ‘The Embassy of Captain Gonçalo de Siqueira de Souza to Japan in 1644–1647’, Monumenta Nipponica, vol. 2, no. 1, 1939, pp. 40–74.
77 The Council of State rebuked Dom Brás for his refusal in its meeting of 24 March 1648; see ACE, Vol. 3, pp. 121–122.
78 For a penetrating and schematic description, see Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, ‘A viagem de Gonçalo Pereira Marramaque do Minho às Molucas—ou os itinerários da fidalguia portuguesa no Oriente’, Studia, no. 49, 1989, pp. 315–340.
79 In a petition dated 1654, Dom Brás stated that he had served ‘from the year [1]622 to that of [1]1646, in the fleets and frontier fortresses of that Estado, in which time he occupied the posts of soldier, captain and captain-major on various occasions’. See Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon (henceforth AHU), Conselho Ultramarino, Consultas de Mercês Gerais, Códice 82, fls. 313v–314.
80 See Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘The “Pulicat Enterprise”: Luso-Dutch Conflict in South-Eastern India, 1610–1640’, South Asia (n.s.), vol. 9, no. 2, 1986, pp. 17–36.
81 See the documents in ACE, Vol. 2, pp. 244–245, 247–248.
82 See the Council minutes from 28 December 1640, in ACE, Vol. 2, pp. 303–304. Castro was protected by his father-in-law, Francisco da Silveira, a member of the Council and former captain of Chaul and Diu, who would die not long afterwards as captain of Mozambique: ACE, Vol. 2, p. 576. Silveira himself was notorious for his illegal private trade and intemperate conduct when at Chaul; see ANTT, Monções, Livro 29, fls. 25–25v, letter from viceroy Linhares to the king dated 3 August 1631.
83 ANTT, Monções, Livro 55, fls. 469, 471 and 484, letters from Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas dated 15 December, 20 December, and 19 December 1646.
84 ANTT, Monções, Livro 55, fl. 485, letter from Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas dated 22 December 1646.
85 Letter from the Conde da Torre to Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas, Lisbon, 22 November 1646, in Salvado and Miranda (eds), Cartas do primeiro Conde da Torre, Vol. 4, pp. 261–272.
86 See British Library, London, Additional Ms. 20953, fls. 257–260, and the discussion in Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon, pp. 111–112. For the accusation regarding Costa Homem, also see Boxer, ‘The Embassy of Captain Gonçalo de Siqueira de Souza’, pp. 55, 71. The Hurmuzi prince Turan Shah was indeed executed in Goa on accusations of homosexuality during the government of Dom Frei Aleixo de Meneses (1607–08), which some considered a judicial murder. See Bulhão Pato et al. (eds), Documentos Remettidos da Índia, Vol. 1, pp. 14–15, 53, 79–80, 365–366, 383 (‘o dito Turruxá foi por justiça executada sentença de morte’) and Vol. 2, pp. 38, 406. Also see the apologetic account in Agostinho de Santa Maria, História da fundação do Real Convento de Santa Mónica da Cidade de Goa, corte do Estado da Índia, & do Imperio Lusitano do Oriente (Lisbon: António Pedrozo Galram, 1699), pp. 37–38.
87 José Ignacio Abranches de Garcia, Archivo da Relação de Goa, contendo vários documentos dos séculos XVII, XVIII e XIX, 2 parts (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1872–74), Part 2, pp. 491–492.
88 See Flores and Marcocci, ‘Killing Images’.
89 For Noronha's death, see ACE, Vol. 3, pp. 115–116; also see ANTT, Monções, Livro 57, fl. 504, letter from Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas dated 15 January 1648; and AHU, Caixas da Índia, Caixa 34, docs. 45 and 70, from early 1649, and Caixa 36, doc. 92, dated September 1651. For a larger discussion, see Margareth Almeida Gonçalves, ‘Religiosos em armas: O motim dos agostinhos da Congregação da Índia Oriental (Goa, 1638)’, Topoi, vol. 21, no. 43, 2020, pp. 122–146.
90 AHU, Conselho Ultramarino, Consultas da Índia, Códice 211, fls. 216v–217, ‘O Vice-Rei da Índia, D. Filipe Mascarenhas, dá conta dos fidalgos que mandou presos a este Reino, pelas culpas que constaram da devassa que deles e outras pessoas se tirou do crime que contra o mesmo Vice-Rei cometeram’ (summary). For the case of Dom Miguel de Souza in particular, who was sent back to Portugal in the galleon Santo André, see AHU, Caixas da Índia, Caixa 36, doc. 85, dated 9 June 1651.
91 Conde da Ericeira, História de Portugal Restaurado, Vol. 1, p. 687.
92 Lilly Library, Bloomington, University of Indiana, Boxer Collection, Portuguese Manuscripts (henceforth Lilly-Boxer), Box 7, Letter No. 5, Dom Brás de Castro to the King, Bardez, 20 December 1649.
93 AHU, Caixas da Índia, Caixa 35, doc. 179, complaint dated 12 April 1650.
94 Conde da Ericeira, História de Portugal Restaurado, Vol. 1, p. 782. Also see Artur Teodoro de Matos (ed.), Diário do conde de Sarzedas—Vice-rei do Estado da Índia (1655–1656) (Lisbon: CNCDP, 2001), pp. 80–88, 129–130.
95 For a contemporary narrative, see Bento Teixeira Feio, Relaçam do naufragio que fizeram as naos Sacramento, & Nossa Senhora da Atalaya, vindo da Índia para o Reyno, no cabo de Boa Esperança; de que era Capitaõ mór Luis de Miranda Henriques, no anno de 1647 (Lisbon: Craesbeeck, 1650). Also see Turner, Malcolm, ‘Six Pre-Colonial Portuguese Shipwrecks Identified on the South African Coast: The Legacy of Bartolomeu Dias’, Current Science, vol. 117, no. 10, November 2019, pp. 1683–1686CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
96 See the discussion of this episode in Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Persians, Pilgrims and Portuguese: The Travails of Masulipatnam Shipping in the Western Indian Ocean, 1590–1665’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 22, no. 3, 1988, pp. 503–530CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
97 AHU, Caixas da Índia, Caixa 34, doc. 47, letter dated 9 October 1648.
98 ANTT, Monções, Livro 56, fl. 1, royal letter dated 27 February 1645, proposing a Company ‘similar to that which there is in Holland’; AHU, Caixas da Índia, Caixa 35, doc. 17, dated 1650, ‘Couzas que se devem comceder para se fundar Companhia na Índia (…)’. Mascarenhas, as captain of Cochin in the late 1620s, was undoubtedly familiar with the fiasco of the earlier Portuguese East India Company, for which see Disney, Anthony R., ‘The First Portuguese India Company, 1628–33’, The Economic History Review (n.s.), vol. 30, no. 2, 1977, pp. 242–258CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
99 See the pamphlet: Relación de las grandes pérdidas de naos, y galeones que han tenido los Portugueses en la India Oriental, y los cruelissimos huracanes que han sucedido en Goa, y los alborotos de los vecinos de aquella Ciudad (Seville: Juan Gómez de Blas, 1651).
100 Maria da Conceição Flores, ‘O Sião como obstáculo ao comércio holandês com o Japão: A Embaixada de Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães ao Rei Prasat Thong em 1646’, in Roberto Carneiro and Artur Teodoro de Matos (eds), O Século Cristão do Japão (Lisbon: CEPCEP-CHAM, 1994), pp. 557–568; also see Smith, Stefan Halikowski, Creolization and Diaspora in the Portuguese Indies: The Social World of Ayutthaya, 1640–1720 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 76–77, 323–336CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
101 Boxer, Francisco Vieira, pp. 58–59; AHU, Caixas da Índia, Caixa 34, doc. 38, dated 19 August 1648.
102 ANTT, Monções, Livro 61, fl. 583v, letter from the governing council at Goa dated 26 December 1651; see also the discussion in João Luís Fernandes Ferreira, ‘Entre Duas Margens: Os Portugueses no Golfo Pérsico (1623–1653)’, Mestrado dissertation, FCSH, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2011, pp. 41–42.
103 Boxer, Francisco Vieira, p. 58. For the rather elaborate succession and handover (entrega) documents between him and the governing triumvirate which succeeded him, see ACE, Vol. 3, pp. 173–180, dated 31 May 1651. For another view of the transition, written by a client of Mascarenhas, see Barros, Amândio Jorge Morais, Cartas da Índia: Correspondência privada de Jorge de Amaral e Vasconcelos (1649–1656) (Oporto: CITCEM, 2011), pp. 61, 65 and 75Google Scholar.
104 Conde da Ericeira, História de Portugal Restaurado, Vol. 1, p. 781. Amaral e Vasconcelos noted that everything on Mascarenhas's vessel was ‘only for the account of the viceroy, and they do not allow anything on board except his goods’: Barros, Cartas da Índia, p. 61.
105 Letter from Carel Reniers and council at Batavia, dated 19 December 1651, in W. Ph. Coolhaas (ed.), Generale missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, Vol. 2 (1639–55) (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1964), p. 507.
106 Letter from the Conde da Torre to Dom Filipe de Mascarenhas, Lisbon, 20 November 1646, in Salvado and Miranda (eds), Cartas do primeiro Conde da Torre, Vol. 4, pp. 259–261. This family correspondence merits a separate treatment.
107 Tavernier, Travels to India, Vol. 1, p. 182.
108 Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, ‘Casamento, celibato e reprodução social: A aristocracia portuguesa nos séculos XVII e XVIII’, Análise Social (Série 4), vol. 28, nos. 123–24, 1993, pp. 921–950, refers to it as the ‘única casa de um Grande com muitos rendimentos na Índia (morgado de Coculim)’.
109 Rowena Robinson, ‘Cuncolim: Weaving a Tale of Resistance’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 32, no. 7, 1997, pp. 334–340.
110 Letter from Francisco Travassos Prego in Rachol, dated 23 February 1622, in Silva Rego (ed.), Documentos Remetidos da Índia, Vol. 9, pp. 333–334. Also see the covering letter in which the king orders that ‘the fort be razed as it has not been built with my permission’, ibid., p. 328. La Rochelle was famously a Huguenot stronghold which resisted the French Crown until October 1628.
111 Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, pp. 191–222.
112 Paulo J. A. Guinote, ‘Ascensão e declínio da Carreira da Índia (séculos XV–XVIII)’, in José Manuel Garcia and Teotónio de Souza (eds), Vasco da Gama e a Índia, 3 vols (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1999), Vol. 2, pp. 7–39. For a comparative perspective, see de Vries, Jan, ‘Connecting Europe and Asia: A Quantitative Analysis of the Cape Route Trade, 1497–1795’, in Flynn, Dennis, Giráldez, Arturo and von Glahn, Richard (eds), Global Connections and Monetary History, 1470–1800 (London: Ashgate, 2003), pp. 35–106Google Scholar.
113 Ames, Renascent Empire?, p. 205.
114 See, for example, Antunes, Luís Frederico Dias, ‘A actividade da companhia do comércio dos baneanes de Diu em Moçambique: A dinâmica privada indiana no quadro da economia estatal portuguesa (1686–1777)’, Mare Liberum, no. 4, 1992, pp. 143–164Google Scholar.
115 Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães, ‘Portugal and her Empire’, in Carsten, Francis L. (ed.), The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961), pp. 384–397CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Godinho, V. M., ‘Portugal and her Empire, 1680–1720’, in Bromley, John S. (ed.), The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 509–539CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lapa, José Roberto do Amaral, A Bahia e a Carreira da Índia (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1968)Google Scholar.
116 Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, p. 248.
117 Lilly-Boxer, Box 3, Folder 58, docs. 4 and 5, letters exchanged in 1647 and 1649; also see ACE, Vol. 3, pp. 129–130 (1649).
118 For a recent attempt to propose a larger, pan-imperial context for these struggles, see Guida Marques, ‘De Bahia à Luanda, en passant par Goa: Les déclinaisons du gouvernement impérial portugais au XVIIe siècle’, Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, Débats, 2018 (online journal), available at http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/72067 , [accessed 29 December 2020].
119 Cited in Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon, p. 117.