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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 31 January 2014
This paper aims to provide a new perspective on the relationship between Nationalist Party (GMD) cadres and Chinese intellectuals. By studying the Central Politics School, a major GMD political training institute for professional party cadres, I hope to reassess the nature of the GMD one-party state and remind researchers of the difficult choices it faced between backing party-liners needed for the political struggle and accommodating depoliticized intellectuals needed for public administration. This paper will argue that GMD political impotence in competition with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was due less to an inadequate recruitment of capable experts than to the over-specialization of its well-trained cadres on technical tasks. In fact, the cadres from the Central Politics School generally resembled those considered to be ‘intellectuals’ at educational level and in ideology. This compels us to reconsider how to define ‘intellectuals’ and whether they were as uniformly alienated from the one-party state as most of the scholarly literature suggests.
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4 On 5 May 1927, the Standing Committee of the GMD Central Executive Committee passed the proposal to establish the Central Politics School. From 1927 to 1947, the school was always controlled and financed by the GMD per se rather than by the Ministry of Education of the GMD government itself. In this sense, the Central Politics School was very different from other national universities and schools, which had to follow the government's regulations for higher education.
5 In his classic The Gate of Heavenly Peace, Jonathon Spence has given us an elaborate narrative of famous intellectuals who were affected by or involved with the Chinese revolution. However, because of the book's narrow focus, educated people who worked for existing regimes were largely excluded from his vision of the Chinese intellectual landscape. See Spence, Jonathon, The Gate of Heavenly Peace: the Chinese and Their Revolution, 1895–1980 (New York: Viking Press, 1981)Google Scholar.
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12 Zhang Jinjian, MQSZS, p. 116.
13 Zhang Jinjian, MQSZS, p. 115. Wang, Luo, Yang and Zhou were all fellows of Academia Sinica, the highest academic institute in China. Fang was a philosopher who gained his Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin, USA.
14 Bai Jiezhong, ‘Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao gai kuang’, p. 760; Yicheng, Ruanet al., Wo de da xue sheng huo (My College Life), vol. 1 (Taipei: Chinese Daily, 1980), p. 27Google Scholar.
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18 Weiliang, Gao, ‘1927 Guomindang zhong yang te bie wei yuan hui po xi’ (‘The Analysis of the Guomindang Central Special Committee in 1927’), Jin dai shi yan jiu(Modern History Studies), 3 (1988), p. 158Google Scholar; Weiyun, Zhou, ‘Fang Dongmei: zai dangwai de shu dai zi’ (‘Fang Dongmei：The Bookworm outside the Parties’), Gong chan dang yuan(The Communists), 1 (2008), p. 47Google Scholar.
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25 Weikai, Liu ed, Luo Jialun xian sheng nian pu(The Chronology of Luo Jialun), (Taipei: Guomindang Central Party history Commitee, 1996), p. 100Google Scholar.
26 Fan Changjiang eventually left the school where he had studied for three years because he hated the GMD policies. Then, he became a famous journalist and finally joined the CCP. Today, the highest journalism prize in the People's Republic of China is in his name. See Changjiang, Fan, ‘Wo de qing nian shi dai’ (‘My Youth’), in Liang, Yang ed., Xue shu ming ren zi shu(The Self-description of Famous Academics), (Guangzhou: Huacheng Press, 1998), p. 314Google Scholar.
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29 Yu, Ming, ‘Zhong yang zheng zhi xuexiao de xuesheng sheng huo’ (‘The Student Life in Central Politics School’), Du li ping lun(Independent Review), 186 (1933), p. 14Google Scholar. The seven departments were administration, finance, economics, law, education, journalism, and diplomacy. Three colleges were Land Economics, Statistics, and Cooperative Economics.
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31 Hefu, Zhao, ‘Hui yi zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao dui xue sheng de jiao yu’ (‘The Remembrance of the Student Education in Central Politics School’), WSZLCGXB 12, pp. 795–796Google Scholar.
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35 Shunsheng, Zou, Hui yi lu(Memoir), (Taipei: The Atlantic Book Corporation, 1968), p. 46Google Scholar. The Youth Party represented the radical right wing in Chinese politics. It strongly opposed the GMD one-party dictatorship. Before he taught at the Central Politics School (hereafter, ‘CPS’), Zou had been arrested by the GMD for his political activity.
36 Ming Yu, ‘Zhong yang zheng zhi xuexiao de xuesheng sheng huo’, p. 16.
37 Chuanyu, Zho ed., Sa Menwu zhuan ji zi liao(The Biographical Materials of Sa Menwu), (Taipei: Tianyi Press, 1985), p. 17Google Scholar; Baimin, Liu, Xing zheng xue lun gang(The Outline of Administration), (Chongqin: Chinese Culture Service, 1947), pp. 18–21Google Scholar. Hongyuan, Sun, Zhong guo xian dai zheng zhi xue de zhan kai: Qinghua zheng zhi xue xi de zao qi fa zhan1926–1937(The Development of Modern Chinese Political Science: The Early Development of Qinghua Department of Political Science, 1926–1937), (Beijing, Sanlian Bookstore, 2005), pp. 355–356Google Scholar.
38 Ostrom, Vincent, The Intellectual Crisis in American Public-administration (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1989), pp. 23–24, 29–31Google Scholar.
39 The Five Power Constitution was invented by Sun Yat-sen who imitated Trias Politica in the Western countries but who further separated the appointment power from the executive power and the supervision from legislation in order to avoid the pitfalls he had observed in Western politics.
40 Bokang, Xue, Ren shi xing zheng da gang (The Introduction of Personnel Administration), (Nanjing: Zhengzhong Bookstore, 1936)Google Scholar; Preface by author, Preface by Gan Naiguang, and pp. 19–20. Xue obtained his Masters degree in Political science from Washington University, USA.
41 Xue Bokang, Ren shi xing zheng da gang, p. 21.
42 kangli, Jiang, Xing zheng xue yuan li(The Theories of Administration), (Shanghai: Minzhi Bookstore, 1933), p. 1Google Scholar. Simply put, the spoils system means that the ruling party takes all governmental positions in reward for its partisans’ support.
43 Jiang Kangli, Xing zheng xue yuan li, p. 4.
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51 Hanming, Guo, ‘Zhong yang zheng xiao zai Chongqing hui yi pian duan’ (‘Some pieces of Memory about Central Politics School in Chongqing’), in WSZLCGXB 12, p. 766Google Scholar.
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53 Fan, Liu, ‘Wo suo zhi dao de de guo min dang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao’ (‘What I know about the Guomindang Central Politics School’), Xinshao wen shi zi liao(Xinshao Literary and Historical Materials), 2 (1989), p. 110Google Scholar.
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57 Zhao Hefu, ‘Hui yi zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao dui xue sheng de jiao yu’, p. 794.
58 Yang Yuqing, ‘Lue tan Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao’, p. 114; Lin Houqi, ‘Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao chu qi qing kuang’, p. 192.
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60 Sa Mengwu, Zhong nian shi dai, p. 25.
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63 See the report ‘Jin Yong: ban bao zhi shi pin ming xie xiao shuo shi wan wan’ (‘Jin Yong: Running the Newspaper is for My Life: Writing Novels is for Fun’), Shi dai zhou bao (Time Weekly).
64 Cheng Jiyun, ‘Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao’, p. 798; Kechen, Zhou, ‘Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao jiu xue jian wen’ (‘My experience of studying at Guomindang Central Politics School’), Fushun wen shi zi liao xuan ji(The Selected Collection of Fushun Literary and Historical Materials), 1 (1982), p. 154Google Scholar.
65 The Chinese tend to see the prepuce or blind gut as filthy and unnecessary parts of the human body. These two terms, therefore, were used to connote the GMD cadres as dirty and useless figures. Liu Fan, ‘Wo suo zhi dao de de guo min dang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao’, p. 112. These political instructors received other nicknames from the faculty. The professors sarcastically called them ‘yellow mandarin jackets’, or ‘party sticks’. See Guo Hanming, ‘Zhong yang zheng xiao zai Chongqing hui yi pian duan’, p. 768; Limin, Zhu, Zhu Limin xian sheng fang wen ji lu (Reminiscences of Mr. Limin Chu), (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1996), p. 52Google Scholar.
66 Zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao da xue bu di shi qi xue sheng bi ye ji nian ce (The Yearbook of the Tenth Class of Central Politics School Undergraduate Department ZXDSQBYJNC), (Chongqing: Central Politics School Undergraduate Department, 1942), p. 65.
67 Yan'an, located in North Shaanxi province, is a very dry and poor area of Northwest China. It served as the CCP's headquarters during the war against Japan.
68 Chen, Yung-fa, Yan'an de yin ying(The Shadow of Yan'an), (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1990)Google Scholar; Yimin, Li, Li Yimin hui yi lu (The Memoir of Li Yimin), (Changsha: Hunan People's Press, 1986), pp. 99–100Google Scholar; Zhenlu, Liu, ‘Kang da xue xi pian duan hui yi’ (‘Clips of studying in People's Resist-Japan Military and Political University’), Yan'an wen shi zi liao (The Literary and Historical Materials of Yan'an), 5 (1989), pp. 25–26Google Scholar. Lu, Sima, Dou zheng shi ba nian (The Eighteen-year-long Struggle), (Hongkong: Asia Press, 1953), pp. 74–75Google Scholar.
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83 Zhong yang dang wu zheng zhi xue xiao bi ye tong xue diao cha lu (The Survey of the Graduates of Central Party affairs and Politics School ZXBYTXDC), (Chongqing: Central Politics School, 1940), pp. 1–26.
84 Zhang Jinjian, MQSZS, pp. 143–161, 286–289.
85 Fan Changjia recalled that in his first year, the school still taught socialist theories, though communism was not included. These socialist courses would not be stopped until the CPS was established. See Fan Changjiang, ‘Wo de qing nian shi dai’, p. 312.
86 ZXBYTXDC, pp. 27–169.
87 The school's job assignment was not mandatory. On the contrary, the jobs distributed to graduates were greatly influenced by their own personal choices. Every student received a job preference sheet three months before they graduated. On the sheet, students filled in their three most-wanted jobs. The school tried to arrange the job distribution according to this information, see Chen Jiyun, ‘Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao’, p. 796. Of course, since good positions were always limited and competitive, not everyone was appointed to their ideal job. However, students could refuse to do an assigned job they did not like and try to find their own good job, see CHCFW, p. 26. Therefore, occupational distribution reflected not only the school's educational direction and goals, but also the identities and preferences of the students themselves.
88 Chen Guofu and his brother Chen Lifu were Chiang Kai-shek's main allies and leaders of the CC (Central Club) clique. Under Chiang's acquiescence, the major positions of the GMD were actually controlled by this clique.
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92 Ibid., pp. 91–95; Chen Guofu, Chen Guofu quan ji, vol. 2, p. 138.
93 she, Da hua wan bao, Yu Jingtang xian sheng ji nian wen ji (The Memorial Anthology of Yu Jingtang), (Taipei: Cai tuan fa ren lin gong xiong zheng xue tian, 1985), p. 157Google Scholar.
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102 Xiande, Xi, ‘Ma Heling Ma Yingjiu fu zi yu ge ming shi jian yan jiu yuan’ (‘Ma Heling, Ma Yingju and Academy of Revolutionary Practice’), Chuan ji wen xue (Biographical Literature), 88:6 (2006), pp. 8–10Google Scholar.
103 Xi Xiande, ‘Ma Heling Ma Yingjiu fu zi yu ge ming shi jian yan jiu yuan’, p. 8.
104 Chen Kaisi's report illustrates that by 1947 there were 682 CPS graduates working in Shichuan,. only 14 of whom pursued party affairs. See Guo li Zheng zhi da xue, p. 324.
105 James Q. Wilson divides administrative agencies into four types according to whether administrative input and outcome can be observed: production organizations, craft organizations, procedural organizations and coping organizations. In the two former kinds of organization, because the administrative outcome can be observed, it is easier for administrators to evaluate the effect of work and to make improvements. However, in the latter two types, administrative outcome is difficult or impossible to measure. As a result, the actual effect of work is hard to evaluate. In the case of procedural organizations, for example, we may know how many hours a CPS local functionary worked a day (the input) but cannot confirm how useful the work was to the GMD (the outcome). In the case of the coping organizations, we can neither appraise how hard CPS judges devoted themselves to the regime's stability by recording the time they spent on cases, nor realize how well their sentences defended the dignity of the regime's law. See Wilson, James Q., Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do it, (New York: Basic Books, 1989), pp. 158–173Google Scholar.
106 Hongmei, Li, Longxiu, Zhang, ‘Jiang Jingguo yu san qing tuan zhong yang gan xiao’ (‘Jiang Jingguo and the Central Cadre School in the Youth Corp of Three People's principles’), Dang shi wen yuan xue shu ban (The Essays of the Party History: Volume for Academy), 4 (2007)Google Scholar. Chiang Ching-kou inherited Chiang's political power and became the second generation leader of the GMD regime in Taiwan after Chiang's death in 1975.
107 Chen Yungang, ‘Wo suo zhi dao de shi wan zhi shi qing nian cong jun shi mo’ (‘The Whole Story I Knew About Ten Thousand Youths Joining up the Army’), Hong Yan chun qiu, (2003).
108 Kongyang, Wang, ‘Jiang Jingguo de huangpu: Zhong yang gan bu xue xiao jian wen’ (‘Jiang Jingguo's Whampoa Military Academy: My Experience in Central Cadre School’), Wu hou wen shi zi liao xuan (The selection of Wuhou Literary and Historical Materials), 4 (1995), pp. 102–103Google Scholar. Also see Xia Mingxi, ‘Jiang Jingguo pei yang gan bu de ji di: zhong yang gan bu xue xiao ce ji’ (‘The Base For Jiang Jingguo to train his cadres: The Profile of Central Cadre School’), Feng hua wen shi zi liao (Fenghua Literary and Historical Material), (1985), p. 67.
109 See Wenxiu, Yao, ‘Gan Naiguang yu guo min zheng fu xing zheng ge xin’ (‘Gan Naiguan and the Nationalist Government's Movement of Administrative Efficiency’), Guangxi shi fan da xue xue bao: zhe xue she hui ke xue ban(Journal of Guangxi Normal University: Volume for Philosophy and Social Sciences), 2 (2009), p. 126Google Scholar; Rongxiao, Fu, ‘San shi nian dai guo min zheng fu xing zheng xiao lu yun dong yu xing zheng xiao lu yan jiu hui’ (‘The Nationalist Government's Movement of Administrative Efficiency and the Commission of Administrative Efficiency in 1930s’), Zhejiang dang an (Zhejiang Archives), 1 (2005), pp. 26–27Google Scholar; Hongyuan, Sun, ‘Xing zheng xiao lu yan jiu hui yu kang zhan qian de xing zheng xiao lu yun dong’ (‘The National Government Commission of Administrative Efficiency and the Movement of Administrative Efficiency’), Shi xue yue kan (Journal of Historical Science), 2 (2005), pp. 50–55Google Scholar.
110 See Morris L. Bian, ‘Building State Structure: Guomindang Institutional Rationalization during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937–1945’.
111 Jiang kangli, Xing zheng xue yuan li, preface, 3; Jinjian, Zhang, Xing zheng xue de li lun yu shi ji (The Theory and Practice of Administration), (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935), p. 6Google Scholar.
112 Lei, Chen, Cengxian, Wang, ‘Xing zheng san lian zhi kao cha’ (‘On the difference of administration trisection system from the administration three unite system’), Li shi dang an (Historical Archives), 4 (2006), pp. 110–111Google Scholar; Guixia, Zhou, ‘Xing zheng san lian zhi shu lue’ (‘The General Introduction of Three-in-One Administrative System’), Zhong guo xing zheng guan li(Chinese Public Administration), 11 (1994), p. 45Google Scholar; Hongming, Chen, ‘Jiang Jieshi tui xing xing zheng san lian zhi de yuan yin tan xi’ (‘An Analysis of The Reasons Jiang Jieshi Promoted Three-in-One Administrative System’), Li shi jiao xue (History Teaching), 6 (2008)Google Scholar.
113 CHCFW, pp. 25–28.
114 Yungang, Chen, ‘Zheng da fan Jiang Jingguo de xue chao’ (‘The Anti-Jiang Jingguo Student Movement in National Chengchi University’), Shi ji 2 (2004), p. 34Google Scholar.
115 Julia C. Strauss uses ‘Weberian technocracy’ to describe a highly efficient and rationalized administration filled by foreign and Chinese experts who could avoid corrupt influences from a pre-modern society by establishing Westernized, professionalized, and apolitical institutions. To reach such a politically desirable state, in Strauss’ words, required a series of ‘institutional breakthroughs’. See Strauss, Julia C., ‘The Evolution of Republican Government’, in Reappraising Republican China, (New York: Oxford University Press), pp. 81–85Google Scholar.
116 Wen-hsin Yeh points out that the essence of the GMD partification education was ‘in spite hostile to individual fulfillment and suspicious of open-ended intellectual inquiry’ and fiercely criticized by Chinese liberal intellectuals. See Yeh, Wen-hsin, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919–1937, (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1990), p. 180CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
117 Yingshih, Yu,‘Zhong guo zhi shi fen zi de bian yuan hua’ (‘The Marginalization of Chinese Intellectuals’), in Zhong guo zhi shi fen zi lun (On Chinese Intellectuals), (Zhengzhou: Hunan People's Press, 1997), pp. 163–173Google Scholar. He observes the process in which Chinese intellectuals such as Hu Shi were culturally and politically marginalized by the party state during the first three-quarters of the twentieth century.
118 According to Bourdieu, a field is a hierarchically structured locus where a given set of resources is produced, circulated, scrambled, and consumed by agents who occupy positions in this field. See Bourdieu, Pierre, The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993) pp. 6–7Google Scholar. In this paper, the field mainly means CPS and the venues where the CPS members acted. Habitus could be seen as a particular lifestyle formed by specific socioeconomic and cultural conditions of a field, and may be used to decide whether or not an individual belongs to a social group. See Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction: a Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Nice, Richard (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 208Google Scholar. I have used this concept to describe the political agendas and practices that were generally appreciated by those people who considered themselves to be intellectuals.
119 This paper echoes John Fitzgerald's observation that the process of reorganizing the GMD into a Leninist party was never smooth and was met with much resistance from GMD liberals. The influence of the GMD liberals remained in the party untill well after it had actually adopted Leninist principles. See Fitzgerald, John, Awakening China: Politics, Culture, and Class in the Nationalist Revolution, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 191–195Google Scholar.
120 Julia C. Strauss, ‘The Evolution of Republican Government’, p. 77.
121 In his analysis of Chinese one-party states, William C. Kirby points out that the GMD had ‘developed an ability to cohabit with several generations of technical and managerial elites’. Nevertheless, he believes that the momentum of democratization could only come from quarters outside the party. This paper indicates, however, that it seems likely that the GMD might itself contain the element or tradition to transform from one-party dictatorship to democracy. See Kirby, William C., ‘The Chinese Party-state under Dictatorship and Democracy on the Mainland and on Taiwan’, in Kirby, William C. ed., Realms of Freedom in Modern China, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), p. 136Google Scholar.