Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2009
The past two decades have seen a dramatic renewal of interest in the subject of historical memory, its reproduction and transmission. But most studies have focused on the selection and construction of extant memories. This essay looks at missing memory as well. It seeks to broaden our understanding of memory by investigating the way in which historical memory significant to one historical tradition was slighted by another, even though the two overlapped both spatially and chronologically. It does this by an examination of how the memory of the Marathi-speaking peoples first neglected and then adopted the story of the Vijayanagara empire that once dominated southern India.
2 Thapar, Romila, Interpreting Early India, (Delhi: Oxford India paperback, [1992] 1999), p. 137Google Scholar.
3 Here and throughout the rest of this paper, the Common Era dates are inserted without specific marking; the calendrical system is indicated in all other cases.
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7 Deshpande, Prachi, Creative Pasts: Historical Memory and Identity in Western India, 1700–1960, (New York: Columbia University Press 2007), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Emphasis added.
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11 “Reflections on State-Making and History-making in South India 1500–1800” in Penumbral Visions: Making Polities in Early Modern South India, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 186.
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13 The quote is from Shahid Amin's “Prologue” to Event, Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura 1922–1992, (New Delhi: Penguin edition 2006), p. xx.
14 Ernest Renan, “Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?” reprinted in Oeuvres Completes, Vol. 1, (Paris: Calmann-Levy, [1882] 1947), p. 891.
15 Indrani Chatterjee, “Captives of Enchantment?: Gender, Genre and Transmemoration” Seminar paper presented at the University of California Santa Cruz, Workshop on Comparative Feminisms, March 2005.
16 Wagoner, Phillip B., Tidings of the King: A Translation and Ethnohistorical Analysis of the Rayavacakamu, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993)Google Scholar.
17 Iyengar, S. Krishnaswamy (ed.), Sources of Vijayanagar History (Madras: University of Madras, 1919)Google Scholar.
18 Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta and Venkataramanayya, N., Further Sources of Vijayanagar History, (Madras: University of Madras, 1946, 3 vols.), Vol. 3, p. 197Google Scholar.
19 Sardesai, Govind Sakharam, Marathi Riyasat, Revised and annotated edition (Mumbai: 1988, 8 vols.), vol. 1, p. 89–109Google Scholar.
20 Pindye, Jayarama, Radhamadhavavilasacampu (ed.) Rajwade, Vishwanath K., (Pune: Varda Books [1923] 1993), pp. 256–7Google Scholar.
21 For background, see Kulke, Hermann, “Maharajas, Mahants and Historians: Reflections on the Historiography of Early Vijayanagara and Sringeri” in Kings and Cults: State Formation an Legitimation in India and Southeast Asia, (Delhi: Manohar reprint, 2001), pp. 208–39Google Scholar.
22 Natalie Tobert, Anegondi: Architectural Ethnography of a Royal Village, (Delhi: Manohar for the American Institute of Indian Studies, Vijayanagara Research Project Monograph Series, Vol. 7, 2000), x–xii, pp. 192–96.
23 Dictionary of Marathi and English compiled by J. T. Molesworth assisted by George and Thomas Candy – Second Edition revised and enlarged by J. T. Molesworth [1857] 2nd Corrected Reprint Pune: Shubhada Saraswat 1982, Preface to the second edition, pp. xviii–xxi.
24 Potdar, D. V. and Mujumdar, G. N. (eds.), Sivacaritra Sahitya-2 (Pune: BISM 1930), pp. 333–38Google Scholar; I located this reference via the valuable article by Potdar, D. V., “Marathit Vijayanagara” in Karmarkar, Dattatreya P. and Oturkar, Rajaram V. (eds.) Vijayanagara Smaraka Grantha (Marathi Avrutti), (Pune: BISM 1936–37), pp. 338–50Google Scholar. The discussion of the rival narratives of the Sardesai and Padhye households is taken from that essay.
25 Cited in Potdar, “Marathit Vijayanagara”, pp. 339–40.
26 Y. Khu. Deshpande, “Vijayanagarce Rajanca ullekha” with notes by Potdar, D. V. and Joshi, S. N.BISMT, 10, 3 (1929), pp. 113–15Google Scholar.
27 Potdar, “Marathit Vijayanagara” pp. 343–44.
28 S. Paramashivan, “Vijayanagarakalina Citrakala” in Vijayanagara Smaraka Grantha, pp. 208–9.
29 As Zerubavel points out, beginnings are highly significant. “Origins help articulate identities, and where communities locate their beginnings tells us quite a lot about how they perceive themselves.” Time-Maps, p. 101, emphasis original.
30 T. Sambamurti Row copied and published, The Marathi Historical Inscription at the Sri Brihadeeswaraswami Temple at Tanjore, (Tanjore: The Editor 1907), pp. 1–2.
31 Equally interesting but not relevant to the present theme is the systematic downplaying of Shivaji and his line.
32 Incomplete text, without ascription, published as “Aitihasik sphuta lekha” pp. 21–9, in Itihasa Samgraha, Vol. 1, Nos. 10–11 (1908–9).
33 Internal evidence suggests that this was a copyist's error, and either the year was in Fasli or the number should perhaps be 1224. The regimes covered extend up to Sake 1739, or 1817–18.
34 Potdar, Datto Vamana ed., Anjanvela Talukyaci Vahivata, in Mehendale, Khanderav Cintamana (ed.) (BISM Varshika Itivritta Sake 1835), pp. 318–20Google Scholar.
35 Published by V. K. Rajavade and D. V. Apte in ibid., pp. 169–75.
36 Steele, Arthur, The Hindu Castes Their Law, Religion and Customs, (Delhi: Mittal Publications, reprint 1989), pp. 4–5Google Scholar. This text is a reprint under a different title of The Law and Custom of Hindoo Castes of the Dekhun Provinces, first published in 1827.
37 Potdar, “Marathit Vijayanagara” p. 350.
38 This is something that if held in the mouth gives supernatural powers to the holder.
39 adl means justice; adalat meaning court of law was assimilated into Marathi. The function of Adal-shah is thus fancifully reconstructed from the dynastic title. Bahiri-sasana is the Marathi for peregrine falcon—hence the occupation of the Nizam Shah!
40 An echo of the derogatory tradition found in the Rayavacakamu: “a fellow named Barid of Bidar . . . began to rule . . . His hawk keeper came to be known as Nizam Shah, his water-pot bearer became known as Adil Shah, and the man who was in charge of keeping the dogs became known as Qutb Shah. Each of the three was given charge over a province. . .” Wagoner trans. Tidings of the King, p. 123.
41 An excellent survey is in Stein, Burton, Vijayanagara (Cambridge: University Press, New Cambridge History of India, I.2, 1989), pp. 4–7Google Scholar.
42 This information is derived from the introduction to the reprinted text in Sovani, Avinash (ed.), Aitihasika Bakhari- Khand pahila, (Pune: Shabdavedha Prakashan 1998), p. 12Google Scholar (preface); pp. 13–23 (text).
43 Iyengar, S. K., “The Bakhair of Rama Raja” in Proceedings of Meetings, (Poona Calcutta: Government Central Press, 1925), Vol. 7, pp. 53–63Google Scholar. See also Herwadkar, Rajaram V., A Forgotten Literature: Foundations of Marathi Chronicles, (Mumbai: Popular Prakashan 1994), pp. 12–13Google Scholar; idem, Marathi Bakhar, (Pune: Venus Prakashan, Revised enlarged edition, 1974), pp. 40–41.
44 Further Sources, Vol. 3, pp. 204–42. Note on p. 205 refers to the Mackenzie translation as India Office Mss no. X.
45 Rajpurohit, Na. Shri., “Rakshas-Tangdiya rananganaca sthalanirnya”, Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala Traimasika, Vol. 10, No. 1 (1928–29), pp. 17–22Google Scholar.
46 Phillip Wagoner (personal communication) suggests that it might even have been written for, or at the behest of, Colin Mackenzie in 1809–10 when his research assistants, Narrain Row and Ananda Row were both in the vicinity of Bellari.
47 I have translated and discussed this text in “Literary Tropes and Historical Settings: A study from Southern India” in Rajat Datta (ed.), Rethinking a Millennium: India from the Eighth to the Eighteenth Centuries Delhi, forthcoming.
48 Gramopadhye, G. B. (ed.) Marathi Bakhar Gadya, (Pune: Mehta Publishing House, [1952] 1988)Google Scholar. He titled it ‘Rakshes Tagdicha Ranasamgrama’—the Battle of Rakshes Tagdi., pp. 17–22; annotation pp. 170–1. This heavily edited text is briefly discussed in Rao, Shulman and Subrahmanyam Textures of Time, pp. 227–8.
49 Gramopadhye, 18 footnote.
50 Wagoner, Tidings of the King, pp. 5–9.
51 Every sixty years, the planets return to a particular configuration and the cycle resumes. Each year has a specific name - the first being Prabhava and the last Akshaya.
52 Sovani (ed.), Aitihasika Bakhari, pp. 22–23.
53 On the political and cultural significance of the Mandala, see Prachi Deshpande, Creative Pasts, pp. 117–20.
54 Karamarkar (ed.), Vijayanagara Smaraka Grantha, pp. 1–2.
55 Ibid., pp. 1–7.
56 T. S. Shejwalkar, “Vijayanagara Samrajyace Maratheshahivarila parinama” in Vijayanagara Smaraka Grantha, pp. 64–5.