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Crafting Colonial Anxieties: Silk and the Salvation Army in British India, circa 1900–1920*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 February 2016

JAGJEET LALLY
JAGJEET LALLY*
Affiliation:
Department of History, University College London, United Kingdom Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

In the early twentieth century, the Salvation Army in British India transformed its public profile and standing, shifting from being an organization seen by the state as a threat to social order, to being partner to the state in the delivery of social welfare programmes. At the same time, the Army also shaped discussion and anxieties about the precarious position of India's economy and sought to intervene on behalf of the state—or to present itself as doing so—in the rescue of India's traditional industries. The Army was an important actor in debates about the future of traditional industries such as silkworm rearing and silk weaving, and was able to mobilize public opinion to press provincial governments for resources with which to try to resuscitate and rejuvenate India's silk industry. Although the Army's sericulture initiatives failed to thwart the decline of India's silk industry, they generated significant momentum, publicity, and public attention, to some extent transforming the Army's standing in British India and beyond.

Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 3 , May 2016 , pp. 765 - 807
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Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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Footnotes

*

This article was written while I was, all too briefly, the Moses and Mary Finley Research Fellow, a privilege for which I wish to thank the Master and Fellows of Darwin College, Cambridge. I also wish to thank Stephen Cummins, Sujit Sivasundaram, and the editors and reviewers of this journal for reading the entire draft and offering useful suggestions and corrections.

References

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11 Barnett, The Salvation Army in India, p. 204. Such crafts, alongside paper and rope making, had long been taught according to ‘improved’ methods in Punjab jails to convicted criminals as disciplinary and purposeful employment. See Baden Powell, B. H. (1868). Hand-book of the Economic Products of the Punjab, with a Combined Index and Glossary of Technical Vernacular Words. Vol. I. Economic Raw Produce, Thomason Civil Engineering College, Roorkee, passimGoogle Scholar. The mobilization of criminal tribes’ labour on the settlements was, then, perhaps an extension of this project, suggesting that criminals—convicted or otherwise, in the case of the Doms—were not differentiated in regards to the utility of the labour, and instead mobilized (albeit in vain) in attempts to preserve and, later, revivify Indian crafts.

12 Because the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 was in force in Punjab, the Punjab Government—as well as the Indian Police Commission—was instrumental in shaping the 1911 Act, and it is thus that Booth-Tucker was able to exert his influence as a former Punjab administrator on the content of the Act and its implementation. See Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp. 6–7, 27–39, 71–5, 98–9; Major, A. J. (1999). State and Criminal Tribes in Colonial Punjab: Surveillance, Control and Reclamation of the ‘Dangerous Classes’, Modern Asian Studies, 33:3, especially pp. 675–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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14 Tolen, R. J. (1991). Colonizing and Transforming the Criminal Tribesman: The Salvation Army in British India, American Ethnologist, 18:1, pp. 106–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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17 McGowan, A. (2009). Crafting the Nation in Colonial India, Palgrave Macmillan, BasingstokeCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 See, for a review of works on the Salvation Army in other parts of the non-European world: Fischer-Tiné, ‘Reclaiming Savages’, p. 153, n. 7.

19 Roy, T. (1999). Traditional Industry in the Economy of Colonial India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See, for monographs prepared for the Punjab government, Hailey, W. M. (1899). Monograph on the Silk Industry of the Punjab, 1899, Civil and Military Gazette Press, LahoreGoogle Scholar; Cookson, H. C. (1887?). Monograph on the Silk Industry of the Punjab, 1886–87, Punjab Government Press, LahoreGoogle Scholar. See, for the ‘facts’ concerning output decline and the turn from raw silk to waste silk exports, van Schendel, W. (1995). Reviving a Rural Industry. Silk Producers and Officials in India and Bangladesh 1880s to 1980s, University Press Limited, Dhaka, p. 49Google Scholar.

20 For a history of Thomas Wardle, see King, B. M. (2005). Silk and Empire, Manchester University Press, Manchester, especially chapter 5Google Scholar.

21 van Schendel, Reviving a Rural Industry, p. 47.

22 King, Silk and Empire, p. 73.

23 Anon. (1908). Annual Report of the Imperial Department of Agriculture for the Years 1905–06 and 1906–07, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 23Google Scholar. The folly of the Government of India and the Bengal government sericulture department's approach to ‘reviving’ Bengal's silk industry is examined in Van Schendel, Reviving a Rural Industry, pp. 47–70.

24 Anon. (1906). Annual Report of the Imperial Department of Agriculture for the Year 1904–05, Government Central Press, Calcutta, p. 13Google Scholar.

25 Ibid., pp. 41–42, 47. William Moorcroft, veterinarian and explorer, was the most famous of the figures in the early history of the Pusa stud; see Alder, G. (1985). Beyond Bokhara: The Life of William Moorcroft. Asian Explorer and Pioneer Veterinary Surgeon, 1767–1825, Century, LondonGoogle Scholar.

26 Maxwell-Lefroy, H. and Ansorge, E. C. (1917). Report on an Inquiry into the Silk Industry in India, Government Press, CalcuttaGoogle Scholar.

27 Anon. (1917). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1915–16, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 54Google Scholar. Also see King, Silk and Empire, pp. 69–73.

28 Anon., Report on the Progress of Agriculture 1915–16, p. 54.

29 Ibid., pp. 54–55; Anon. (1924). Review of Agricultural Operations in India 1922–23, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 64Google Scholar. Remarkably, the history of hybridization extends back to experiments in Rajshahi in 1854; see van Schendel, Reviving a Rural Industry, p. 42.

30 Anon., Annual Report 1905–06 and 1906–07, p. 23; Anon. (1909). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1907–09, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 45Google Scholar. F. D. Lafont, the French expert employed in Bengal in 1911, returned to Europe within the year and was replaced by another Frenchman experienced in sericulture in Madagascar in 1912; see Anon. (1913). A Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1911–12, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 48Google Scholar; Anon. (1914). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1912–13, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 48Google Scholar. Elsewhere, in the princely state of Mysore, for example, Italian experts were employed to educate students and staff in the use of new techniques and technologies, much as the Company had done in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. See Anon. (1915). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1913–14, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 68Google Scholar.

31 See, for exports into Punjab as an index of the increasing scale of Kashmiri output, Lally, J. (2013). ‘Indo-Central Asian Trade, c.1600–1900’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, pp. 266–67.

32 Federico, G. (2009). An Economic History of the Silk Industry, 1830–1930, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 197–200Google Scholar.

33 Ibid., p. 179.

34 Ibid., p. 179; King, Silk and Empire, pp. 74–80.

35 Rawlley, R. C. (1919). The Silk Industry and Trade. A Study in the Economic Organization of the Export Trade of Kashmir and Indian Silks, with Special Reference to Their Utilization in the British and French Markets, P. S. King & Son, London, especially pp. 27–28Google Scholar.

36 Anon., Annual Report 1905–06 and 1906–07, p. 23.

37 Federico, An Economic History of the Silk Industry, p. 179.

38 Ideas about India and Indian crafts, however, were of importance to the development of the Arts and Crafts Movement, suggesting a global dimension to the movement, and a two-way flow of ideas and ideals. Indian silk, and its manufacture, more specifically, served as inspiration for English industrialists and craftsmen facing competition from the French silk textiles industry. See, for recent studies, Mathur, S. (2007). India by Design. Colonial History and Cultural Display, University of California Press, BerkeleyGoogle Scholar; King, Silk and Empire. See also, McGowan, Crafting the Nation, especially p. 41.

39 McGowan, Crafting the Nation, p. 5.

40 Ibid., especially chapter 2.

41 See, for a recent study of Henry's Maine's intellectual thought and its relation to imperial ideology, Mantena, K. (2010). Alibis of Empire. Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism, Princeton University Press, PrincetonGoogle Scholar.

42 Metcalf, T. R. (2010). The New Cambridge History of India. III.4. Ideologies of the Raj, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, p. 66Google Scholar.

43 Ibid., pp. 26, 69–72.

44 McGowan, Crafting the Nation, especially pp. 101, 151–53.

45 In writing about ‘technological Utopias’, David Arnold has highlighted some of the range of positions on India's future. See Arnold, D. (2013). Everyday Technology. Machines and the Making of India's Modernity, Chicago University Press, Chicago, pp. 16–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Barnett, The Salvation Army in India, pp. 202–3. See, on the point of maintaining difference: Fischer-Tiné, ‘Reclaiming Savages’, pp. 138–39.

47 Note: India's Cry [henceforth IC] was later renamed The War Cry [henceforth: TWC(I)], in line with the title of the English magazine.

48 Booth-Tucker, F. (1915). The Fruitfulness of Salvation Army Work in India, All The World [henceforth: ALW], 36:10, p. 520Google Scholar.

49 McGowan, Crafting the Nation, p. 125; Mathur, India by Design, Chapter 1; King, Silk and Empire, pp. 144–47. As Abigail McGowan has shown, the display of Indian crafts in London was ‘less to celebrate local skills than to identify opportunities for future development—possibly by Indian artisans, but more likely by British merchants and industrialists . . . to situate Indian crafts within a competitive imperial economy’ within which figures such as Tellery were also located. See McGowan, Crafting the Nation, p. 41.

50 Anon., The Hindu Village Artisan, p. 12.

51 Ibid., p. 13.

52 Note: although the Salvationists adopted Indian names for themselves while working on the subcontinent, the choice of John and Dick as the names for the Indian weavers in this poem is probably partly on artistic grounds, so as not to interfere with metre and rhyme.

53 Anon. (1906). The Two Weavers, IC, 12:7, p. 11Google Scholar.

54 Johnston, Missionary Writing and Empire, p. 18.

55 Cox, Imperial Fault Lines, p. 163.

56 For a study of the London Missionary Society in the eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Pacific, for example, see Sujit Sivasundaram, S. (2011). Nature and the Godly Empire. Science and Evangelical Mission in the Pacific, 1795–1850, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, especially pp. 81–82Google Scholar.

57 An extended examination of the Army's necessary intervention in the subcontinent's agricultural and industrial sectors appeared in the first ‘industrial’ special issue of TWC(I): Singh, F. (1911). Industrial India, TWC(I), 17:6, pp. 1–3.

58 For the role of Staff Captain Maxwell in learning from Gujarati weavers and developing the Army's warping machine, see Berry, E. A. (2008). ‘From Criminals to Caretakers: The Salvation Army in India, 1882–1914’, unpublished PhD thesis, Northeastern University, pp. 243–44.

59 Das, P. (1910). Loom Notes, IC, 16:3, p. 7Google Scholar. The date for the establishment of the loom factory is taken from Anon. (1924). The Army Handloom, The War Cry [London edition], 2516, p. 3Google Scholar.

60 See, for example: (1910). IC, 16:2, back cover; (1910). IC, 16:7, back cover.

61 Anon. (1911). Loom Notes. Latest ‘Coronation’ News, IC, 17:9, p. 13Google Scholar.

62 Anon. (1921). S. A. Auto Hand-Looms Booming, TWC(I), 27:3, p. 8Google Scholar.

63 Haynes, D. E. (2012). Small Town Capitalism in Western India. Artisans, Merchants and the Making of the Informal Economy, 1870–1960, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 207–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. As Haynes notes, Churchill was also unsuccessful in his efforts, indicative of the inherent flaws in the sorts of approach to craft regeneration taken by the missionaries which are analysed towards the end of this article.

64 Badenoch, A. C. (1917). Punjab Industries, 1911–1917, Superintendent Government Printing, Lahore, pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

65 See, for the first article on the Sir Louis Dane Weaving School, Anon. (1910). Inside the Fort at Ludhiana, TWC(I), 16:8, pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

66 Anon., Loom Notes. Latest ‘Coronation’ News, p. 13.

67 Badenoch, Punjab Industries, pp. 2–3.

68 Ibid., pp. 3–4; Anon., Inside the Fort at Ludhiana, pp. 3–4.

69 Anon. (1913). [no title], TWC(I), 19:6, p. 8Google Scholar; Anon. (1913). The Salvation Army Sale and Exhibition at Simla, TWC(I), 19:6, p. 9Google Scholar.

70 See, for example, Anon. (1911). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1910–11, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 14Google Scholar.

71 Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, p. 16.

72 Anon., Inside the Fort at Ludhiana, p. 3; Anon. (1911). War Whispers from the Indian and Ceylon Battlefield, TWC(I), 17:4, p. 6Google Scholar.

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74 The Army's interest in this issue, however, was already established in 1911, as evidenced by an earlier pamphlet written by Booth-Tucker; see, for an announcement of the pamphlet's publication, and a summary of its contents, Anon. (1911). Sericulture in India and Ceylon, TWC(I), 17:9, p. 13Google Scholar.

75 Booth-Tucker and Reid, Silk and Silk Worms in the Far East, especially p. 36.

76 Anon., Annual 1905–06 and 1906–07, p. 23; Anon., Report 1915–16, p. 56.

77 Booth-Tucker shared the Government of India's interest in Kashmir, visiting the state ‘in the interests of sericulture’ in 1916. See, for example, Das, D. (1916). The Commissioners Visit the Punjab, TWC(I), 22:11, p. 7Google Scholar. The experience at the Tata Silk Farm highlighted how important technical learning from the Chinese and Japanese was for the successful competition of Indian sericulture. See also Anon. (1913). The Silk Industry, TWC(I), 19:10, p. 13Google Scholar.

78 See, for a summary history of the Tata Silk Farm, Das, S. and Soranapo. (1920). Silk Farm and Boarding School, ALW, 41:6, pp. 277–78Google Scholar.

79 Anon., Annual Report 1904–05, pp. 28–29.

80 Fischer-Tiné, ‘Reclaiming Savages’, p. 146.

81 For notice of the award of gold medals for the Tata Silk Farm's manufactures, see Anon. (1911). [no title], TWC(I), 17:3, p. 4; Anon. (1911). [no title], TWC(I), 17:11, p. 6. The Tata Silk Farm was not the only institution open to visitors. The weaving school in Ludhiana periodically opened its doors, receiving 3,000 visitors during the Dussera festival in 1911, for example. See Anon. (1911). S. A. Weavery, Ludhiana. The Fort Besieged, TWC(I), 17:11, p. iGoogle Scholar. Such occasions were undoubtedly important for the purposes of publicity and legitimizing the Army's work.

82 Whether this more successfully met the demand for images than individual postcards remains a mystery; see Jackson, E. (1918). The Salvation Army Views of the Tata Silk Farm, Bangalore, no publisher, BangaloreGoogle Scholar.

83 Tolen, Colonizing and Transforming the Criminal Tribesman, pp. 117–18.

84 Jackson, Views of the Tata Silk Farm, pp. 12, 18–19.

85 In fact, although women were to be ‘tutored in wifely and matronly qualities’ rather than put to wage work, women formed a desirable part of the labour force on the Army's settlements and farms. See Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, p. 165.

86 For a similarly gendered division of labour at the Salvation Army's girls’ and boys’ schools in Lahore, see Anon. (1913). What's What in the Industries, TWC(I), 19:6Google Scholar, inside front cover. Of course, girls and women were sometimes involved in silk reeling and weaving, but the fact of their exclusion from outdoor and manual work remains; see Singh, F. and Dutini. (1913). War Whispers from the Indian and Ceylon Battlefield, TWC(I), 19:5, pp. 5–6Google Scholar.

87 Cooper, F. and Stoler, A. L. (1997). Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, University of California Press, LondonCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88 Arnold, Everyday Technology, p. 80.

89 The Salvation Army's silk settlement in Peradeniya near Kandy in Ceylon followed from earlier experiments in sericulture which were frustrated as a result of opposition from Buddhists who ‘would not sanction a practice which involved the destruction of the worm, although they themselves gave the greatest encouragement to it by the use of silk’—Simmonds, P. L. (1869). On Silk Cultivation and Supply in India, Journal of the Society of Arts, 27, p. 362Google Scholar. See, for Buddhist resistance to British rule more generally from the late eighteenth through to the nineteenth century, Wilson, J. (2013). ‘Britain, Kandy and Rebellion in Sri Lanka, 1798–1848’, unpublished MPhil dissertation, University of Cambridge; Frost, M. (2002). Wider Opportunities: Religious Revival, Nationalist Awakening and the Global Dimension in Colombo, 1870–1920, Modern Asian Studies, 36:4, pp. 937–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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91 See, for a summary of the first and subsequent plans for the forest up to 1917, Parker, R. N. (1917). Working Plan for the Changa Manga Plantation, Superintendent Government Printing, Lahore, p. 1Google Scholar.

92 Parker, Working Plan, pp. 1–2. The difference in the price of sisu and mulberry wood was small, however; see Anon. (1916). Lahore District, with Maps. 1916, Superintendent Government Printing, Lahore, p. 152.

93 Parker, Working Plan, pp. 3–5.

94 Anon. (1912). Interesting Enterprise, TWC(I), 18:7, p. 10Google Scholar.

95 In fact, the Act was central to the colonial state's raising of revenue from the land; see Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, especially pp. 105–12.

96 Anon. (1912). The Sansia Colony at Changa Manga, TWC(I), 18:7, p. 11Google Scholar; Akbar, and Bibi, F. (1913). Changa Manga, TWC(I), 19:1, p. 14Google Scholar.

97 Anon., Interesting Enterprise.

98 For discussion of the use of jail labour to introduce and spread carpet weaving as a traditional craft in Western India, see McGowan, A. (2013). Convict Carpets: Jails and the Revival of Historic Carpet Design in Colonial India, The Journal of Asian Studies, 72:2, pp. 391–416CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

99 Anon., War Whispers, p. 6. At Danipur, the rearing of silkworms, and the reeling and weaving of silk was established between 1913 and 1915; see Anon. (1913), ‘Bring out the Prisoners from Prison.’ A Peep at Danepur Settlement, TWC(I), 19:6, p. 1; Anon. (1915). Industries, TWC(I), 21:6, inside front cover.

100 Barnett, The Salvation Army in India, p. 205.

101 Anon. (1907). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1907, Civil and Military Gazette Press, LahoreGoogle Scholar.

102 Anon. (1908). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1908, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 10Google Scholar.

103 Anon. (1909). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1909, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar.

104 Anon., Lahore District, with Maps. 1916, p. 154.

105 Akbar, (1913). At Changa Manga, TWC(I), 19:6, p. 14Google Scholar; Anon., Lahore District, with Maps. 1916, p. 154.

106 Parker, Working Plan, pp. 10–11.

107 Anon., Lahore District, with Maps. 1916, p. 154.

108 Akbar and Bibi, Changa Manga, p. 14; Akbar, At Changa Manga, p. 14; Singh, F. (1916). War Whispers, TWC(I), 22:4, p. 9Google Scholar; Akbar (1917). The Commissioners at Changa Manga. Leaves from the Mulberry Forest, TWC(I), 23:5, p. 4Google Scholar.

109 Akbar, At Changa Manga, p. 14; Barnett, The Salvation Army in India, p. 205.

110 Singh, F. and Dutini, (1913). [no title], TWC(I), 19:6, p. 6Google Scholar.

111 Anon., Lahore District, with Maps. 1916, p. 154.

112 Green, C. (1916). Changa Manga, TWC(I), 22:6, p. 8Google Scholar.

113 Anon. (1912). Proposed Memorials to General Booth, TWC(I), 18:12, p. 11Google Scholar.

114 Booth-Tucker, F. (1915). The Fruitfulness of Salvation Army Work in India, ALW, 36:10, pp. 517–21Google Scholar.

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116 Anon. (1918). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1916–17, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, pp. 81–82Google Scholar; Anon. (1919). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1917–18, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 96Google Scholar. In contrast, Punjabi zamindars thought the task unworthwhile and suited to menials. See Anon. (1911). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1911, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 4Google Scholar.

117 Empire Day was the forerunner of Commonwealth Day, and Arbour Day was arguably the forerunner of ‘Van Mahotsav’, the annual tree-planting festival first celebrated in 1950 in independent India.

118 Singh, F. [Booth-Tucker, F.] (1910). Empire Day. Arbour Day. May 24th 1910, A Great Treeplanting Campaign, TWC(I), 16:3, p. 1Google Scholar.

119 Ibid., pp. 1–2. The following year, the advantages of mulberry were advanced alongside those of eucalyptus. See Singh, F. (1912). Arbour Day Catechism, TWC(I), 18:5, p. 10Google Scholar.

120 Singh, F. (1910). Empire Day—Arbour Day, TWC(I), 16:4, pp. 4–5Google Scholar; Singh, F. (1910). Arbour Day Tinklings and Thinkings, TWC(I), 16:5, pp. 9–10Google Scholar.

121 See, for example, Anon. (1916). [no title], TWC(I), 22:6, pp. 1–2Google Scholar.

122 Anon., Report, 1917–18, p. 96.

123 Coventry, B. (1911). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1909–10, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 82Google Scholar; Anon., Report, 1916–17, pp. 81–82; Anon. (1921). Review of Agricultural Operations in India 1919–20, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 52Google Scholar.

124 Anon. (1922). Review of Agricultural Operations in India 1920–21, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p.37Google Scholar.

125 Anon., Report, 1908, p. 10.

126 Anon., Report, 1916–17, pp. 81–82; Anon., Review, 1919–20, p. 52; Anon., Review, 1920–21, p. 37; Anon. (1923). Review of Agricultural Operations in India 1921–22, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 63Google Scholar.

127 Anon., Report, 1916–17, pp. 81–82.

128 Badenoch, Punjab Industries, pp. 11–12. Booth-Tucker had also convinced the Punjab Department of Agriculture of the merits of this proposal, and they, too, distributed seed to boys’ primary schools. See Anon. (1913). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1913, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar.

129 Anon., Review, 1919–20, p. 52; Anon. Review, 1921–22, p. 63.

130 Anon., Review, 1920–21, p. 37.

131 Anon., Report, 1908, p. 10.

132 Coventry, Report, 1909–10, p. 82; Anon., Report, 1910–11, p. 62; Anon. (1916). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1914–15, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 50Google Scholar; Anon., Review, 1920–21, p. 37. Note: The shake-up of the department came in 1898, when it was realized that the provincial government's provision of agricultural education and information and its promotion of scientific enquiry were limited. See Anon. (1899). Report on the Operations of the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab, For the Year Ending 30th September 1898, Civil and Military Gazette Press, LahoreGoogle Scholar. The establishment of the Lyallpur experimental farm, mentioned above, was an outcome of this transformation.

133 Anon., Annual Report, 1904–05, p. 36; Anon., Annual Report, 1905–06 and 1906–07, pp. 29–30.

134 Anon., Report, 1910–11, p. 23.

135 Anon., Report, 1911–12, p. 21; Anon., Report, 1912–13, p. 22. Before this time, Lala Vishwa Nath Sahai was employed as the agricultural assistant, in which capacity he undertook some entomological research, sending samples each month to Maxwell-Lefroy, with whom he met for a fortnight of training each year; see Anon. (1905). Report of the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1904, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar; Anon. (1906). Report of the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1905, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 12Google Scholar. The assistant's work, however, was entirely preoccupied with insect pests.

136 Anon. (1920). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1918–19, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 77Google Scholar; Anon. (1921). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1920. Part I, Government Printing, LahoreGoogle Scholar.

137 Anon. (1913). Notes from the Educational Department Simla, TWC(I), 19:1, p. 17Google Scholar.

138 Such a pamphlet was written in 1913 by E. Jackson, manager of the farm in Bangalore. For the announcement of its publication, see Anon. (1913). Sericulture [extract from the Bombay Guardian, 9 May 1913], TWC(I), 19:6, p. 15Google Scholar.

139 Curiously, the intake of students is not mentioned in TWC(I) or other Army publications; instead, see Anon. (1916). Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, Vol. 14, John Murray, London, p. 477Google Scholar.

140 See, for example, Barnett, The Salvation Army in India, p. 205.

141 Prakash, G. (1999). Another Reason. Science and the Imagination of Modern India, Princeton University Press, PrincetonGoogle Scholar.

142 Anon. (1915). Weaving and Silk Competitions, TWC(I), 21:1, pp. 11–12Google Scholar.

143 In fact, the Army struggled to adjudicate a winner from the entries received in 1915; see Anon. (1915). Weaving and Silk Competitions, TWC(I), 21:4, p. 13Google Scholar.

144 Termination of the silk experiment in the forest was announced—almost in code—as the ‘return’ of Akbar and Fazal Bibi to Lahore after six years. See Singh, D. (1919). A Sunday in Lahore, TWC(I), 25:5, p. 3Google Scholar.

145 Anon., Report, 1911, p. 4. Note: Ghulam Sadiq raised 379 ounces of seed that year.

146 Anon. (1912). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1912, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar; Anon., Report, 1913, pp. 6–7. The maund was equivalent to approximately 82 lbs, and the seer—which was one-fortieth of a maund—was equivalent to approximately 2 lbs.

147 Anon., Report, 1913, pp. 6–7.

148 Anon. (1914). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1914, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 5Google Scholar.

149 Parker, Working Plan, especially p. 12.

150 Singh, R. (1919). Settlement Siftings, TWC(I), 25:6, p. 7Google Scholar; Anon. (1921). Changa Manga Settlement, TWC(I), 27:12, p. 2Google Scholar.

151 Anon., Report, 1916–17, p. 82.

152 It seems the Army opened the school before receiving sanction from the Punjab government. See Anon. (1915). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1915, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 3Google Scholar.

153 Dutini, (1915). The O’Dwyer Silk Farm and Institute, Simla, TWC(I), 21:11, p. 10Google Scholar.

154 Anon. (1916). The O’Dwyer Silk Farm and Institute, TWC(I), 22:6, p. 3Google Scholar; Anon., Report, 1916–17, p. 82.

155 Ibid., pp. 3–4. For the difficulties facing Punjabi industrialists in establishing modern mills, see Latifi, A. (1911). The Industrial Punjab: A Survey of Facts, Conditions and Possibilities, Longmans, Green & Co., Bombay, pp. 26–27Google Scholar; Badenoch, Punjab Industries, pp. 6–8.

156 Anon. (1919). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1919. Part I., Government Printing, Lahore, p. 6Google Scholar.

157 See, for example, Das and Soranapoo, Silk Farm and Boarding School; Anon. (1922). Souls and Silk, TWC(I), 28:5, p. 1Google Scholar; Anon. (1922). [no title], TWC(I), 28:7, p. 2Google Scholar.

158 This is certainly the view taken by the Punjab Department of Agriculture. See Anon., Report, 1920, p. 11.

159 Dewey, ‘New Industrial Policy’, p. 234 and passim.

160 Anon. (1921). Sialkot District, with Maps. 1920, Superintendent Government Printing, Lahore, p. 128Google Scholar.

161 Maxwell-Lefroy and Ansorge, Report, Vol. I, p. 106. For the Punjab Department of Agriculture's response to Maxwell-Lefroy's gentler and earlier exhortations, see Anon. (1916). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1916, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 3Google Scholar.

162 Maxwell-Lefroy and Ansorge, Report, Vol. I, pp. 57–58, 106.

163 Ibid., pp. 106–7.

164 Ibid., p. 109.

165 Ibid., p. 105.

166 Ibid., pp. 55–56.

167 Ibid., pp. 108–9.

168 Ibid., p. 108.

169 Lally, Trial, Error and Economic Development in Colonial Punjab, passim.