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Doctoring the Body and Exciting the Soul: Drugs and consumer culture in medieval and early modern Iran

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2019

RANIN KAZEMI
RANIN KAZEMI*
Affiliation:
San Diego State University Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article focuses on the development of early modern consumerism in a part of the Middle East that historians of consumer culture are yet to fully explore. Making use of a wide variety of unexplored and underexplored original sources, the article contends that early modern consumer culture in Iran was grounded deeply in the ever-widening patterns of exchange and use that had developed slowly over the course of the previous centuries. The discussion below takes the growing popular interest in a few key psychoactive substances as a useful barometer of the dynamics of mass consumption, and chronicles how the slow and ever-expanding use of alcohol, opium, and cannabis (or a cannabis-like product) in the medieval period led to the popularity of coffee, tobacco, older drugs, and still other commodities in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The aim here is to use the history of drug culture as an entry point to scrutinize the emergence of early modern consumerism among the elites and the non-elites in both urban and rural areas of the Middle East. In doing so, this article reconstructs the cultural and social history of recreational drugs prior to and during the early modern period, and elucidates the socio-economic context that helped bring about a ‘psychoactive revolution’ in the Safavid state (1501–1736).

Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 54 , Issue 2 , March 2020 , pp. 554 - 617
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019

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Footnotes

Ranin Kazemi is grateful to the editors of Modern Asian Studies and two anonymous reviewers who read through the earlier drafts of this article and offered insightful comments and suggestions. He would like to acknowledge his intellectual debt to Saghi Gazerani and Navid Fozi, who helped him with several sources on the history of drugs in medieval Iran.

References

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19 Ibid.; and Brunner, Christopher, ‘Geographical and Administrative Divisions: Settlements and Economy’, in Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3, part 2, The Seleucid, Parthian, and Sasanian Periods, ed. Yarshater, Ehsan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 738–739Google Scholar. See also Peter Kupfer, ‘Rethinking the History of China's Grape Wine Culture’, in Wine Culture in Iran, 23–42; and Ulf Jäger, ‘Wine on the Northern Silk Road in Pre-Islamic Times’, in Wine Culture in Iran, 43–51.

20 The expansion of Islam in the seventh century did not entail an immediate mass conversion of people on the Iranian plateau. The process of adopting the new faith—and thus upholding its moral precepts—took close to two centuries or more. On this point, see Bulliet, Richard, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Certain strands within Islam have always maintained that the teachings of this faith do not reject the consumption of alcohol categorically. In addition, legal and religious scholars of Islam have always disagreed over the permissibility of non-alcoholic psychoactive drugs such as opium. On this matter, see, for example, Matthee, The Pursuit, 38–39; and Saeidi and Unwin, ‘Persian Wine’, 98–100.

22 A hadith (namely a reported saying from the prophet of Islam) seems to indicate that Muhammad warned early Muslims against the Persian wine. It is possible that the hadith in question is a forgery that dates to the early centuries of Islam but a period after the death of the prophet. Be that as it may, the hadith suggests wider familiarity with the Persian wine and its evident currency in medieval Muslim society. On this, see Rosenthal, The Herb, 46; and Stefanie Brinkmann, ‘Wine in Hadith—from Intoxication to Sobriety’, in Wine Culture in Iran, 71–135.

23 Willem Floor, ‘The Culture of Wine Drinking in Pre-Mongol Iran’, in Wine Culture in Iran, 202.

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25 Floor, ‘The Culture of Wine Drinking’, 174–177. References to wine under such key terms as ‘bada’, ‘sharab’, ‘miy’, ‘mul’, ‘nabid’, ‘khamr’, and the like are quite numerous in the works of just about any Persian poet in the medieval and early modern periods.

26 Yarshater, ‘The Theme of Wine-drinking’, 44–45.

27 For specific references to drinking in court, see, for example, Bayhaqi, Abu al-Fazl, Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, ed. Jaʿfar Yahaqqi, Muhammad and Sayyidi, Mahdi, vol. 1 (Tehran: Sukhan, 2009), 561, 679, 699–700Google Scholar; and Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, Khvaja, Siyasatnama, ed. Iqbal, ʿAbbas (Tehran: Asatir, 2001), 149–150Google Scholar. A typical occurrence of wine in Persian poetry may be found in Browne, Edward G., A Literary History of Persia, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Goodword Books, 2002), 462Google Scholar. See also Floor, ‘The Culture of Wine Drinking’, 165–204. The culture of wine drinking in the early sixteenth century is succinctly described in Dale, Stephen F., The Garden of Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483–1530) (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 50Google Scholar. See also Matthee, The Pursuit, 37–41, where the author describes the early history of wine drinking.

28 In the case of the wealthy notables and elites, see, for instance, Qabus, Kaykavus b. Iskandar b., Qabusnama, ed. Yusufi, Ghulam-Husayn (Tehran: ʿIlmi va Farhangi, 1994), 67–70Google Scholar; and Nizam al-Mulk, Siyasatnama, 149–150. In the case of the non-Muslim communities, see examples given in Savant, Sarah Bowen, The New Muslims of Post-conquest Iran: Tradition, Memory, and Conversion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 226CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Stausberg, The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Zoroastrianism, 434, 473. In the case of the other social groups, see various examples given throughout this article.

29 Kaykavus b. Iskandar, Qabusnama, 67–70.

30 See especially the local histories of various regions in the eastern Islamic caliphate (that is, the Iranian lands) such as Sistan, Qum, and Tabaristan: Bahar, Malik al-Shuʿaraʾ, ed., Tarikh-i Sistan (Tehran: Khavar, 1935), 125, 146, 275, 279, 315Google Scholar; Qumi, Hasan b. Muhammad Ashʿari, Tarikh-i Qum, ed. Qumi, Muhammad-Riza Ansari (Qum: Kitabkhana-yi Marʿashi Najafi, 2006), 558–560Google Scholar; and Marʿashi, Zahir al-Din b. Nasir al-Din, Tarikh-i Tabaristan va Ruyan va Mazandaran, ed. Tasbihi, Muhammad-Husayn (Tehran: Sharq, 1966), 27, 176, 257Google Scholar.

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33 Zakani, Nizam al-Din ʿUbayd, Kulliyyat-i ʿUbayd-i Zakani, ed. Mahjub, Muhammad Jaʿfar (New York: Bibliotheca Persica Press, 1999), 276, 283, 296, 311, 419Google Scholar.

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35 Nishapuri, Farid al-Din ʿAttar, Mantiq al-tayr, ed. Mashkur, Muhammad Javad (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Tehran, 1968), 224Google Scholar.

36 Ibid.

37 Marina Gaillard, ‘Samak-e ʿAyyar’, Encyclopedia Iranica.

38 Ibid.

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42 Bighami, Firuzshahnama, 119.

43 For a fifteenth-century description of wine drinking in Timurid Iran, see the account of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, who visited Timur in Samarqand as the head of a Spanish mission in 1404; Browne, A Literary History, vol. 3, 200.

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47 Ibid.

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50 See Matthee, The Pursuit, 37–96, where different aspects of the culture of wine drinking, along with the intermittent legal and religious bans on the consumption of alcohol, in the Safavid period are discussed.

51 As one scholar has recently noted, ‘the Iranian consumer [in the medieval period and by implication even later] had a large menu of [various] types of wine to choose from, leaving aside other alcoholic beverages such as beer, hydromel or mead, arak, and buza’, which were also widely available; Floor, ‘The Culture of Wine Drinking’, 171.

52 On the connection between religious orthodoxy and intermittent bans on alcohol consumption in Iran, see notes 50 and 53.

53 See the contents of several bans described in Jaʿfariyan, Rasul, Safaviyya dar ʿarsa-yi din, farhang va siyasat, vol. 1 (Qum: Pazhuhishkada-yi Hawza va Danishgah, 2000), 371–409Google Scholar; the association of drinking with petty crimes is also noted in a number of contemporary sources analysed by Jaʿfariyan. See also Nasiri, Muhammad Ibrahim b. Zayn al-ʿAbidin, Dastur-i shahryaran, ed. Muqaddam, Muhammad Nadir Nasiri (Tehran: Bunyad-i Muqufat-i Duktur Mahmud Afshar, 1994), 50–52Google Scholar; and Muhammad Ibrahim Sarmadi, ‘Tanbhih al-ghafilin’, folio 52, MS No. F4575/1 in the National Library of Iran.

54 Mehdi Keyvani, ‘Artisans and Guild Life in the Later Safavid Period’ (PhD diss., Durham University, 1980), 63.

55 The output of the raw material for alcohol (that is, grain, grapes, and other fruits), like that of other agricultural products, was taxed quite regularly in the countryside; Petrushevsky, I. P., Kishavarzi va munasibat-i arzi dar Iran-i ʿahd-i Mughul (qarnha-yi 13 va 14 Miladi), trans. Kishavarz, Karim, vol. 2 (Tehran: Muʾassasa-yi Mutaliʿat va Tahqiqat-i Ijtimaʿi, 1965), 191–305Google Scholar.

56 Booth, Martin, Opium: A History (London: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 15–16Google Scholar; and Sadiqi, ‘Taryak’.

57 Brunner, ‘Geographical and Administrative Divisions’, 739.

58 On this point, see, for example, Watson, Andrew M., Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983)Google Scholar, which examines the diffusion of a number of crops across the Middle East in the first centuries after the Arab conquests.

59 Muvaffaq b. ʿAli al-Haravi, Abu Mansur, al-Abniyya ʿan haqayiq al-adviyya (Tehran: Miras-i Maktub, 2009), 39, 129–130Google Scholar. See also Petrushevsky, Kishavarzi, vol. 1, 301–303.

60 Ph. Gignoux, ‘Arda Wiraz’, Encyclopedia Iranica.

61 Jamaspji, Destur Hoshangji, Haug, Martin, and West, E. W., eds., The Book of Arda Viraf (Bombay: Government Central Book Depot, 1872), 196Google Scholar. See also Neligan, The Opium Question, 7–8.

62 Neligan, The Opium Question, 8. References to opium under various terms such as ‘khashkhash’, ‘afyun’, ‘hapyun’, ‘kuknar’, ‘taryak’, and the like are very numerous in the writings of the literati (especially the poets) in the eleventh century and throughout the rest of the medieval period.

63 Khvandamir, Tarikh, vol. 2, 447.

64 b. Khusraw al-Qubadiyani, Nasir, Divan-i Nasir-i Khusraw (Tehran: Nigah va ʿIlm, 1994), 534Google Scholar.

65 It is important to note that other key references in the poetry of Nasir-i Khusraw show more clearly that he was at the end very critical of the addictive or recreational use of opium which he considered quite harmful; Mahjub, Muhammad Jaʿfar, ‘Taryak’, Yaghma 20.2 (1967): 69–70Google Scholar.

66 Bayhaqi, Abu al-Fazl, Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, ed. Khatib-Rahbar, Khalil, vol. 3 (Tehran: Mahtab, 2002), 935Google Scholar.

67 Farrukhi, Abu al-Hasan, Divan-i Hakim Farrukhi Sistani, ed. Dabir-Siyaqi, Muhammad (Tehran: Zavvar, 1984), 289Google Scholar.

68 Petrushevsky, Kishavarzi, vol. 1, 303, 332–333; Petrushevsky, I. P., ‘The Socio-economic Condition of Iran under the Il-Khans’, in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5, The Saljuq and Mongol Periods, ed. Boyle, J. A. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 502Google Scholar; and Allsen, Thomas T., Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 155Google Scholar.

69 Ibid.

70 Saʿdi, Kulliyyat, 807.

71 Shirazi, Shams al-Din Muhammad Hafiz, Divan-i Hafiz-i Qudsi, ed. Qudsi, Muhammad (Tehran: Chashma, 2002), 288Google Scholar; see also another line in Shirazi, Divan, 280; and Neligan, The Opium Question, 8–9.

72 Faluniya was evidently named after Philon of Tarsus, a well-known Roman physician; Munshi, Iskandar Bayg, Tarikh-i ʿalamara-yi ʿAbbasi, vol. 1 (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1955), 218Google Scholar.

73 Shirazi, ʿImad al-Din, Risala-yi afyuniyya (Tehran: Muʾassasa-yi Mutaliʿat-i Tarikh-i Pizishki, 2005), 99Google Scholar; Muhammad ʿAli Qazvini, extract from ‘Adab al-ʿaliyya’ published as ‘Dar mazirrat-i dukhaniyyat va qahva va afyun’, Sukhan 17.4 (1967): 373; and Mathee, The Pursuit, 102.

74 Matthee, The Pursuit, 99; Neligan, The Opium Question, 8–9; and Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 108–130.

75 Khvandamir, Tarikh, vol. 4, 653.

76 Matthee, The Pursuit, 101–108.

77 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 373.

78 Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 52–55; Falsafi, ‘Shah ʿAbbas’, 443–447; and Mahjub, ‘Taryak’, 72.

79 Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 35.

80 Mirza Tahir Vahid, ‘Divan-i Rizvan’, MS. No. 4344 in the Central Library of the University of Tehran, quoted in Keyvani, ‘Artisans and Guild Life’, 323.

81 The ingredients of a number of maʿjun drinks are explained in Tabbakh, Nur Allah and Husayn, Jamal al-Din Yahya b., Du risala dar tabbakhi va halvapazi, ed. Ravanji, Mahdi (Qum: Ibtikar-i Danish, 2012), 116, 165–182Google Scholar.

82 Matthee, The Pursuit, 107–8; and Keyvani, ‘Artisans and Guild Life’, 63.

83 Ferrier, R. W., ‘An English View of Persian Trade in 1618: Reports from the Merchants Edward Pettus and Thomas Barker’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 19.2 (May 1976): 202, 208Google Scholar.

84 Shahnavaz, ‘Afyun’.

85 Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 1, 375, 376.

86 Matthee, The Pursuit, 113.

87 Al-Haravi, al-Abniyya, 65, 200.

88 Rosenthal, The Herb, 19–20.

89 A close reading of the available sources seems to afford a bewildering range of attitudes towards bang in the medieval and early modern periods. The diversity of opinions, in other words, defy an easy summary. However, we may still identify two important categories of sentiment that were sometimes collapsed into one another as well. On the one hand, some sources considered bang an extremely dangerous drug that had some medicinal and hallucinogenic properties but could drive careless and uninitiated users to madness or death. Other sources, on the other hand, assumed that bang had medicinal and hallucinogenic qualities similar to opium but did not discuss, acknowledge, or stress its dangerous and lethal properties.

90 Herodotus, , The Histories, trans. Waterfield, Robin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 259Google Scholar. Herodotus noted as well that Scythians consumed the smoke of cannabis seeds for pleasure.

91 Karen S. Rubinson, ‘Carpets, VI. Pre-Islamic Carpets’, Encyclopedia Iranica.

92 Gnoli, ‘Bang’.

93 Jamaspji, Haug, and West, The Book of Arda Viraf, 150–151.

94 Rosenthal, The Herb, 49.

95 Mahmoud Omidsalar, ‘Dug-e Wahdat’, Encyclopedia Iranica; and Browne, A Literary History, vol. 2, 205. See also numerous references to ‘bang’, ‘mang’, ‘charas’, ‘kanb’, ‘qanb’, ‘shahdana’, ‘shahdanaq’, ‘shahdanaj’, and the like in the poetry and prose of such luminaries as Abu al-Hasan Farrukhi Sistani, Abu Muʿin Nasir-i Khusraw, Jalal al-Din Rumi, Muslih al-Din Saʿdi Shirazi, Rukn al-Din Awhadi, and Shams al-Din Muhammad Hafiz Shirazi.

96 An ode written by Nasir-i Khusraw about the meaning of the world and the importance of leading a virtuous life provides a typical example. In this piece, the narrator gives advice to an inexperienced interlocutor and at one point states: ‘Do not go after those who are inebriated, / if you do not eat bang just like them’. Numerous other references such as this reveal that bang was probably sometimes taken on its own. See also Nasir b. Khusraw, Divan, 287; and Farrukhi, Divan, 212.

97 Rosenthal, The Herb, 57–71.

98 The currency of this nickname may have been in part because of the association of the substance with the Nizari Ismaʾilis—a secretive and subversive Shiite religious group that condoned the consumption of bang—in this period. Still, the popularity and usage of a new term that meant ‘the herb’ seem to imply much wider familiarity with the drug in the eleventh century; ibid., 21–22, 42–43.

99 Ibid., 49–55.

100 This may be seen in the many references to bang in the contemporary literature; see especially the poetry of Kirmani, Awhad al-Din, Divan-i rubaʿiyyat-i Awhad al-Din Kirmani, ed. Mahjub, Ahmad Abu (Tehran: Surush, 1987), 272–273, 311Google Scholar.

101 Rosenthal, The Herb, 55.

102 Omidsalar, ‘Dug-e Wahdat’.

103 For charas sellers, see Nasiri, Dastur, 51. By the seventeenth century, ‘charas’ would come to be enjoyed along with tobacco in the Safavid state.

104 ʿUbayd Zakani, Kulliyyat, 288.

105 Khvandamir, Tarikh, vol. 3, 363; and Smith, John M., The History of the Sarbadar Dynasty 1336–1381 A.D. and Its Sources (The Hague: Mouton, 1970), 131Google Scholar.

106 Khvandamir, Tarikh, vol. 3, 366.

107 Sarmadi, ‘Tanbhih al-ghafilin’, folio 51.

108 Saʿd al-Din b. Bahaʾ al-Din, known as Bahaʾ, Saʿd-i, ‘Munazara-yi sharab va hashish’, in Safina-yi Tabriz, ed. Tabrizi, Abu al-Majd Muhammad b. Masʿud (Tehran: Markaz-i Nashr-i Danishgahi, 2002)Google Scholar, folio 240.

109 Khvaja ʿUbayd al-Din, ‘Munazara-yi sharab va hashish’, in Safina-yi Tabriz, folio 240. The Qur'anic verse mentioned in this line is the following: ‘O ye true believers, approach not prayers when ye are drunken (“antum sukara”), but wait till ye can understand what ye utter’ (Qur'an 4:43). This verse contains one of several references in the Qur'an that seem to discourage or prohibit alcohol.

110 Omidsalar, ‘Dug-e Wahdat’.

111 The affinity that people saw between bang and alcohol can also be seen in the following reference in ʿUbayd Zakani, where the author advises the reader (somewhat sarcastically) to ‘treat nicely [your] wine sellers and bang sellers [as if the substances and their specific retailers were somehow intimately connected to one another], so that you would guarantee [your uninterrupted] delight’; ʿUbayd Zakani, Kulliyyat, 323.

112 Baghdadi, Muhammad Fuzuli, Bang va bada, ed. Sadiq, Husayn Muhammadzada (Tehran: Yaran, 2011)Google Scholar. See also a short piece on bang and its prohibition dated to the twelfth century ah/seventeenth–eighteenth centuries ce in MS No. F2817/3, D/2157, 5/12817, folios 17–18 in the National Library of Iran.

113 Browne, A Literary History, vol. 4, 87; and Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 1, 371–381. See also the use of hempseeds (bazr al-banj) in the Safavid court in Nur Allah Tabbakh, Du risala, 148, 165, 166, 173, 178.

114 Safavi, Shah Tahmasp, Tazkira-yi Shah Tahmasb, ed. Sifri, Amr Allah (Tehran: Sharq, 1984), 30Google Scholar; and Rumulu, Hasan Bayg, Ahsan al-tavarikh, ed. Navaʾi, ʿ Abd al-Karim (Tehran: Babak, 1978), 323Google Scholar.

115 Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 1, 371–409. It is interesting to note that the public ban introduced by Tahmasp appears to not have targeted opium. It did, however, prohibit all other intoxicants including bang and alcohol.

116 Munshi, Tarikh, vol. 1, 218; see also Jahangir, Emperor, The Tuzuk-i Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, trans. Rogers, Alexander (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1909), 308–310Google Scholar.

117 Matthee, Rudi, Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan (London: I. B. Tauris, 2012), 36Google Scholar.

118 Keyvani, ‘Artisans and Guild Life’, 63.

119 See, for example, ʿUbayd Zakani, Kulliyyat, 288, 311, 322, 323.

120 Abru, Hafiz-i, Jughrafiya-yi Hafiz-i Abru, ed. Sajjadi, Sadiq, vol. 2 (Tehran: Miras-i Maktub, 1996), 349–350Google Scholar.

121 Saʿdi, Kulliyyat, 1032.

122 See, for example, Muhammad Qasim b. Muhammad Sharif, ‘Fazaʾil al-salavat’, MS No. IR10-40591/511362 in the Majlis Library and Archives, where the author equates the consumption of bang and wine with murder and a whole host of other vices.

123 Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 1, 375, 402, 407.

124 Kirmani, Divan, 311.

125 The negative reputation of bang may also be seen in a series of derisive references to bang users in Isfahani, Muhammad Yusuf Valih, Khuld-i barin, ed. Muhaddis, Mir Hashim (Tehran: Mahmud Afshar, 1993), 639–647Google Scholar; on these pages, the author describes an antinomian Sufi rebellion whose main supporters apparently consumed quite a bit of bang; see also Munshi, Tarikh, vol. 1, 117, 272, 274, 275.

126 This was the case in medieval Arabic literature as well; Rosenthal, The Herb, 19–41.

127 Browne, A Literary History, vol. 2, 205; Mahjub, ‘Taryak’, 71; and Aʿlam, ‘Bang’.

128 Hafiz, Divan, 288; cf. Browne, Edward G., A Year amongst the Persians (n.p.: Elibron Classics, 2005), 521Google Scholar, n. 1.

129 See a more specific example of the use of the term huqqa as a container of psychoactive drugs in Munshi, Tarikh, vol. 1, 520; Munshi, Tarikh, 218; and Rosenthal, The Herb, 63.

130 Browne, A Literary History, vol. 3, 150–151. Bushanji was a panegyrist of Fakhr al-Din b. Rukn al-Din (r. 1295–1308), the Kurt ruler of the Ilkhanid vassal state in Khurasan, who was reportedly addicted to bang. See also Floor, ‘The Art of Smoking’, 48.

131 Herodotus, The Histories, 259.

132 Ibid., 89.

133 Rolle, Renate, The World of the Scythians, translated by Walls, F. G. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 93–94Google Scholar.

134 See, for example, the relevant entries in al-Haravi, al-Abniyya.

135 Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 136.

136 Anvari, Awhad al-Din, Divan-i Anvari, vol. 1 (Tehran: Bangah-i Tarjuma va Nashr-i Kitab, 1958), 420Google Scholar.

137 Anvari, Awhad al-Din, Divan-i Anvari, ed. Nafisi, Saʿid (Tehran: Intisharat-i Sikka-Piruz, 1985), 178Google Scholar.

138 Balkhi, Mawlana Jalal al-Din Muhammad, Masnavi-yi maʿnavi, ed. Nicholson, Reynold and Furuzanfar, Badiʿ al-Zaman (Tehran: Salis, 2000), 999Google Scholar.

139 Hakim Qazi son of Hakim Kashfa-yi Yazdi, ‘Risala-yi chub-i Chini va khavass va dastur-i khurdan-i an va qahva va chay’, folio 25 in MS No. 10-10340IR in the Majlis Library and Archives.

140 Salik al-Din Hamavi Yazdi, ‘Risala fi qahwa va chay’, folios 69–70, MS No. B. or. 205–06 in the Leipzig University Library; and Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 167.

141 Al-i Dawud, ‘Coffee’; and Van Arendonk, ‘Kahwa’.

142 Falsafi, ‘Tarikh’, 260.

143 Tectander, Georg, Eine abenteuerliche Reise druch Russland nach Persien, 1602–1604, ed. Muller-Ott, Dorothea (Tulln: Dr. D. Ott-Verlag, 1978), 65–66Google Scholar, quoted in Matthee, The Pursuit, 147. This drink may have been known as ‘qishr’, which was brewed from the husks of the coffee beans, or possibly a similar drink made from ‘kafta’, that is, the leaves of the shrub now called ‘qat’ or ‘khat’ (Catha edulis), which was native to the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula; Al-i Dawud, ‘Coffee’; Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 166; and Yazdi, ‘Risala’, folio 8. For an analysis of the consumption of qat in the contemporary Middle East, see Robins, Philip, Middle East Drugs Bazaar: Production, Prevention, and Consumption (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 61–76Google Scholar.

144 Isfahani, Mirza Muhammad Tahir Nasrabadi, Tazkira-yi Nasrabadi (Tehran: Armaghan, 1938), 457–460Google Scholar.

145 Hakim Qazi, ‘Risala’, folio 25.

146 Yazdi, ‘Risala’, folio 7; and Struys, Jan Janszoon, The Perillous and Most Unhappy Voyages of John Struys (London: Samuel Smith, 1684), 320Google Scholar.

147 Hakim Qazi, ‘Risala’, folio 25.

148 Shirazi, Risala-yi afyuniyya, 168–169.

149 Hakim Qazi, ‘Risala’, folio 25.

150 Yazdi, ‘Risala’, folio 9; and Al-i Dawud, ‘Coffee’.

151 Junabadi, Mirza Bayg Hasan, Ruza al-Safaviyya (Tehran: Mahmud Afshar, 1999), 761–762Google Scholar, 772.

152 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 372–274.

153 Falsafi, ‘Tarikh’, 261–267.

154 Husam al-Din Mutabbib Machini, ‘Risala-yi tambaku’, folios, 88–91, MS No. 846361 in the Majlis Library and Archives.

155 Machini, ‘Risala-yi tambaku’, folio 88.

156 Jaʿfariyan, ‘Tanbaku’, 265.

157 See, for example, Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 3, 1142.

158 Matthee, The Pursuit, 109.

159 The youths in question were evidently connected to a recalcitrant local official; Munshi, Tarikh, vol. 1, 297–298.

160 Afshar, Iraj and Afshar, Mihran, eds., Qissa-yi Husayn Kurd-i Shabistari (Tehran: Chashma, 2006), 213, 325, 348Google Scholar. See also Falk, Toby, ed., Treasures of Islam (London: Sotheby's/Philip Wilson Publishers, 1985), 119Google Scholar; and Rogers, J. M., Cagman, Filiz, Tanindi, Zeren, and Muzesi, Topkapi Sarayi, eds., The Topkapi Saray Museum: The Albums and Illustrated Manuscripts (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986), 124, 182Google Scholar, where two paintings dated to the mid-seventeenth century by the Safavid painter Muhammad Qasim Tabrizi (pupil and one of the foremost followers of the great Safavid painter Riza ʿAbbasi) depict what must be idealized female courtiers in delicate clothing and graceful and inviting postures consuming tobacco by means of a water pipe or carrying it along with a wine cup.

161 See Mirza Muhammad ʿAli Saʾib Tabrizi's short prose writing on wine and tobacco in MS No. 1787115, 5–18613, folios 319–323 in the National Library of Iran. See also Mirza Muhammad ʿAli Saʾib Tabrizi, quoted in Dirakhshan, Mihdi, ‘Du asar-i nu yafta az nasr-i Saʾib va sabk-i nasr-i u’, Majalla-yi Danishkada-yi Adabiyyat va ʿUlum-i Insani-yi Danishgah-i Tehran 105 (Fall 1988): 278Google Scholar.

162 Muhammad ʿAli Saʾib Tabrizi, ‘Raqʿa dar tark-i sharab va taʿrif-i tanbaku’, folios 224–225, MS No. IR 4968/487986 in the Majlis Library and Archives.

163 Black, Peter Weston, ‘The Anthropology of Tobacco Use: Tobian Data and Theoretical Issues’, Journal of Anthropological Research 40.4 (Winter 1984): 496CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

164 Mintz, Sweetness and Power, 108–138.

165 De Vries, The Industrious Revolution, 33.

166 Thanks to a sophisticated network of foreign and domestic merchants that distributed the new drugs, tobacco, which was a product from the New World, and coffee, a commodity indigenous to Ethiopia and Yemen, became increasingly available in the Safavid state over the course of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. For a general history of coffee and tobacco (two key early modern drugs) in Iran, see Matthee, The Pursuit, 117–174; Goushegir, ‘Le Café et les cafés en Iran’, 141–176; Al-i Dawud, ‘Coffee’; Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses; Floor, ‘The Art of Smoking’, 47–85; and Kazemi, ‘Tobacco’, 613–633.

167 Olearius, Adam, The Voyages and Travells of the Ambassadors Sent by Frederick, Duke of Holstein, trans. Davies, John, 2nd edition (London: John Starkey, 1669), 240Google Scholar; passim.

168 Ibid.; passim.

169 Ibid.; passim.

170 Afshar and Afshar, Qissa-yi Husayn Kurd, 415.

171 Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, Collections of Travels through Turkey into Persia (London: Moses Pitt, 1684), 242Google Scholar. A similar statement is made in Chardin, Sir John, A New and Accurate Description of Persia, vol. 2 (London: A. Bettesworth, 1724), 44–45Google Scholar.

172 Matthee, The Pursuit, 129–130; and Floor, The Economy, 141, n. 94. Writing in the early nineteenth century, Ouseley, Sir William, Travels in Various Countries of the East, vol. 1 (London: Rodwell and Martin, 1819), 341Google Scholar, referred to the inseparability of the two substances and in that context cited the Persian aphorism.

173 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 373.

174 Chardin, A New and Accurate Description, vol. 2, 164–165; Floor, The Economy, 141–142; and Matthee, The Pursuit, 164–165.

175 Fryer, John A., A New Account of East-India and Persia (London: Printed by R. R., 1698), 263Google Scholar; see also pp. 246 and 250.

176 Tavernier, Collections of Travels, 230.

177 Machini, ‘Risala’, folios 88–92.

178 Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 3, 1092.

179 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 372.

180 Examples of opposition to tobacco are cited in Falsafi, ‘Shah Abbas’, 447–450; Jaʿfariyan, Rasul, ‘Risala fi bayan hukm shurb al-tutun wa al-qahwa’, in Miras-i Islami-yi Iran, vol. 7 (Qum: Kitabkhana-yi Marʿashi Najafi, 1994), 81–92Google Scholar; Jaʿfariyan, Safaviyya, vol. 3, 1091–1092, 1141–1153; Jaʿfariyan, ‘Tanbaku’, 264–268; and Matthee, The Pursuit, 135–142.

181 See, for instance, Struys, The Perillous and Most Unhappy Voyages, 320; Chardin, A New and Accurate Description, vol. 2, 44, 199; Minorsky, Vladimir, ed., Tadkirat al-Mulkuk: A Manual of Safavid Administration (Circa 1137/1725) (Cambridge: E. J. W. Gibb Memorial, 1980), 68, 100Google Scholar; and Falsafi, Nasr Allah, Zindagani-yi Shah ʿAbbas-i Avval, vol. 2 (Tehran: Danishgah-i Tehran, 1968), 278–280Google Scholar.

182 de Bruyn, Cornelis, A New and More Correct Translation than Has Hitherto Appeared in Public of Mr. Cornelius Le Brun's Travels (London: J. Warcus, 1759), 208Google Scholar; Chardin, A New and Accurate Description, vol. 2, 44; and Floor, ‘The Art of Smoking’, 70–71.

183 Matthee, The Pursuit, 128.

184 In his analysis of the cost of wholesale coffee at Bandar ʿAbbas between 1638 and 1656, Rudi Matthee has shown that, due to fierce competition between European companies and Asian merchants, the prices of coffee fell to an extent that, towards the end of the century, it was no longer profitable for the Dutch and the English to remain in the trade; Matthee, The Pursuit, 153–155.

185 Kazemi, ‘Tobacco’, 618–620.

186 Chardin, A New and Accurate Description, vol. 2, 40.

187 A similar process also existed in the Ottoman empire and more broadly across the world in the early modern period; Grehan, Everyday Life and Consumer Culture, 147–148; Courtwright, Forces of Habit, 1–132.

188 Jaʿfariyan, ‘Tanbaku’, 265–266.

189 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 373.

190 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 373–374.

191 On major economic changes of the seventeenth century, see Matthee, Persia in Crisis, especially 1–26, 75–108, 139–172 (Chapters 1, 4, 6); see also Parizi, Muhammad-Ibrahim Bastani, Siyasat va iqtisad dar ʿasr-i Safavi (Tehran: Safi ʿAli Shah, 1984)Google Scholar; Dale, Stephen F., The Muslim Empires of the Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 118–126Google Scholar; and Floor, The Economy.

192 Qazvini, ‘Dar mazirrat’, 373.

193 Donald Quataert, ‘Introduction’, in Consumption Studies, 2; and Jan de Vries, ‘Between Purchasing Power and the World of Goods: Understanding the Household Economy in Early Modern Europe’, in Consumption and the World of Goods, 85–132.

194 Sahlins, ‘Cosmologies of Capitalism’, 439–440.