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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 December 2012
The paper examines the model value of the Mughal period in MARG, the leading art journal of 1940s and 1950s India. It combines a discussion of some of the key historiographical questions of Indian art history and the role played by specific art historians, including European exiles who were among the contributors to the journal, with broader questions on the interaction of national cultural identity with global modernism. In this context, the Mughal period—celebrated in MARG for its synthesis of foreign and indigenous styles—was consistently put forward as an example for contemporary artists and architects. From its inception in 1946 until the 1960s the review favoured a return to the spirit of India's prestigious artistic past, but not to its form. Its editorials and articles followed a clearly anti-revivalist and cosmopolitan line. It aimed at redressing misunderstandings that had long undermined the history of Indian art and surmounting the perceived tensions in art and architecture between a so-called Indian style and a modern, international one.
Research for this paper was conducted during an Arts and Humanities Research Council fellowship at the John W. Kluge Center of the Library of Congress, Washington, DC. Additional research in India was supported by the Smuts Memorial Fund. The author thanks Jean Michel Massing, Joya Chatterji, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, and Shanay Jhaveri for their comments; as well as Radhika Sabavala of the MARG Foundation and Sunil and Arjun Janah for their permission to reproduce images.
1 A series of portfolios by Burnier started with Daniélou, A. (1947). ‘An Approach to Hindu Erotic Sculpture’, MARG, 2:1, pp. 79–92Google Scholar. See also Guha-Thakurta, T. (2004). Monuments, Objects, Histories: Institutions of Art in Colonial and Postcolonial India, Permanent Black, New Delhi, pp. 259–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Greater Bombay, see Koenigsberg, O. (1947). ‘The Greater Bombay Scheme’, MARG, 2:1, pp. 28–36Google Scholar, and MARG's special issue ‘Bombay: Planning and Dreaming’, MARG, 18:3 (1965).
2 See the special issue ‘In Praise of Buddhist Art in Cambodia, Champa, Laos, Siam and Borobudur’, MARG, 9:4 (1956). On Greater India and the art historian Orhendra Coomar Gangoly, see Bayly, S. (2004). ‘Imagining “Greater India”: French and Indian Visions of Colonialism in the Indic Mode’, Modern Asian Studies, 38:3, pp. 703–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Special issue ‘Documentary Films of India’, MARG, 13:3 (1960); Ray, S. (1978). ‘What is Wrong with Indian Films?’ in Ray, S. Our Films, their Films, 1992 Edition, Disha Books, Hyderabad, p. 24. On Zils’ enigmatic origins, see Vidal, D. (2003). ‘La Migration des images: histoire de l'art et cinéma documentaire’, L'Homme, 165, pp. 249–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4 ‘Some Contemporary Artists’, MARG, 4:3 (1950), p. 34. Elsewhere Ratan Parimoo stated that: ‘Like the two Europeans, Leyden and Fabri, Mulk Raj Anand was the first Indian critic to feel at home with both the past and present art of India.’ Parimoo, R. (1997). ‘Publications, Magazines, Journals, Polemics: Supportive Critical Writing from Charles Fabri to Geeta Kapur’, Conference proceedings: ‘Fifty Years of Indian Art: Institutions, Issues, Concepts and Conversations’, Mohile Parikh Centre for Visual Arts, National Centre for the Performing Arts, Mumbai, 66Google Scholar.
5 Whether the Mughal period achieved a true synthesis or only a superficial one has been a point of contention among historians of India and is of particular importance for discussions on the decline of the Mughal period. See Alam, M. and Subrahmanyam, S. (eds) (1998). The Mughal State, 1526–1750, Oxford University Press, New DelhiGoogle Scholar; and Alavi, S. (ed.) (2002). The Eighteenth Century in India, Oxford University Press, New DelhiGoogle Scholar.
6 On Coomaraswamy, see Guha-Thakurta, T. (1992). The Making of a New Indian Art: Artists, Aesthetics and Nationalism in Bengal, c. 1850–1920, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 166.Google Scholar On the debate between an Indian and a modern style in architecture, see Lang, J., Desai, M. and Desai, M. (1997). Architecture and Independence: the Search for Identity-India, 1880 to 1980, Oxford University Press, New DelhiGoogle Scholar.
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11 Goetz repudiates the tripartite reading of Indian history as an old-fashioned idea expounded by E. B. Havell. It can, however, be found in the writing of Vasudev Saran Agrawala, head of the Department of Ancient Indian Art and Architecture at Banaras Hindu University from 1951. See Goetz, H. (1947). ‘Art: Whither Indian Art?’, MARG, 1:2, pp. 58, 66Google Scholar; Agrawala, V. S. (1950). ‘Lalit Kala’, MARG, 4:2, pp. 2–14Google Scholar; Agrawala, V. S. (1951). ‘Rupa-Sattra’, MARG, 5:2, pp. 45–50Google Scholar.
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19 ‘Living, Working, Care of Body and Spirit’, MARG, 17:1 (1963), p.2.
20 ‘Architecture and You’, MARG, 1:1 (1946), p.12, 13.
21 ‘Architecture and You’, MARG, 1:1 (1946), p.15.
22 Kapur, J. C. (1954). ‘Air Conditioning’, MARG, 7:3, pp. 2–5Google Scholar, 68. See also the first issue of Lalit Kala Contemporary for which Anand served as guest editor. Anand, M. R. (1962). ‘Birth of Lalit Kala’, Lalit Kala Contemporary, 1, p. 3.
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29 In other contexts the idea of equilibrium could serve agendas that were, in reality, far from impartial. For example, at the Ninth Indian Historical Congress held in Agra in December 1956, K. M. Munshi deployed this popular idea to criticize Marxist historians, saying that Indian historians had to rewrite Indian history from the Indian point of view but without any partisanship and that a balance should be struck between the narrowness of British historians and the overglorification of Indian writers. (1957). Munshi, K. M. (1957). ‘Rewriting Indian History’, The Modern Review, 101:2, p. 104Google Scholar; see also Singhal, D. P. (1963). ‘Re-writing Indian History’, The Modern Review, 114:2, pp. 143–49.Google Scholar
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33 ‘Living, Working, Care of Body and Spirit’, p. 2; Irwin, J. (1953). ‘The Mogul Gallery at the Victoria and Albert Museum’, MARG, 7:1, p. 23–26Google Scholar; ‘Letter to an Englishman’, MARG, 2:2 (1948), pp. 4–9.
34 Garimella, ‘Introduction’ in Garimella, Mulk Raj Anand, p. 18.
35 Gandhy, K. (2003). The Beginnings of the Art Movement, Seminar, 528: <http://www.india-seminar.com/2003/528/528%20kekoo%20gandhy.htm>, [accessed 1 September 2010]. See also Thapar, All these Years, p. 118.
36 On the crisis that affected German and Austrian Orientalistik after the First World War, see Marchand, S. L. (2009). German Orientalism in the Age of Empire, 2010 Edition, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 474–98Google Scholar. On Goetz's biography, see Bhowmik, S. K. (ed.) (1978–79). ‘Reflections on Indian Art and Culture’, Museum Bulletin, special issue, 28; Deppert, J. (1983). India and the West: Proceedings of a Seminar Dedicated to the Memory of Hermann Goetz, Manohar, New Delhi.Google Scholar
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40 ‘Renaissance or Revival’, MARG, 3:1 (1949), pp. 4–14; ‘Planning and Dreaming’, MARG, 1:1 (1946), pp. 3–6. ‘Neo-Magadha’ is a reference to revivalist architect Sris Chandra Chatterjee's Magadha Architecture and Culture (1942). On Chatterjee, see Lang, Desai and Desai, Architecture and Independence, pp. 131–34.
41 ‘Art: Whither Indian Art?’, pp. 64–65.
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44 Mitter, Art and Nationalism, p.380.
45 Lang, Desai and Desai, Architecture and Independence, p. 198.
46 Lang, Desai and Desai, Architecture and Independence, pp. 198, 214.
47 ‘Contemporary Architecture’, MARG, 5:4 (1952), p. 1.
48 ‘Contemporary Architecture’, p. 1.
49 ‘Renaissance or Revival’, p. 4; ‘On the Study of Indian Art’, pp. 16–17.
50 Dalmia, The Making of Modern Indian Art, p. 232.
51 ‘On the Study of Indian Art’, pp. 16–19, 81–82, 87–88.
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59 Quoted in Dalmia, The Making of Modern Indian Art, p. 43.
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68 Report of the Committee on Emotional Integration, Ministry of Education, Delhi, 1962.
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70 One of the important advocates of the ‘composite culture’ was Humayun Kabir who held several leading positions in Nehru's cabinets, including Minister of Education and Minister of Scientific Research and Cultural Affairs. See Kabir, H. (1946). The Indian Heritage, 1960 Edition, Asia Publishing House, LondonGoogle Scholar; and Chand, T. (1936). Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, The Indian Press, Allahabad. On its historiography, see Alam, J. (2006). ‘The Composite Culture and its Historiography’ in Roy, A. (ed.) Islam in History and Politics, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp. 37–46Google Scholar; !!Khan, R. (ed.) (1987). Composite Culture of India and National Integration, Institute of Advanced Study, SimlaGoogle Scholar.
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90 Brand, M. and Lowry, G. D. (1985). Akbar's India: Art from the Mughal City of Victory, The Asia Society Galleries, New York.Google Scholar See also ‘Portraits of Ibrahim Adil Shah II’, p. 22; ‘Master Builder’; ‘Mughal Architecture. Synthesis of Hindu and Islamic forms: Fatehpur Sikri’, MARG, 11:3 (1958), pp. 12–20; ‘Intermingling of Mogul and Rajput Art’, pp. 37–38; ‘Living, Working, Care of Body and Spirit’, pp. 2–3.
91 See, for example, ‘Some Aspects of Fatehpur Sikri Architecture’, pp. 20–32; ‘Chandigarh: A New Planned City’, MARG, 15:1 (1961), p. 2–4.
92 Bajpai, D. (1949). ‘Jaipur: An Architectural Survey’, MARG, 3:4, pp. 18–28.Google Scholar See also ‘Intermingling of Mogul and Rajput Art’, pp. 37–38, and Chatterji, J. (1994). Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932–1947, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 159CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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100 Mitter, Much Maligned Monsters, p. 275.
101 ‘Living, Working, Care of Body and Spirit’, p. 2. Italics in the original.
102 In architecture, for example, the use of historical quotations in modernist structures, whether the grafting on of Mughal decorative motifs or the adoption of mandala-shaped plans, remains a contentious issue to this day, with architects such as Charles Correa distinguishing between ‘transformations’ and unmediated ‘transfers’. Tillotson, G. (1995). ‘Architecture and Anxiety: The Problem of Pastiche in Recent Indian Design’, South Asia Research, 15:1, p. 36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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