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Targeted Killing and Its Law: On a Mutually Constitutive Relationship
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 July 2012
Abstract
Although initially perceived as illegal and illegitimate, targeted killing has gained legal approval and greater acceptance as a tactic in the US fight against terrorism. Rather than being accomplished extra-legally or gradually normalized as an exception to the rule, as critics proclaim, targeted killing becomes inscribed into a law that was, and is, prepared to accept it as a practice. Conceiving of law as a practice renders the mutually constitutive relationship between targeted killing and the law visible. As a practice, law is indissoluble from the forms of knowledge both that enact it and that its enactment invokes. Targeted killing could assert itself as a security dispositif that displaces and relocates political notions underlying and defining international law.
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- INTERNATIONAL LEGAL THEORY: Symposium on Foucault
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- Copyright © Foundation of the Leiden Journal of International Law 2012
References
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2 President Obama pointedly dissociated the administration's commitment to legality from the previous White House position, for example, when outlining the new national security policy in a speech at the White House on 21 May 2009: ‘Now let me be clear: we are indeed at war with al Qaeda and its affiliates. We do need to update our institutions to deal with this threat. But we must do so with an abiding confidence in the rule of law and due process; in checks and balances and accountability’, available at www.whitehouse.gov/video/President-Obama-Our-Security-Our-Values#transcript.
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7 Deliberation alludes to the fact that the killing is the aim of the operation, which involves intention and premeditation; see, on these three defining moments, N. Melzer, Targeted Killing in International Law (2008), 4.
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11 See, e.g., the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which enshrines the right to life (Arts. 6, 1) and key procedural safeguards (Art. 9), UN Doc. A/6316 (1966).
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67 Whereas the Caroline doctrine provided for self-defence in the case that the threat to national security ‘is reasonably believed to be imminent’, Art. 51 of the UN Charter authorizes self-defence only ‘if an armed attack occurs’; see Guiora, A. N., ‘Anticipatory Self-Defence and International Law: A Re-Evaluation’, (2008) 13 JCSL 3Google Scholar, at 9–10. See, for varying contemporary interpretations of the legality of self-defence operations taking either the presence of an armed attack or the immediacy of a threat as a precondition, Downes, C., ‘Targeted Killings in an Age of Terror: The Legality of the Yemen Strike’, (2004) 9 JCSL 277Google Scholar, at 288; Gill, T. D., ‘The Temporal Dimension of Self-Defence: Anticipation, Pre-Emption, Prevention and Immediacy’, (2006) 11 JCSL 361Google Scholar, at 367; Tams, supra note 26, at 370.
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71 See Alston, supra note 66, at 31.
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73 Nolte, G., ‘Preventive Use of Force and Preventive Killings: Moves into a Different Legal Order’, (2004) 5 Theoretical Inquiries in Law 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is not to say that prediction is impossible. A relatively certain anticipation of future events may be derived from the identification of familiar patterns of terrorist action and appropriate narratives; see Rijsdijk, E., ‘The Politics of Hard Knowledge: Uncertainty, Intelligence Failures, and the “Last Minute Genocide” of Srebrenica’, (2011) 37 RIS 2221Google Scholar. The problem, however, starts with the use of intelligence as a justification for the exercise of lethal force. This is true, even though ‘acts’ of participating in activities of a terrorist group or of facilitating actions of recruitment and training for terrorism, etc., which are rather ancillary or preparatory acts, have been criminalized after 9/11; see, on the problem of intelligence's being taken for granted within the legal discourse, Alston, supra note 21, at 13; see, on the problem of a precautionary logic tending to be accepted by the judiciary, Gelev, F., ‘Checks and Balances of Risk Management: Precautionary Logic and the Judiciary’, (2011) 37 RIS 2237Google Scholar.
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75 ‘If we wait for threats to fully materialize, we will have waited too long,’ President Bush paradigmatically asserts when explaining the role pre-emptive war would play in the future of American foreign policy and national defence on 1 June 2002: ‘President Bush Delivers Graduation Speech at West Point’, available at http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2002/06/print/20020601–3.html. President Obama's revised strategic guidance, released in January 2012, reads like this: ‘For the foreseeable future, the United States will continue to take an active approach to countering these threats by monitoring the activities of non-state threats worldwide, working with allies and partners to establish control over ungoverned territories, and directly striking the most dangerous groups and individuals when necessary’, available at www.defense.gov/news/Defense_Strategic_Guidance.pdf.
76 Massumi, B., ‘Potential Politics and the Primacy of Preemption’, (2007) 10 Theory and EventGoogle Scholar, para. 13 (emphasis added). I prefer the notion of threats instead of risks here. Being defined by uncertainty, catastrophic threats are no longer risks that are deemed to be (statistically) calculable. Their anticipation rather relies upon imaginative techniques that are able to address the unexpected; see Opitz, S., ‘Conflicting Temporalities: Law in Times of Risk’, (2011) 4 Behemoth 59Google Scholar; Anderson, B., ‘Preemption, Precaution, Preparedness: Anticipatory Action and Future Geographies’, (2010) 34 Progress in Human Geography 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; similarly, Kessler, O., ‘The Same As It Never Was? Uncertainty and the Changing Contours of International Law’, (2011) 37 RIS 2163Google Scholar, at 2168, though still referring to the notion of risk.
77 S. Weber, Targets of Opportunity: On the Militarization of Thinking (2005).
78 See Kessler and Werner, supra note 13, at 290.
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82 ‘Press Conference by US Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld’, NATO HQ, Brussels, 6 June 2002, available at www.nato.int/docu/speech/2002/s020606g.htm.
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84 See Pearlman, supra note 20, at 8.
85 Statman, supra note 39, at 183–4.
86 Dyzenhaus, supra note 8.
87 Ibid.
88 Alston, supra note 21, at 26–7.
89 HCJ 769/02 The Public Committee against Torture in Israel vs. The Government of Israel – Judgment of 14 December 2006, available at http://elyon1.court.gov.il/files_eng/02/690/007/A34/02007690.a34.htm, quoted in Werner, W. G., ‘The Changing Face of Enmity: Carl Schmitt's International Theory and the Evolution of the Legal Concept of War’, (2010) 2 International Theory 351CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 369.
90 Ibid., at 374.
91 See, on international human rights law serving as a framework both of critique and of assessing the legality of targeted killing operations, also Anderson, supra note 32. The Israeli practice of ‘knocking on the roof’, for example, is a tactic of forewarning civilians in advance of a drone strike that aims to evade or minimize civilian casualties. Thus, complying with the requirement of the Israeli High Court decision, it is, as Karin Loevy has shown, also a legal response to the tactics of the enemy, ‘Knocking on the Roof and the Dynamic of Compulsion’ (2009), paper presented at the book launch of V. Ramraj, Emergency and the Limits of Legality (2008).
92 See, exemplarily, Ulrich, supra note 20, at 1050–4.
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98 K. Anderson, ‘Should John Brennan or Eric Holder Simply Have Quoted Harald Koh?’, 5 May 2011, available at www.opiniojuris.org/2011/05/05/should-john-brennan-or-eric-holder-simply-have-quoted-harold-koh.
99 See, e.g., Human Rights First's pondering about the event: ‘While the legality of lethal force is a closer question outside of armed conflict than in it, the totality of circumstances make it difficult to claim that the killing was arbitrary, even if bin Laden was not actively resisting or fleeing’, available at www.humanrightsfirst.org/2011/05/05/was-killing-osama-bin-laden-legal.
100 See, for a nuanced argumentation considering the degree of organization of a terrorist network, Byman, supra note 10.
101 See S. Weber, supra note 77, at 101.
102 G. Agamben, State of Exception (2005), 40.
103 Ibid.
104 G. Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (1998), 18.
105 See, on this concept, O. Gross und F. N. Aoláin, Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice (2006).
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