Article contents
The expressive turn of international criminal justice: A field in search of meaning
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 August 2019
Abstract
As the glow that accompanied the kinetic judicialization of the field of international criminal justice has faded over time, scholars have increasingly turned to expressivist strands of thought to justify, assess, and critique the practices of international criminal courts. This expressive turn has been characterized by a heightened concern for the pedagogical value and legitimating qualities of international criminal courts. This article develops a unique typology of expressivist perspectives within the field of international criminal justice, distinguishing between three strands of expressivism: instrumental expressivism, which concerns the justification of different practices of international criminal courts in terms of the instrumental value of their expressive qualities; interpretive expressivism, which concerns the identification of expressive avenues for improving the sociological legitimacy of international criminal courts; and critical expressivism, which concerns the illumination of the expressive limits of international criminal courts, as well as unveiling the configurations of power that underpin the messages and narratives constructed within such courts in different institutional contexts. Reflecting on the limitations of these perspectives, the article elaborates a nascent strand of expressivism – strategic expressivism – which concerns whether and how different actors in the field may harness the expressive power of international criminal justice in line with their strategic social and political agendas.
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Footnotes
Postdoctoral Fellow, Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), School of International Relations, São Paulo, Brazil; Ph.D., International Law, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (summa cum laude avec les félicitations du jury); LL.M., International Law, University of Leiden (cum laude); B.A., M.A., Law, Jesus College, University of Cambridge. The author would like to thank Wui Ling Cheah, Margaret deGuzman, Karen Engle, Ioannis Kalpouzos, Robert Knox, Joanna Kyriakakis, Itamar Mann, Padraig McAuliffe, Alex Batesmith, and the anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts of this article. All errors remain the author’s own.
References
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59 deGuzman, supra note 41, at 317. See also Kotecha, B., ‘The Art of Rhetoric: Perceptions of the International Criminal Court and Legalism’, (2018) 31 Leiden Journal of International Law 939CrossRefGoogle Scholar (arguing that the ICC Prosecutor’s general message of legalism constitutes a weak tactic of legitimation and offering recommendations to help the OTP improve its rhetoric towards communities that are essential to the Court’s perceived legitimacy).
60 Ibid., at 318. See also Damaška, supra note 31, at 349 (‘a high priority demand on international criminal courts should be to establish effective lines of communication with local audiences’).
61 See generally, ICC Office of the Prosecutor, ‘Policy Paper on Case Selection and Prioritisation’, 15 September 2016, available at www.icc-cpi.int/itemsDocuments/20160915_OTP-Policy_Case-Selection_Eng.pdf (accessed 23 July 2019).
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65 Ibid., at 495. For a further illustration of this type of reasoning see O’Regan, F., ‘Prosecutor vs. Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo: The Cumulative Charging Principle, Gender-Based Violence, and Expressivism’, (2012) 43 Georgetown Journal of International Law 1323, at 1354Google Scholar (concerning the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber’s decision to decline a number of cumulative charges concerning acts of gender-based violence).
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71 Sloane, supra note 13, at 84.
72 deGuzman, supra note 41, at 319 (acknowledging that ‘[t]here is no guarantee that the dialogic process … will succeed in generating consensus over time’ and that ‘[t]he various audiences may simply disagree about the norms the ICC should promote’).
73 Ibid., (noting the advantages of ‘transparency about values … and the open debate it engenders’ if a dialogic approach to prosecutorial discretion were adopted in practice at the ICC). See also C. Laverty, ‘What lies beneath? The turn to values in international criminal legal discourse’, EJIL Talk!, 23 April 2018 (arguing that ‘inquiring into exactly what norms and values may be articulated by prosecutions for particular crimes would seem critical for a better understanding of what international criminal justice is actually doing, or has the potential to do’), available at www.ejiltalk.org/what-lies-beneath-the-turn-to-values-in-international-criminal-legal-discourse/ (accessed 23 July 2019).
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88 Skillen, A. J., ‘How to Say Things with Walls’, (1980) 55 Philosophy 509, at 513CrossRefGoogle Scholar (emphasis in original).
89 See, in this regard, M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of a Prison (1991), 194 (‘We must cease once and for all to describe the effects of power in negative terms: it “excludes”, it “represses”, it “censors”, it “abstracts”, it “masks”, it “conceals”. In fact, power produces: it produces reality; it produces domains of objects and rituals of truth. The individual and the knowledge that may be gained of him belong to this production’).
90 See similarly Miller, Z., ‘Effects of Invisibility: In Search of the ‘Economic’ in Transitional Justice’, (2008) 2 IJTJ 266, at 267CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Buss, D., ‘Performing Legal Order: Some Feminist Thoughts on International Criminal Law’, (2011) 11 ICLR 409, at 411CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Löytömäki, S., Law and the Politics of Memory: Confronting the Past (2014), at 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Golder, B., ‘Beyond redemption? Problematising the critique of human rights in contemporary international legal thought’, (2014) 2 London Review of International Law 77, at 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
91 Kendall, S., ‘Critical orientations: a critique of international criminal court practice’Google Scholar, in Schwöbel, supra note 45, 54, at 56.
92 Fletcher, G. P., ‘The Storrs Lectures: Liberals and Romantics at War: The Problem of Collective Guilt’, (2002) 111 Yale Law Journal 1499, at 1514CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See similarly Drumbl, supra note 24, at 153 (referring to a ‘retributive shortfall’); Ainley, K., ‘Excesses of Responsibility: The Limits of Law and the Possibilities of Politics’, (2011) 25 Ethics & International Affairs 407, at 412CrossRefGoogle Scholar (referring to ‘excesses of responsibility’).
93 Krever, T., ‘International Criminal Law: An Ideology Critique’, (2013) 26 LJIL 701, at 722CrossRefGoogle Scholar (emphasis in original). See similarly Tallgren, I., ‘The Sensibility and Sense of International Criminal Law’, (2002) 13 EJIL 561, 593–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baars, G., ‘Making ICL history: On the need to move beyond pre-fab critiques of ICL’Google Scholar, in Schwöbel, supra note 45, 196, at 206; Z. Miller, ‘Anti-Impunity Politics in Post-Genocide Rwanda’, in K. Engle et al., supra note 6, 149, at 169.
94 See, for example, Kalpouzos, I. and Mann, I., ‘Banal Crimes Against Humanity: The Case of Asylum Seekers in Greece’, (2015) 16 MJIL 1, at 1–4Google Scholar; Kiyani, A., ‘International Crime and the Politics of Criminal Theory: Voices and Conduct of Exclusion’, (2015) 48 N.Y.U. Journal of International Law & Politics 129, 183Google Scholar ff; Miller, supra note 93, at 169.
95 See, for example, Krever, supra note 93, at 715–22; Mamdani, M., ‘Beyond Nuremberg: The Historical Significance of the Post-apartheid Transition in South Africa’, (2015) 43 Politics & Society 61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; V. Nesiah, ‘Doing History with Impunity’, in K. Engle et al., supra note 6, at 95.
96 See, for example, Simpson, G., ‘International criminal justice and the past’, in Boas, G. et al. (eds.), International Criminal Justice: Legitimacy and Coherence (2012), 123, at 144CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nouwen, S. M. H., ‘Legal Equality on Trial: Sovereign and Individuals before the International Criminal Court’, (2012) 43 Netherlands Yearbook of International Law 151CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bosco, D., Rough Justice: The International Criminal Court in a World of Power Politics (2014), at 184–7Google Scholar; Cowell, F., ‘Inherent Imperialism: Understanding the Legal Roots of Anti-Imperialist Criticism of the International Criminal Court’, (2017) 15 JICJ 667CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
97 Hillebrecht, C. and Straus, S., ‘Who Pursues the Perpetrators? State Cooperation with the ICC’, (2017) 39 HRQ 162, at 167–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
98 Kiyani, A., ‘Group-Based Differentiation and Local Repression: The Custom and Curse of Selectivity’, (2016) 14 JICJ 939, at 955CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See similarly Nouwen, S. M. H. and Werner, W., ‘Doing Justice to the Political: The International Criminal Court in Uganda and Sudan’, (2010) 21 EJIL 941CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Branch, A., ‘Uganda’s Civil War and the Politics of ICC Intervention’, (2007) 21 Ethics and International Affairs 179CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tiemessen, A., ‘The International Criminal Court and the Politics of Prosecutions’, (2014) 18 International Journal of Human Rights 444; Mégret, F., ‘Is the ICC Focusing Too Much on Non-State Actors?’, in deGuzman, M. M. and Amann, D. M. (eds.), Arcs of Global Justice (2018), 173Google Scholar.
99 Krever, supra note 93, at 718.
100 Kiyani, supra note 98, at 952.
101 A. Branch, Displacing Human Rights: War and Intervention in Northern Uganda (2011), at 206.
102 Ibid., at 186.
103 Milanović (forthcoming), supra note 75.
104 See, for example, Schwöbel, supra note 2; Mégret, F., ‘The Anxieties of International Criminal Justice’, (2016) 29 LJIL 197CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
105 See, for example, Drumbl, supra note 24; Ajevski, M., ‘International Criminal Law and Constitutionalisation: On Hegemonic Narratives in Progress’, (2013) 6 Erasmus Law Review 50, at 578Google Scholar; Schwöbel, C., ‘The market and marketing culture of international criminal law’Google Scholar, in Schwöbel, supra note 45, 264, at 267–8; Nouwen and Werner, supra note 3.
106 Koller, D., ‘… and New York and The Hague and Tokyo and Geneva and Nuremberg and … The Geographies of International Law’, (2012) 23 EJIL 97, at 105CrossRefGoogle Scholar (‘By introducing new voices, crits … identify where the law has failed to meet the needs of the excluded and chart a desired path for new progress’). See also C. Schwöbel, ‘Introduction’, in Schwöbel, supra note 45, 1, at 6 (describing critique as a political project).
107 See similarly in the field of human rights O’Connell, P., ‘Human Rights: Contesting the Displacement Thesis’, (2018) 69 Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 19Google Scholar; O’Connell, P., ‘On the Human Rights Question’, (2018) 40 HRQ 962CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
108 See, however, McAuliffe, P. and Schwöbel-Patel, C., ‘Disciplinary Matchmaking: Critics of International Criminal Law Meet Critics of Liberal Peacebuilding’, (2019) Journal of International Criminal Justice, (2018) 16 Journal of International Criminal Justice 985CrossRefGoogle Scholar (examining what structural critiques of international criminal law and liberal peacekeeping may learn from each other, including the power of law and its institutions for ‘tactical radical purposes’).
109 Rajagopal, B., ‘The International Human Rights Movement Today’, (2009) 24 Maryland Journal of International Law 56, at 56Google Scholar.
110 H. Duffy, Strategic Human Rights Litigation: Understanding and Maximising Impact (2018), at 3.
111 Ibid., at 41 and 46. See also Kaleck, W., ‘Seizing opportunities and broad strategy both essential in human rights litigation’, Open Global Rights, 26 February 2019, available at www.openglobalrights.org/seizing-opportunities-and-broad-strategy-both-essentialin-human-rights-litigation/ (accessed 23 July 2019)Google Scholar.
112 Fairlie, M. A., ‘The Hidden Costs of Strategic Communications for the International Criminal Court’, (2016) 51 Texas International Law Journal 281, at 283Google Scholar. Fairlie’s deployment of the term ‘strategic’ is, therefore, relatively narrow, excluding communications submitted to the ICC that are made with the genuine aim of securing action from the Court. See also Fairlie, M. A., ‘A Newly-Revealed Cost of Article 15 Communications’, IntLawGrrls, 29 June 2018Google Scholar, available at ilg2.org/2018/06/29/a-newly-revealed-cost-of-article-15-communications/ (accessed 23 July 2019). The notion of strategy has also appeared in discussions of ‘lawfare’ in the international criminal context, though typically with a narrow focus on the political agendas of states and the UN Security Council. See, for example, A. Tiemessen, ‘The International Criminal Court and the lawfare of judicial intervention’, (2016) 30 International Relations 409, at 414 (defining ‘lawfare’ in the ICC context as ‘the coercive and strategic element of international criminal justice in which the ICC’s judicial interventions are used as a tool of lawfare for States Parties and the UNSC to pursue political ends’); K. J. Fisher and C. Stefan, G., ‘The Ethics of International Criminal ‘Lawfare’’, (2016)Google Scholar International Criminal Law Review 237, at 243 (defining ‘international criminal lawfare’ as ‘the use of international criminal judicial interventions as a tool for states, parties to conflict, and other interested actors, including the UNSC, to pursue political ends’).
113 For an examination of the different levels of impact that strategic litigation may contribute towards, see generally Duffy,supra note 110, at Ch. 4 (outlining eight levels of impact: on victims, law, policy and practice, institutions, information gathering and truth telling, social and cultural change, mobilization and empowerment, and democracy and the rule of law).
114 Knox, R., ‘Strategy and Tactics’, (2010) 21 Finnish Yearbook of International Law 193, at 227Google Scholar. For a recent example of reliance on the strategy-tactics distinction in the international law context, see C. Schwöbel, ‘Populism, International Law and the End of Keep Calm and Carry on Lawyering’, Netherlands Yearbook of International Law (forthcoming).
115 Reynolds, J., ‘Anti-Colonial Legalities: Paradigms, Tactics & Strategy’, (2015) 18 Palestinian Yearbook of International Law 8, at 35Google Scholar.
116 Knox, R., ‘What is to be Done (with Critical Legal Theory)?’, (2011) 22 Finnish Yearbook of International Law 31, at 44Google Scholar (explaining how legal tactics may be ‘dictated by a broader political logic, which may at times be unconventional or even counterproductive in legal terms’) (emphasis added); Duffy, supra note 110, at 41 (‘What we explore then may be not so much whether litigation provided a solution (which will only rarely be the case, given the broad-reaching social or political problems that underpin many rights violations), nor whether change is caused by or attributable to it; rather we should consider the contribution – perhaps indirect and gradual – that litigation may have made alongside and in relationship with other processes and factors’) (emphasis in original). See also Knox, supra note 114, at 227–8 (‘actualising strategic concerns does not necessarily mean jettisoning practical interventions in everyday legal struggles, but rather framing these struggles in terms of the overall strategic goal’) (emphasis added).
117 See also S. Vasiliev, ‘The Crises and Critiques of International Criminal Justice’, in K. J. Heller et al., The Oxford Handbook of International Criminal Law (forthcoming), at 19 (noting how critical voices in the field rarely demand the dismantling of the system of international criminal justice and ‘still deploy it to promote a specific agenda – for example, in strategic litigation – albeit without a true attachment to the discipline’).
118 GLAN and Stanford International Human Rights Clinic, ‘The Situation in Nauru and Manus Island: Liability for Crimes Against Humanity in the Detention of Refugees and Asylum Seekers’, Communiqué to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court under Article 15 of the Rome Statute, 13 February 2017, available at law.stanford.edu/publications/communique-to-the-office-of-the-prosecutor-of-the-international-criminal-court-under-article-15-of-the-rome-statute-the-situation-in-nauru-and-manus-island-liability-for-crimes-against-humanity/ (accessed 23 July 2019).
119 Ibid., at 114.
120 Ibid.
121 Kalpouzos and Mann, supra note 94, at 5.
122 GLAN and Stanford International Human Rights Clinic, supra note 118, at 115.
123 Kalpouzos and Mann, supra note 94, at 4. See similarly Kyriakakis, supra note 68, at 230–7.
124 Several of the signatories to the communication have conducted highly critical examinations of the ICC in their academic capacity.
125 ‘The Refugee Crisis and International Criminal Law’, City University of London, 13 February 2017, available at echo360.org.uk/media/825021ac-6d90-4b4e-a9fa-a9b4a02ba001/public (accessed 16 April 2018).
126 Ibid., at 1 hour 28 minutes.
127 Ibid., at 57 minutes.
128 Ibid., at 1 hour 28 minutes. For media coverage of the communication see B. Doherty, ‘International Criminal Court told Australia’s detention regime could be a crime against humanity’, Guardian, 13 February 2017; R. Hamilton, ‘Australia’s Refugee Policy Is A Crime Against Humanity’, Foreign Policy, 23 February 2017. See also, Jacobs, D., ‘Jumping Hurdles Backwards: The Armenian Genocide and the International Criminal Court’, (2014) International Criminal Law Review 274, at 288–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar (‘because legal claims are but one dimension of Armenian strategies for recognition and reparations, legal action need not necessarily be premised on the chances of success. In this sense, one should not underestimate the symbolic dimension of approaching the ICC with the matter, despite the near certainty of actual failure … Indeed, addressing the Court will create a considerable amount of media attention that will necessarily keep the spotlight on the issue and be an additional tool of pressure for the Armenians’).
129 ‘The Refugee Crisis and International Criminal Law’, supra note 125, at 1 hour 23 minutes. See also Duffy, supra note 110, at 44 (observing how the failure of strategic litigation in the courtroom may still serve the function of ‘exposing to public criticism and international scrutiny the extent of the denial of justice, or paving the way for … other forms of pressure’); Deeks, A., ‘The Observer Effect: National Security Litigation, Executive Policy Changes, and Judicial Deference’, (2013) 82 Fordham Law Review 827, at 830Google Scholar (examining the application in the legal field of the ‘observer effect’, namely ‘the changes that an act of observation makes on the phenomenon being observed’).
130 O’Connell, P., ‘Human Rights: Contesting the Displacement Thesis’, Critical Legal Thinking, 18 June 2015, available at criticallegalthinking.com/?s=Human+Rights%3A+Contesting+the+Displacement+Thesis (accessed 23 July 2019).Google Scholar See also Stewart, J. G., ‘Towards Synergies in Forms of Corporate Accountability for International Crimes’, Blog of J.G. Stewart, 23 February 2019Google Scholar (discussing ‘possibilities of synergistic accountability’).
131 For further examples of proactive strategic interventions in the field of international criminal justice, see M. Kersten, ‘Making a Distinction: the Rome Statute is not the ICC: it is much more than that’, Justice in Conflict, 17 July 2018 (discussing the strategic deployment of the Rome Statute at the domestic level in India and the Democratic Republic of the Congo), available at justiceinconflict.org/?s=making+a+distinction (accessed 23 July 2019).
132 Branch, A., ‘Dominic Ongwen on Trial: The ICC’s African Dilemmas’, (2017) 11 IJTJ 30, at 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
133 Ibid.
134 Knox, supra note 114, at 225.
135 J. Vergès, De La Stratégie Judiciaire (1968), 104, cited in and translated by Knox, supra note 114, at 225. For a similar strategy utilized by dissenting judges see N. Jain, ‘Radical Dissents in International Criminal Trials’, (2017) 28 EJIL 1163.
136 Lugano, G., ‘Counter-Shaming the International Criminal Court’s Intervention as Neocolonial: Lessons from Kenya’, (2017) 11 IJTJ 9, at 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
137 Ibid.
138 On TWAIL perspectives on international criminal justice, see generally Kiyani, supra note 94; and the papers that comprise the TWAIL Symposium in (2016) JICJ 915–1009.
139 Kyriakakis, supra note 68.
140 Reynolds, J. and Xavier, S., ‘“The Dark Corners of the World”, TWAIL and International Criminal Justice’, (2016) 14 JICJ 959, at 981CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
141 Kyriakakis, supra note 68, at 238–9; Reynolds and Xavier, supra note 140, at 982–3.
142 Mamdani, supra note 95.
143 Ibid., at 80–1.
144 Ibid., at 81.
145 Ibid., at 81–2.
146 Duffy, supra note 110, at 5.
147 See generally Duffy, supra note 110, at 5 and 77–80; Fairlie, supra note 112, at 291–8.
148 See generally Duffy, supra note 110, at 39–45 and Ch. 10.
149 See, in this regard, Houge, A. B. and Lohne, K., ‘End Impunity! Reducing Conflict-Related Sexual Violence to a Problem of Law’, (2017) 51 Law & Society Review 755, at 780–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar (identifying challenges of framing and communicating conflict-related sexual violence as a complex phenomenon within advocacy network strategies).
150 On the growing interest in creating hybrid courts in the field of international criminal justice, see generally Kersten, M., ‘Hybrid Justice – A Justice in Conflict Symposium’, Justice in Conflict, 12 March 2018, available at justiceinconflict.org/2018/03/12/hybrid-justice-a-justice-in-conflict-symposium/ (accessed 23 July 2019)Google Scholar. On the growing practice of investigating and trying violations of international criminal law on the basis of universal jurisdiction before domestic courts, see generally Langer, M. and Eason, M., ‘The Quiet Expansion of Universal Jurisdiction’, (forthcoming) European Journal of International LawGoogle Scholar. On the increasingly ‘outside-the-box’ thinking required to advance international criminal justice efforts given political constraints at the international level, see generally Cannock, M., ‘International Justice Trends in Microcosm at the OPCW – Three Observations as States Adopt “Attribution Mechanism”’, Amnesty International, 27 July 2018, available at hrij.amnesty.nl/three-observations-as-states-adopt-attribution-mechanism/ (accessed 23 July 2019)Google Scholar.
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