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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 31 July 2013
Over the last couple of years, a stream of pluralist theories of international legal order has developed at the intersection of international law and political theory, having immediate implications for conceptualizing self-determination. The understanding of self-determination under the framework of bounded, constitutional, and radical pluralism markedly departs from the previous wave of normative theories in the 1990s: self-determination is now evacuated from the field of national pluralism and struggles over territory.
This article does not question the thrust of pluralists’ recent work, but complements their critical attunement to global disparities of power, and complicates their neglect of nationalism and rejection of territorial reconfigurations as self-determination's core meaning. In doing so, it unearths two visions that come from the (semi-)periphery of the international political order. The first belongs to Edvard Kardelj, pre-eminent Yugoslav theorist of socialist self-management and the Non-Aligned Movement. The second belongs to Leopold Sédar Senghor, the poet and politician, advocate of négritude, a proponent of French West African integration, and a constitutional advocate for the reconfiguration – not abolition – of the French Union, the heir to the French Empire. While they are suspicious of extensive territorial reconstruction, like contemporary pluralists, unlike them they have seen a role for territorial reconfigurations in the name of national plurality.
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4 My qualification of self-determination as ‘territorial’ is deliberate if somewhat idiosyncratic. It straddles the binary of ‘external’ and ‘internal’ self-determination, ‘principle’ and ‘right’, and ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ self-determination. Qualified this way, it hopefully enables me to capture different phenomena that appear on the register of left politics, which escape the simple divide between an ‘independent’ statehood and mere political participation, between the invocation of an ethnic nation and a territorially defined people. Equally, it enables me to commensurate self-determination in practice with theoretical approaches that do not make much use of the categories deployed in international law. When I speak of ‘self-determination’ in the remainder of the article I will be referring to its ‘territorial’ variant.
5 For the liberal pluralist vision see generally Kymlicka, W., ‘Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe’, in Kymlicka, W. and Opalski, M. (eds.), Can Liberal Pluralism Be Exported? Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe (2001)Google Scholar.
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17 Ibid., at 81.
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91 Cohen, supra note 2, at 99.
92 Cohen, supra note 2.
93 Krisch, supra note 3, at 305 and 306 respectively.
94 Roth, supra note 1, at 163.
95 Ibid. For a deeper critique of Roth's project that challenges his understanding of political violence see Parfitt, R., ‘B. R. Roth. Sovereign Equality and Moral Disagreement: Premises of a Pluralist International Legal Order’, (2012) 23 EJIL 1175CrossRefGoogle Scholar (book review).
96 To approve these territorial reconfigurations in the name of ‘self-determination’, however, will be difficult both because of the lack of grounding in the doctrine (as argued by Roth), and because there are other tropes, such as ‘affected interests’ that emerged from Krisch's radical pluralism, that complicate the idea of straightforward self-determination of a specific group.