This paper examines, in the context of complicity as an example, how and why scholars theorise about the basis of the rules governing criminal responsibility and about the practice of the courts in imposing such responsibility and asks what sort of ‘impact’ of legal scholarship should be regarded as desirable or achievable or successful or should or can be sought. The methods and reasons of such scholars may include the habit and desire of providing explanations of the outcomes reached by the courts in particular difficult situations and may also involve developing justifications or critiques of them based on, or influenced by, theories of moral philosophy. This may also include a desire to influence future outcomes ‘in practice’ in related factual scenarios in a predictable and ‘just’ fashion consistently with the preferred theory. The paper examines whether the language in which (a contender for) a satisfactory explanation of a theory of derivative responsibility, expressed in terms inspired by George Fletcher, of complicity in wrongful even if excused conduct, can be (or has been) satisfactorily transposed into one expressed in language thought to be more amenable to the courts (such as ‘procuring an actus reus’). Case-law in this area is examined to see whether this sort of transposition does more harm than good and to what extent compromising or adapting an expression of principle in this manner may lead to unintended consequences. An alternative conclusion is also examined, which is that however carefully one formulates rules or statements of principle, unintended consequences will always or often follow and that this may not necessarily be a bad thing. Indeed, the ultimate conclusion may be that whilst having a beneficial influence on the substantive law may be a desirable impact which legal scholarship should aspire to or may be justified by, to adapt the words of John Gardner in a somewhat different context, having that impact should not be confused with trying to have that impact, since often it is the trying which is the problem (Offences and Defences (Oxford University Press, 2007) p 279).

Socio-legal scholarship in contract maintains that the classical law is ineffective in regulating commercial agreements, and that the law should be more attentive to the role played by relational norms of cooperation and implicit understandings in business dealings. This paper explores the extent to which the parties' own narratives about their business relationship, as presented to a judge through testimony, can be both a source of information to judges about how business is conducted and a corrective to the classical contract law mindset, which favours the operation of individualist over cooperative norms in the resolution of commercial disputes. The paper examines a body of ‘law and narrative’ scholarship which underlines narrative's power to subvert traditional legal norms. It also considers some of the difficulties with relying on party narratives as evidence of the implicit dimensions of commercial agreements, but concludes that such narratives may have a role to play in the development of a more relationally constituted contract law and are thus worthy of closer scrutiny.

The use of pharmacotherapy (more emotively known as chemical castration) is the use of drugs to treat and help manage the risk that sex offenders, and in particular paedophiles, pose to society. Due to the increased climate of public fear of this risk, the government recently published a Review of the Protection of Children from Sex Offenders (the Review). This Review, published in June 2007, sought to explore how the protection of children could be improved and how greater reassurance to the public on the management of sex offenders could be provided. The Review makes several proposals with regard to managing high-risk sex offenders. Amongst the list of 20 actions, the trialling of polygraph tests, satellite tracking technology and the use of anti-libidinal suppressants is included. This paper examines the latter, pharmacotherapy, and assesses how concepts such as dignity and consent underpin the human rights' implications of its use. The paper will also assess the recent changes to mental health legislation and evaluate whether such treatment for incompetent or competent offenders is a viable option given the UK's obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights.

The origins of the cooperative movement can be traced to the Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers in 1844, from which similar institutions emerged in Central Europe, the North American continent and the rest of the world. Modern credit unions evolved from these small cooperative societies and have developed into mainstream providers of financial services in many jurisdictions. However, credit unions in the UK have not made a similar impact. There are several factors that have limited their growth – an inadequate legislative framework, an ineffective credit union regulatory system, inappropriate development models, an over-reliance on state subsidies and a disunited movement. The aim of this paper is to re-examine these factors in light of the level of political support provided by the government since 1997.

The compatibility of anti-terrorism control orders with Arts 5 and 6 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms 1950 was the subject of litigation culminating in three House of Lords' judgments in late 2007, and a further case on Art 6 will be argued before a nine-panel House of Lords in March 2009. To date, the litigation has required important modifications to be made to how control orders work, but the regime provided by the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 remains essentially intact. The government therefore claims that control orders strike an appropriate balance between the interests of liberty and security. This paper critiques the role played by the courts in challenging control orders under human rights laws. It argues that it is necessary to incorporate the right to freedom of movement into UK law in order to allow a proper balance between liberty and security to be effected by the courts.

This paper evaluates the impact of a substandard presidential election. Using Kenya as a case study, it reviews the 2007 vote. The paper contends that there is a link between free and fair elections and the enjoyment of human rights. It argues that in order for states in Africa to walk the (desired) democratic path, sitting governments must comply with internationally recognised standards. While focusing on the violence that rocked the country, the paper analyses the causes and implications of the much-disputed presidential poll. Also evaluated is the role the international community can play in resolving a crisis. The paper concludes by asserting that a rule of law culture must be embraced if human rights and democracy are to flourish in Africa.