Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 March 2020
Coexisting and eye-watering levels of food abundance, waste, overconsumption and hunger are symptomatic of a broken food system punctuated by vested interests in systematic overproduction. Against that backdrop, this paper evaluates England's ‘new’ approach to food waste in light of concerns that policy-makers have framed food waste as a consumer behaviour problem, rather than a structural challenge. The Resources and Waste Strategy's acknowledgement of normalised overproduction is thus remarkable, but unexpected. However, frame critical analysis reveals how an apparent departure from preoccupations with economic growth, combined with promises of government action, obscure an ongoing reluctance to intervene against powerful interests and the causes (not symptoms) of food waste. Legislative proposals, rather than reducing surplus, shift the burden of redistributing food away from the state and retailers, on to charities and farmers. With England, perhaps wrongly, seen as a world-leader on food waste, this has implications for other jurisdictions, as well as forthcoming consultations.
I am grateful to Joanne Hawkins, Maria Lee, Christopher McElwain, Rebecca Moosavian, Christine Parker, Duncan Sheehan, Fiona Smith and anonymous reviewers, for their invaluable and detailed comments on written drafts. I also gratefully acknowledge the support provided by participants of the Leeds School of Law ‘Shut Up and Write’ group, and useful discussions with participants of a number of conferences, including the Interdisciplinary Symposium on Food Justice and the SLSA Annual Conference, both hosted by the School of Law, University of Leeds; the Annual Meeting of the LSA, Washington DC; the Future Food Symposium, University of Nottingham Business School; and How to Make a Just Food Future: Alternative Foodways for a Changing World, University of Sheffield. Any errors are, of course, my own.
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89 Ibid, pp 11–12, 22, 26, 30 and 40.
90 The examples given were retained ownership models (such as take-back schemes), customer loyalty schemes (such as bicycle shops offering mechanical services and upgrades), or lease-based services (such as car hire models like ZipCar), see ibid, p 27.
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92 Directive (EU) 2018/851 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 30 May 2018 amending Directive 2008/98/EC on waste, Art 1(22)(c)(2a). This obligation will be retained law when the UK leaves the EU, see the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 and Strategy, above n 6, p 113.
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97 Ibid.
98 See eg Stuart, above n 75; Colbert, above n 76.
99 Strategy, above n 6, pp 9 and 70.
100 Ibid, pp 70–71.
101 Bradshaw, above n 5.
102 Strategy, above n 6, pp 19 and 36.
103 Ibid, p 138.
104 Strategy, above n 6, ch 8.
105 Ibid, pp 10 and 99.
106 Bradshaw, above n 5.
107 Strategy, above n 6, p 17.
108 HM Government The Programme, above n 13, p 5.
109 Strategy, above n 6, p 15.
110 Ibid.
111 Ibid, p 7.
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128 Ibid, p 10.
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142 House of Commons Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee Waste Management in England HC 241 (2015) paras 3–5.
143 House of Commons Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee, above n 16.
144 See also Stokes, above n 33.
145 Stuart, above n 75, has long campaigned for mandatory food waste reporting.
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147 House of Lords EU Committee Counting the Cost of Food Waste: EU Food Waste Prevention HL 154 (2014) para 99.
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157 Ibid, pp 100–104.
158 Ibid, pp 100–102. Gleaning networks involve volunteers harvesting food that, often for economic reasons, would not otherwise be harvested.
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160 House of Commons Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee Food Waste in England HC 429 (2017).
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163 H Sheffield ‘Thousands of tonnes of edible food are being diverted from feeding the hungry’ The Independent (9 February 2016) at http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/news/uk-government-paying-millions-to-turn-food-waste-into-energy-while-needy-go-hungry-a6863401.html (last accessed 23 December 2019).
164 Strategy, above n 6, p 103.
165 Ibid.
166 Mourad and Finn, above n 159; M Mourad ‘Did France really “ban” food waste? The first national food waste regulation, three years on’, Future Food Symposium, Nottingham University Business School, University of Nottingham, 20 June 2019.
167 Though admittedly somewhat modest in quantum, see eg K Farnsworth ‘The British corporate welfare state: public provision for private businesses’ (University of Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute Paper No 24 2015).
168 J Rayner ‘Don't talk about “food poverty” – it's just poverty’ The Guardian (16 May 2019) at https://www.theguardian.com/food/2019/may/16/dont-talk-about-food-poverty-jay-rayner (last accessed 23 December 2019).
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171 Defra ‘Food and drink waste hierarchy: deal with surplus and waste (statutory guidance)’ (GOV.UK, 18 December 2018) at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/food-and-drink-waste-hierarchy-deal-with-surplus-and-waste/food-and-drink-waste-hierarchy-deal-with-surplus-and-waste (last accessed 23 December 2019).
172 House of Commons Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee, above n 160.
173 Swaffield et al, above n 70; Welch et al, above n 70.
174 This would seem to confirm arguments made elsewhere that the waste hierarchy has limited practical utility in the context of food: Bradshaw, above n 5.
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179 Framing debates by reference to the waste hierarchy ‘masks more fundamental questions as to whether we should be producing the quantities of food, in the way and places that we do’, Bradshaw, above n 5, at 329.
180 Strategy, above n 6, p 103.
181 Ibid, p 105; Agriculture Bill Explanatory Notes (Bill 266) (House of Commons, 2018) p 31. Shortly before this paper was accepted for publication, the future of the Agriculture Bill was rendered uncertain by the calling of a General Election. At the time of editing the proofs of this paper, it was unclear, following the result of the December 2019 General Election, whether the Agriculture Bill would be reintroduced in its current or altered form. Either way, the relevant provisions of the 2017–19 Bill are still useful in exploring the relationship between policy frames and legislative intervention.
182 Agriculture Bill 2017–19 (Bill 292 as amended in Public Bill Committee, 21 November 2018), cl 27; Agriculture Bill Explanatory Notes, above n 181, p 31; Strategy, n 6 above, p 105. While the EU context is beyond the scope of this paper, these powers may end up implementing Directive 2019/633 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 17 April 2019 on unfair trading practices in business-to-business relationships in the food supply chain. On the proposed (rather than the recently agreed) Directive, see eg Schebesta, H et al. ‘Unfair trading practices in the food supply chain: regulating right?’ (2018) 9 European Journal of Risk Regulation 690CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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185 See T Lang and D Barling ‘The environmental impacts of supermarkets: mapping the terrain and the policy problems’ in Burch and Lawrence, above n 77; Stuart, above n 75.
186 Agriculture Bill Explanatory Notes, above n 181, pp 31–32.
187 Ibid, p 31.
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191 Although for doubts as to whether the RPA has the resources or capability to provide credible enforcement see House of Commons and Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee Scrutiny of the Agriculture Bill HC 1591 (2018) p 19.
192 Whether agricultural policy is any more concerned with food management remains to be seen; see eg T Lang ‘The new Agriculture Bill has no vision for food’ (Food Research Collaboration, 18 September 2018) at https://foodresearch.org.uk/foodvoices/agriculture-bill-food/ (last accessed 23 December 2019), arguing that the Agricultural Bill is farm, land and finance focused, with no vision for food other than to make it cheaper.
193 Agriculture Bill Explanatory Notes, above n 181, p 31.
194 Ibid.
195 House of Commons and Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee, above n 191, p 21.
196 Strategy, above n 6, p 104.
197 Extended producer responsibility is a regulatory technique which imposes costs on producers (broadly defined to include retailers) for the post-consumption costs of products; see further Fisher et al, above n 113, pp 550–551; Bradshaw, above n 5.
198 See eg Holt-Giménez et al, above n 78; Parker and Johnson, above n 76; Mourad, above n 70.
199 Agriculture Bill 2017–19, cl 27(10).
200 Strategy, above n 6, p 99 and ch 6 on ‘Global Britain: international leadership’.
201 See eg Scotford and Robinson, above n 61, on the ‘unwieldy legal beast’ that is environmental law.
202 Parker and Johnson, above n 76, p 11.7 (citing Review in Advance version, 10 June 2019).
203 See eg the need to stitch different instruments together within regimes typified by ‘patchwork’ forms of governance, explored by Holley, C and Kennedy, A ‘Governing the energy-water-food nexus: regulating unconventional gas development in Queensland, Australia’ (2019) 59(2) JurimetricsGoogle Scholar.
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205 Ibid, pp 107–109.
206 WRAP, ‘Food Date Labelling and Storage Advice’ (WRAP, 2017).
207 Bradshaw, above n 5.
208 Stuart, above n 75; Bradshaw, above n 5. See also Feedback ‘No use crying over spilled milk? How wrong date labels are driving milk waste and harming the environment’ (London: Feedback, 2019). Milk is also good example of the nexus between waste, supermarket power and UTPs. See eg Cardwell, MN ‘Farmers, milk prices and rural indignation’ (2015) 5 Oñati Socio-Legal Series 51Google Scholar; Beaton-Wells and Paul-Taylor, above n 77, at 43.
209 Which for the UK, at present, lies at the EU level, so for now beyond the UK's full control, see further Bradshaw, above n 5.
210 I am grateful to Christine Parker for this point.