Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 January 2018
So much of what, so far, has constituted the grammar of mainstream historical discourse on English law can be broadly characterised as being primarily concerned with either formal legal institutions or their socio-political context. While such histories are generally useful, they fail to see what other-histories – what radically different stories – could be told instead. Such a web of other-histories, it is here suggested, require both time and imagination. By temporarily leaving mainstream historical accounts and entering into the time of legal history the centrality of so many institutional and socio-political histories of English law may have to be reconsidered. In particular, what would become clear is that one type of legal history needs urgently to be told – a history of the ‘blotted-out’. Neither included in mainstream legal history, nor excluded from it – neither visible nor memorable – the history of the blotted-out is the history of what can be found, so commonly and ordinarily, in everyday life. Mainstream legal history is either unaware of, or uninterested in, the blotted-out. Yet, it is precisely a history of the blotted-out which, importantly, would guard, in history, the possibility of law's most original imagination.
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2. Sections 2–7 below.
3. The question on legal history as context reflects the broader debate on the relationship between history and sociology. For the somewhat ‘radical’ view that history and sociology can no longer be usefully kept separate, see eg Giddens, A Central Problems in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In support of Giddens' position, see P Abrams Sociology (Bath: Open Books, 1980). Against, see J H Goldthorpe ‘The uses of history in sociology: reflections on some recent tendencies’ (1991) 42 Br J Soc 211.
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7. Sections 10–12 below.
8. Though neither civilians nor common lawyers constitute uniform communities, here I focus on the opposition between English lawyers and Western European continental lawyers as the traditionally privileged locus of comparison amongst Western legal families.
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19. Reported by Baker, n 11 above, p 89.
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23. One commentator explains how, by the time the common law had established itself, it had come to be felt to be the Englishman's birthright to be subject to that jurisdiction rather than another. Indeed, such right was eventually recognised by the Magna Carta itself (as well as by a series of subsequent statutes) which, precisely, ‘were intended as legal restrains on the power of the Crown to erect new jurisdictions’: Baker, n 11 above, p 112). That is to say, the more the king exercised his sovereignty in the way of establishing an independent court system, the more it became essential for him to retain power to override that legal system in exceptional cases.
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47. Not that this was totally unjustified. The High Court of Justice set up during the Interregnum had acted as what some regard as the bloodiest political tribunal ever known in England. Adultery and repeated fornication became punishable by death - though this, in fact, never led too far. And the Blasphemy Act 1648, too, made it punishable by death to deny the Trinity, or the authority of the scriptures, or the resurrection of the dead, or the coming of the last judgment.
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81. There were (1) contracts by executor or administrator to answer damages out of his own estate; (2) contracts to answer for the debt, default or miscarriages of another person; (3) contracts made upon consideration of marriage; (4) contracts for the sale of land or any interest in land; (5) contracts not to be performed within one year from stipulation; and (6) contracts for the sale of goods if priced & 10 sterling or more.
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