Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 December 2018
One part of building a new constitution after wars, revolutions, civil wars, or dramatic regime changes is to draw a cultural boundary in time, declaring various aspects of the old regime illegitimate and various legalities and constitutional principles of the new regime legitimate. One part of that process, in turn, is to decide how the new regime should treat the guilt of individuals for terror, collaboration, betrayal of information to the regime, and the like. This essay argues that such lustration processes should be a very minor part of the definition of the meaning of the pat, and even less of a part of building social supports under the new constitution. It also assesses the contributions on lustration in this issue in light of this view of what place lustration should play in the construction of democratic constitutions after authoritarian regimes.
1 Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (rev. & enl. ed. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1977) (originally published in the New Yorker and in a book published by Viking Press in 1963).Google Scholar
2 Id. at 246–47; her emphasis.Google Scholar
3 Id. at 253–79. One can argue that of the American Constitution, art. I, sec. 6, para. 1; art. III, sec. 2, para. 3, & sec. 3; art. IV, sec. 2, para. 2; the Fifth through the Eighth Amendments and perhaps the Ninth (secs. 1 & 3) are the total of constitutional provisions concerning criminal law, unless the impeachment provisions are included. Of these the only lustration provisions are in art. III, sec. 3, and in the Fourteenth Amendment, sec. 3. This is roughly 5% devoted to criminal law and less than 1% devoted to lustration. This strikes me as a good measure of the constitutional importance of criminal law and of lustration respectively in constitutional thought. That means that criminal and lustration law are not, in my opinion and in the opinion of those who wrote the American Constitution, the major ways of discussing how to constitute the polity, though they are nontrivial and need to be done right.Google Scholar
4 Id. at 106–11.Google Scholar
5 Id. at 108.Google Scholar
6 Noted by Hannah Arendt, Totalitarianism: part 3 of The Origins of Totalitarianism 74–80 (Orlando, Fla.: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich 1968) (originally published 1951) (“Arendt, Totalitarianism”).Google Scholar
7 Pamela Brandwein, “Reconstructing Reconstruction: The Supreme Court and the Production of Historical Knowledge” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1994) (“Brandwein, ‘Reconstructing Reconstruction’”).Google Scholar
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11 A good exercise to validate this point is to look through military encyclopedias or reference books for an article on civilian casualties in wars. One will even less find judgments in those articles about whether it was just, or even effective, that they were killed.Google Scholar
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13 Ronen Shamir, “‘Landmark Cases’ and the Reproduction of Legitimacy: The Case of Israel's High Court of Justice,” 24 Law & Soc'y Rev. 781, 797 (1990). The Arabs know that there is only a very small chance that they will win their cases. Shamir argues that only a few “landmark” overrulings of military decisions can produce an appearance of legitimacy to friendly audiences, though not to Arabs.Google Scholar
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15 A good study of attempts to discuss constitutional questions in court cases in the late 18th century in France is Sarah Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs: The “Causes Célèbres” of Prerevolutionary France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).Google Scholar
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19 This is prominent in Los's essay in this volume, though she apparently believes that delegitimating of socialist purposes and their supporting social forces did not go far enough. The recent victories of “social democratic” parties with many former officials of the socialist regime suggests that the population has tried capitalism and it does not work and that more delegitimation of socialism would therefore have frustrated the will of the people.Google Scholar
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24 Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation,” in Hans Gerth & C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology 77–128 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946) (essay first published in 1919).Google Scholar
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26 In modem English, to defame, the information has to be false. In my usage here, the higher the truth value of negative information, the more defamatory it is.Google Scholar
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28 For a contrast between 18th-century French and American problems of constitution making that emphasizes the interacting problems of federalism and slavery in America, see Jon Elster, “Argumenter et négocier dans deux assemblées constituants,” 44 Rev. Française Sci. Pol. 187 (1994).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
29 For a very similar argument about constitutional opportunities lost in Eastern Europe by lustration, see Bruce Ackerman, The Future of Liberal Revolution 69–98 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar
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34 Charles Peirce, “How to Make Our Ideas Clear,” in Nathan Houser & Christina Kloesel, eds., 1 The Essential Peirce 124, 136–141 (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press). A rather similar view of “interest” is described in Jane Mansbridge, Beyond Adversary Democracy 24–28 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).Google Scholar
35 Compare Jon Elster, “Arguments for Constitutional Choice: Reflections on the Transition to Socialism,” in Elster, ed., Constitutionalism and Democracy 301, 306 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). In discussing how great majorities should be to overturn various aspects of constitutions, he discusses how constitutional conventions or other democratic constitutional processes might decide on criteria of majorities over 50%. They could also decide in similar discussion on what proportion of the population should be citizens and what criteria should distinguish them from noncitizens.Google Scholar