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Lawyers, Codification, and the Origins of Catalan Nationalism, 1881–1901

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 October 2011

Siobhán Harty
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Extract

The defense of Catalan civil law against the introduction of the Spanish Civil Code in the late nineteenth century was the catalyst for a broad social movement that would be transformed into Catalan nationalism by the turn of the twentieth century. Lawyers were central to this development. They interpreted and popularized the danger codification presented for Catalan society and they were instrumental in making the civil law a central element in the construction of Catalan national identity. Taking their cue from the experience of other stateless nations in Europe, lawyers developed a principled argument for political autonomy that was institutionalized with the creation, in 1901, of Catalonia's first nationalist political party, the Lliga Regionalista. Between 1881 and 1901, Catalan lawyers would help found a series of social movements for the protection of Catalan culture and orient these movements toward the adoption of nationalist objectives. Finally, lawyers would form the majority of the Lliga Regionalista's electoral candidates and the core of the party's strategists, helping the party climb to a position of dominance in Catalan politics between 1901–1932.

Type
Forum: Catalan Nationalism and Civil Codification in Nineteenth-Century Europe
Information
Law and History Review , Volume 20 , Issue 2 , Summer 2002 , pp. 349 - 384
Copyright
Copyright © the American Society for Legal History, Inc. 2002

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References

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28. However, those graduates who became procuradors did have to take a state examination and were regulated through their own Colegio de Procuradores (Catalan: Col·legi de Procuradors). A procurador is an official representative who, through a power of attorney (poder suficiente), represents parties in courts and other official departments. The intervention of a procurador is compulsory in most civil law cases and all criminal law cases.

29. Membership lists for the Col·legi d'Advocats were published annually as the Guía Judicial de Cataluña, Listas oficiales de los colegios de abogados, procuradores y escribanos. The number of members was fairly consistent for the period under investigation: approximately one thousand. The ratio of practicing to nonpracticing lawyers did vary, but in any one year there was a majority of the former.

30. These were civil legislation; criminal legislation; organization of civil and criminal judgments; public legislation; legal statistics; and canon law.

31. There were 158 members of the Acadèmia in 1896. See Sabaté, Laurea Pagarolas i, Historia de l'Acadèmia de Jurisprudència i Legislació de Catalunya (Barcelona: Acadèmia de Jurisprudència i Legislació de Catalunya, 2000), 104.Google Scholar

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33. Pagarolas i Sabaté, Historia de l'Acadèmia, 47–50, 56. There is no historical record to suggest that the Fundadó Savigny became a permanent fixture of Barcelona's legal or cultural circles.

34. See Article 4 of the Royal Decree of the Minister of Grace and Justice, Saturnino Alvarez Bugallal (2 February 1880) in Francisco Tomás y Valiente, “Los supuestos ideológicos del código civil: El procedimiento legislativo,” in Artola, Miguel et al., La España de la Restauración: Política, economía, legislación y cultura, ed. Delgado, José Luis García (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1985), 381–83.Google Scholar

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36. Five reports were issued between 1881 and 1895 and are referred to in Part 3. For a bibliography of the Acadèmia's output, see Pagarolas i Sabaté, Historia de l'Acadèmia, 291–92.

37. Ibid., 79. Statement made by Joan Permanyer i Ayats, while a member of a special committee set up by the Acadèmia in 1880 to prepare its position on the draft civil code. He would later be president of the Academia between 1895–1897.

38. Rovira i Virgili, Antoni, Resum d'història del catalanisme (Barcelona: Barcino, 1936)Google Scholar, quoted in Mas i Solench, Josep M., El dret civil dels Catalans (Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Justicia, 1985), 37.Google Scholar

39. Ferrer, Llorenç, “Lús de la família per la burgesía de la Catalunya central,” in Família i canvi social a la Catalunya contemporània, ed. Ponce, Santi and Ferrer, Llorenç (Vic: EUMO Editorial, 1994), 15.Google Scholar

40. Casals Colldecarra, M., El pacto de retro y la carta de grada (Barcelona: Bosch, 1943), 51.Google Scholar

41. Families in need of additional revenue resorted to certain long-term leaseholding arrangements, such as emfiteusi or rabassa morta, or land sales in which the owner retained some form of domain, such as compraventa a carta de gracia or retroventa. See Casals Colldecarra, El pacto de retro y la carta de grada.

42. Àngels Torrents, “Marriage Strategies in Catalonia from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Century: A Case Study,” Continuity and Change 13 (1998): 475–96. The stem (or troncai in Castilian) family consisted in the head of the household and his wife; the hereu (universal heir; usually the firstborn son); his wife and children; and the siblings of the hereu, who were permitted to live at home until they were married. See also Reher, David S., La familia en España: Pasado y presente (Madrid: Alianza Universidad, 1996).Google Scholar

43. Reher, La familia en España, 85–86.

44. Riba, Enric Prat de la, Ley jurídica de la industria: Estudio de filosofía jurídica seguido de bases para la formación de un código industrial, in Obra completa, vol. 2, 1898–1905. ed. Balcells, Albert and Ainaud de Lasarte, Josep Maria (Barcelona: Proa and IEC, 1998), 128.Google Scholar For an extensive analysis of Barcelona's industrial class and its social background, see McDonogh, Gary Wray, Good Families of Barcelona: A Social History of Power in the Industrial Era (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

45. Prat de la Riba, Ley jurídica de la industria, 129.

46. Maluquer i Viladot, Joan, Les caracteristiques del dret catalá i el seu valor social (Barcelona: La Casa de la Caritat, 1933), 45.Google Scholar

47. Casals Colldecarra, El pacto de retro y la carta de gracia, 50; Maluquer i Viladot, Les caracteristiques del dret catalá, 43.

48. Sastre, Ramón Maria Roca, “La necesidad de diferenciar lo rural y lo urbano en el derecho sucesorio,” Anales Academia Matritense del Notariado 1 (1945): 338.Google Scholar

49. Acadèmia de Jurisprudencia i Legislació de Barcelona (hereafter AJLB), Memoria formulado por la comisión nombrado en sesión de 31 de Mayo de 1889 acerca de las instituciones jurídicas de Cataluña que conviene conservar en el apéndice al código civil y aprobado por la academia en sesión de 28 de Agosto de 1899 (Barcelona, 1899), 41.Google Scholar See also Maluquer i Viladot, Les caracteristiques del dret catalá, 19.

50. AJLB, Memoria formulado, 13.

51. Ibid.

52. Ibid. See also Maluquer i Viladot, Les caracteristiques del dret catalá, 47.

53. Exposición que la Academia de Jurisprudencia i Legislación de Barcelona ha dirigido al Senado sobre la necesidad de que se sigan aplicando en Cataluña a los Códigos romanos y decretales en los casos en que actualmente se acude a sus textos aunque se promulgen un Código civil general para todo el reino, hasta que se haya sancionado y publicado la Ley de excepción prescrita en el párrafo l de la Base 17 del Proyecto de Ley del Ecmo. Sr. Ministro de Gracia y Justicia de 21 de octubre de 1881 (Barcelona: Imprenta Barcelonesa, 1882).

54. Common law here referred to those regions where the civil code applied.

55. See the discussion in Exposición dirigida a los Cortes en suplica de que se modifique el artículo 15 del nuevo Código civil, signed by Juan Coll y Pujol and Joaquin Casades (Barcelona: n.d.). Between 1888–1890, Coll y Pujol was the president of the Academia de Jurisprudencia i Legislació de Catalunya while Casades was its First Secretary.

56. Ibid., 7.

57. Hamson, Joseph, An Economie History of Modern Spain (London: Holmes and Meier, 1978), 71.Google Scholar

58. In Reher, La familia en España, 109. In those families that could not afford university education, at least one cabaler would be forced to enter the priesthood.

59. Ibid., 25. This view was popularized by one of Catalonia's most respected social historians, Vives, Jaume Vicens in Noticia de Catalunya (Barcelona: Destino, 1954).Google Scholar

60. Enric Prat de la Riba, from Castellterçol, was party leader of the Lliga Regionalista from 1901 until his death in 1917. He was the key ideologue of the party as well as an active member of the Col·legi d'Advocats and the Acadèmia de Jurisprudència i Legislació de Catalunya. In 1899, he was appointed to a committee of the Acadèmia charged with determining which of Catalonia's civil law institutions were to be preserved in the appendix to the Spanish Civil Code. He also wrote a regular column for the Acadèmia's journal, the Revista Jurídica de Catalunya. The book that secured his place in the pantheon of Catalan nationalists was La nacionalitat catalana (1906).

61. Ramon d'Abadal i Calderó, from Vic, was president of the Ateneu Barcelonés (1902) and the Acadèmia de Jurisprudència i Legislació de Barcelona (1903–1905) and dean of the Col·legi d'Advocats (1924–1935).

62. Francese Cambó i Batlle, from Verges, was a member of the Col·legi d'Advocats and a career politician from the founding of the Lliga Regionalista in 1901. He continued to practice law even while he ran as a candidate for the party.

63. Jaume Camer i Romeu, from El Vendrell, masterminded the first election campaign of the Lliga Regionalista in 1901. He converted to republicanism five years after the Lliga was founded.

64. Lluís Duran i Ventosa was secretary (1897–1898) and later president (1915–1917) of the Acadèmia de Jurisprudència i Legislació. Duran i Ventosa's importance as an ideologue for the nationalist movement was established with his book Regionalisme i federalisme (1905). His close friend Enric Prat de la Riba wrote the prologue.

65. Ramon Duran i Ventosa was secretary of the Acadèmia de Jurisprudència i Legislació in 1890–1891.

66. Ferrer, “L'ús de la família per la burgesia de la Catalunya central,” 28–32.

67. McDonogh, Good Families of Barcelona, 64.

68. Ibid., 65.

69. Brutau, José Puig, “Algunas consideraciones sobre la llamada sociedad anónima familiar,” Revista Jurídica de Cataluña 57 (1958): 572.Google Scholar

70. Ferrer, “L'ús de la familia per la burgesia de la Catalunya central,” 24–25.

71. For most of the nineteenth century, the population remained under 150,000 while that of Catalonia as a whole grew. By 1887, two years before the Spanish Civil Code was introduced, the population of Barcelona increased to 272,500 or one in seven Catalans. See Hughes, Robert, Barcelona (New York: Vintage, 1992), 337.Google Scholar

72. The Ateneu Barcelonés continues to play a central role in Barcelona as a meeting place for the exchange of ideas. For a general history, see Ymbert, Jordi Casassas, L'Ateneu Barcelonès: Dels seus origens als nostres dies (Barcelona: La Magrana, 1986).Google Scholar

73. The Sociedad Económica Barcelonesa de Amigos del País was founded in 1882 to lobby for protectionism and act as a forum for the exchange of economic ideas.

74. For a history of the association up to 1911, see Graell, Guillermo, Historia del Trabajo Nacional (Barcelona: Imp. De la Viuda de Luís Tasso, 1911).Google Scholar

75. The Casino Mercantil was Barcelona's unofficial stock market.

76. The Institut Agrícola Cátala de San lsidre was made up of farmers, rural property owners, and lawyers.

77. Hobsbawm, E. J., Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Canto, 1992), 102.Google Scholar The main reason for this development was the declining force of the principle that only large nations could be states (the threshold principle). But as Hobsbawm notes (32) this principle was never completely abandoned, which is one important reason why early twentieth-century minority nationalists in Europe championed federalism as a state design.

78. Ibid, 109–10 (my emphasis). These were: the resistance of traditional groups to modernity; the emergence of nontraditional classes in urban centers; interstate migration; democratization; and modern administrative states.

79. Llorens i Vila, Jordi, La Unió Catalanista i els orígens del catalanisme polític: Dels orígens a la presidència del Dr. Martí i Julia (1891–1903) (Barcelona: Publicacions de l Abadía de Montserrat, 1992), 28.Google Scholar

80. See Galofré, Jordi, El primer congrès catalanista (Barcelona: Rafael Damau, 1979)Google Scholar; and Figueres, Josep M., El primer congrès catalanista i Valenti Almirall (Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1985).Google Scholar Almirall (1840–1904), a committed republican, was of an earlier generation than the protagonists of the story told here, having participated in the federal-republican revolution that produced the Sexenio Democrático in 1868. He founded El Estado Catalán, a federalist newspaper, in 1869 and the Diari Catalá, the first Catalan-language newspaper, in 1879.

81. “Programa de Catalanisme,” Butlletídel Centre Cátala, 12 June 1883.

82. See the statement against codification sent to the Spanish government by lawyers and property owners: Exposició que envian a les Corts per impuls propri y per encarrech de molts proprietaris de Catalunya en súplica de que's conservi al principat son dret civil especial: Joseph, D. Buxeres, A., Delfi Artús, D., Alvar, D. Camin, Ma., Emili Sicars, D., Romani y Puigdengolas, D. F., y proprietaris, Advocats (1882), in Comissió per la Conservadó del Dret de Catalunya, Traducció catalana de importants documents en favor de la conservadó del dret civil vigent a Catalunya (Barcelona, 1886).Google Scholar

83. Verdaguer i Callís would later become president of the Centre Escolar Catalanista (1887–1888) and of the Academia de Jurisprudència i Legislació de Barcelona (1889).

84. Pella i Forgas would later become president of the Ateneu Barcelonés and of the Sociedad Económica Barcelonesa de Amigos del País.

85. The debate took place on 13 Dec. 1882 and is reproduced in Carme Illa i Munné, Maria, El segon congrès catalanista: Un congrès inacabat (1883–1983) (Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament Adjunt a la Presidencia, 1983), 31–33.Google Scholar

86. Ibid., 33.

87. Almirall, Valentí, Lo catalanisme (Barcelona: Llibreria Verdaguer i Llibreria López, 1886Google Scholar; repr., Les millors obres de la literatura catalana, 22, Barcelona: Edicions 62 and “la Caixa,” 1994).

88. Ibid., 102 (page references are to reprint edition).

89. The Centre Escolar Catalanista was organized into five sections: (1) law, philosophy, and literature; (2) medicine; (3) science and pharmacy; (4) special subjects; (5) fine arts. Although there are no membership records, it was reported that in 1887 there were eighty-five lawyers or law students in the organization. See Molas, Lliga Catalana, 21, n. 28.

90. Josep Puig i Cadafalch was one of two architects (the other was Lluís Domènech i Muntaner) who would be among the original leaders of theLliga Regionalista.

91. Pau Sans i Guitart, president of the Lliga de Catalunya, in a speech made at the organization's inaugural session (5 Nov. 1887) and published as “Diseurs inaugural de la Lliga de Catalunya,” La Renaixensa, 6 Nov. 1887.

92. See “Missatge a la Reyna Regent,” La Renaixensa, 3 June 1888.

93. Molas, Lliga Catalana, 25.

94. Pagarolas i Sabaté, Història de l'Acadèmia, 85.

95. Ibid.

96. Lliga de Defensa Industrial i Comercial was an organization of small business and shop keepers.

97. Llorens i Vila, La Unió Catalanista, 236–46.

98. Among its writers during the 1890s figured some of the members of the Centre Escolar Catalanista and future leaders of the Lliga Regionalista: Lluís Duran i Ventosa, Enric Prat de la Riba, and Josep Puig i Cadalfach.

99. Culla i Clarà, Joan B., “De Budapest a Dublin passant per Cristiània: O sobre alguns models internacionals del catalanisme,” Revista de Catalunya 2 (Nov. 1986): 37.Google Scholar

100. Llorens i Vila, La Unió Catalanista, 182.

101. la Riba, Enric Prat de, La nacionalitat catalana, 2d ed. (Barcelona: “La Cataluña,” 1910Google Scholar; repr., Les millors obres de la literatura catalana, 5, Barcelona: Edicions 62 and “la Caixa,” 1978), 57 (page references are to reprint edition).

102. See the speech by Lluís Duran i Ventosa given at the Centre Escolar Catalanista on 23 Nov. 1889, in Prat de la Riba, La nacionalitat catalana, 53.

103. Duran i Ventosa, Lluís, Regionalisme i federalisme, with an introduction by la Riba, Enric Prat de, 2d ed. (Barcelona: Editorial Catalana, 1922Google Scholar; repr., Francese de Carreras, ed., Biblioteca dels clàssics del nacionalisme catalá, 29, Barcelona: Edicions de la Magrana and Diputadó de Barcelona, 1993), 37–40 (page references are to reprint edition).

104. “Diseurs del President del Centre Escolar Catalanista de Barcelona Don Enric Prat de la Riba llegit en la Sessió Inaugural del Curs 1890–1891,” in Enric Prat de la Riba, La nació i estat: Escrits de joventut, Biblioteca dels clàssics del nacionalisme català, 17 (Barcelona: Edicions de la Magrana and Diputació de Barcelona, 1987), 13.

105. Enric Prat de la Riba, “El fet de la nacionalitat catalana,” in Prat de la Riba, La nacionalitat catalana, 93 (emphasis in original).

106. A copy of the Bases de Manresa is reproduced in González Casanova, J. A., Federalisme i autonomia a Catalunya (1868–1938) (Barcelona: Curial, 1974), 536–39.Google Scholar

107. Molas, Lliga Catalana, 27.

108. Balfour, Sebastian, The End of the Spanish Empire, 1898–1923 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

109. Harty, Siobhán, “The Institutional Foundations of Substate National Movements,” Comparative Politics 33 (2001): 191–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

110. The Lliga Regionalista first fielded candidates in 1901. In 1923, the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera put an end to parliamentary politics until 1931.

111. There were ten general and nine provincial elections for the period reviewed. The election of 1907 was omitted since candidates ran as part of an alliance with republicans. The Lliga Regionalista published the lists of its candidates in its party newspaper (La Veu de Catalunya), which for most elections also included candidates' profession or occupation. Those candidates for whom it was not possible to establish their profession using other reference materials are treated as missing data. The missing data, as a percentage of total data, stands at 9.5 percent for the general elections and 27 percent for the provincial elections. The figures reported here exclude the missing data.

112. Molas, Lliga Catalana, 180.

113. These names are taken from Francese de Carreras, “Estudi preliminar,” in Duran i Ventosa, Regionalisme i federalisme, xvii.

114. Regionalista, Lliga, Llista de socis (Barcelona, 1911).Google Scholar

115. See Guía Judicial de Cataluña, Listas oficiales de los colegios de abogados, procuradores y escribanos, 1909, 1910, and 1911; Associación de Arquitectos de Cataluña Oficial y de Utilidad Pública 1910, Lista de los individuos que la componen (Barcelona, 1910)Google Scholar; Lista de los agentes de negocios del colegio de Barcelona, 1910 and 1911 (Barcelona: Tip. Valis y Borras, 1910 and 1911); Colegio de Corredores Reales de Comercio de Barcelona, Individuos del colegio (Barcelona: Imp. De la Bolsa, 1915).Google Scholar Pharmacists were identified from the Higa Regionalista's, membership list by their address. It was not possible to obtain membership lists from doctors' or engineers' associations.

116. These people were identified by the address they provided on the Lliga Regionalista' membership list. They listed the type of shop or business they ran.

117. Duran i Ventosa, Regionalisme i federalisme, 149, 152.

118. Prat de la Riba, La nacionalitat catalana, 99.

119. Duran i Ventosa, Regionalisme i federalisme, 151.

120. Ibid., 153.

121. Ibid., chap. 3.

122. Prat de la Riba, La nacionalitat catalana, 95–97.

123. Lliga Catalana, Història d'una política: Actuacions i documents de la Lliga Regionalista, 1901–1933 (Barcelona: Biblioteca de Lliga Catalana, 1933).Google Scholar

124. In fact, the appendix went nowhere largely because of Madrid's inertia. Several unsuccessful attempts were made by Catalan legal corporations to compile an appendix before the process Anally got under way in 1960. The compilation was completed in 1984.