No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
A Contested Inheritance: The Family and the Law from the Enlightenment to the French Revolution
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 November 2018
Abstract
This article examines a particularly interesting inheritance case from late-eighteenth-century France to study the intersection of legal practices and Enlightenment ideas at the end of the Old Regime. The case, involving dispute around the estate of a deceased tax farmer, addresses family relations broadly within the specific context of inheritance and spousal assets. The five briefs produced on appeal to the Parlement of Paris show particular engagement with Enlightenment themes of reason, nature, and sentiment. The family was a locus of particular interest in eighteenth-century France because of its implications for social relations and its connection, through inheritance, to royal sovereignty. However, family law has been primarily studied from the perspective of practices, whereas the present article focuses on ideals. The article argues that the courtroom was an important site where the diverse implications of Enlightenment thought on family law were worked out. The argument that family law was a site for integrating ideals into practices has implications for how we think about the relationship between law and social change, as well as, in particular, the relationship between Enlightenment and Revolution.
- Type
- Original Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © the American Society for Legal History, Inc. 2018
Footnotes
She thanks the anonymous reviewers who provided feedback on drafts of this article, as well as Emma Rothschild, Patrice Higonnet, Elizabeth Cross, Miranda Spieler, Marika Knowles, and the participants of the Harvard Mahindra Center “Women and Culture in the Early Modern World” seminar, led by Diana Henderson and Marina Leslie. Translations are author's own unless otherwise noted.
References
1. Mémoire pour les sieurs Jacques-Francois Baudon, ci devant Directeur des Fermes; Charles-Guillaume Baudon, l'un des Administrateurs du Domaine; Mr Julien, ancien Conseiller en la Cour, Maître des Requêtes, Commissaire départi en la Généralité d'Alençon; & demoiselle Elisabeth Baudon, son épouse. Le sieur Cromot, Surintendant de la Maison de Monsieur, Frère du Roi; & demoiselle Rose-Josephe-Sophie Baudon, son épouse; et les sieurs Tocquiny, enfans de Rose-Magdeleine Baudon, veuve, en premières noces, du sieur de Tocquiny, & décédée femme, en secondes nôces, du Marquis de Pontbriant; contre demoiselle Anne-Marguerite-Charlotte de Ligneville, veuve du sieur Baudon père, Fermier Général; et encore contre le sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, tuteur de Jean François-Charles & Charles-Jacques Baudon, enfans mineurs dudit feu sieur Baudon, première partie. Sur la nullité du prélegs de quatre cens mille livres (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1781), 48. Hardoin's name is sometimes spelled Hardouin, a discrepancy not unusual in the orthography of the time. Here we retain the spelling in use in this particular case.
2. Careful examination of an outstanding example crossed over into history from anthropology during the vogue for microhistory, and continues to be relevant. It is also established practice in family history, particularly with regard to lawsuits. See Desan, Suzanne and Merrick, Jeffrey, Family, Gender, and Law in Early Modern France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Merrick, Jeffrey, Order and Disorder under the Ancien Régime (Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars, 2007)Google Scholar; and Bellavitis, Anna and Chabot, Isabelle, La justice des familles: autour de la transmission des biens, des savoirs et des pouvoirs (Europe, nouveau monde, XIIe-XIXe siècles) (Rome: École Française de Rome, 2011)Google Scholar.
3. For an overview of this literature, see Roberts, Meghan K., Sentimental Savants: Philosophical Families in Enlightenment France (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Dena Goodman, “Marriage Choice and Marital Success: Reasoning about Marriage, Love, and Happiness,” in Suzanne Desan and Jeffrey Merrick, Family, Gender, and Law, 26–61. On breastfeeding, see Gélis, Jacques, History of Childbirth: Fertility, Pregnancy, and Birth in Early Modern Europe (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1991)Google Scholar. See also the overview in Wiesner, Merry, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 51–101Google Scholar.
4. The history of the family in France has a long tradition in English and French, and the transition of the eighteenth century is a particularly important theme. See especially, Ruggiu, François-Joseph, L'individu et la famille dans les sociétés urbaines anglaises et française (1720–1780) (Paris: Presses Universitaires Paris-Sorbonne, 2007)Google Scholar; Dupâquier, Jacques and Bardet, Jean-Pierre, Histoire des populations de l'Europe (Paris: Fayard, 1997)Google Scholar; Pardaihlé-Galabrun, Annik, The Birth of Intimacy: Privacy and Domestic Life in Early Modern Paris (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991; 1st French ed., Presses Universitaires de France, 1988)Google Scholar; Mitterauer, Michael and Sieder, Reinhard, The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from the Middle Ages to the Present (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982; 1st German ed., 1977)Google Scholar; and Flandrin, Jean-Louis, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979; French ed., Hachette, 1976)Google Scholar; see also the classic, if surpassed, Ariès, Philippe, Centuries of Childhood (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962; 1st French ed., 1960)Google Scholar. (English translations are cited where available to make this article more accessible.)
5. For a recent engagement with the culture of sentiment and its implications, see Hunt, Lynn, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007)Google Scholar; see also the classic, Denby, David, Sentimental Narrative and the Social Order in France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.
6. They could also be found in critique of what were seen as abusive paternal prerogative, such as the lettre de cachet. Farge, Arlette, Fragile Lives: Violence, Power and Solidarity in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Oxford: Polity, 1993; 1st French ed., 1986)Google Scholar.
7. Merrick, Jeffrey, “Fathers and Kings: Patriarchalism and Absolutism in 18th-Century French Politics,” Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 308 (1993): 281–303Google Scholar; see also Hunt, Lynn, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Perez-Canto, Pilar, “La société patriarcale dans le discours éclairé,” in Genre, femmes, histoire en Europe, ed. Bellavitis, Anna and Edelman, Nicole (Paris: Presses Universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2011), 51–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8. Bodin, Jean, “Concerning the Family,” in Six Books of the Commonwealth, trans. Tooley, M.J. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1955), I:6–18Google Scholar. See also Desan, Suzanne, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004), 2–3Google Scholar.
9. Desan and Merrick, Family, Gender, and Law; Hardwick, Julie, The Practice of Patriarchy: Gender and the Politics of Household Authority in Early Modern France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Descimon, Robert, “Conflits familiaux dans la robe parisienne au XVIe et XVIIe siècles: les paradoxes de la transmission du statut,” Cahiers d'histoire 45 (2000): 677–97Google Scholar; and Williams, Alan, “Patterns of Conflict in Eighteenth-Century Parisian Families,” Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 39–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10. For example, a recent volume summarizing trends in late Old Regime scholarship addresses fiscal and administrative issues, cultural changes, and politics, but not the law. Kaiser, Thomas E. and Van Kley, Dale, eds., From Deficit to Deluge: The Origins of the French Revolution (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11. In the particular context of family law, see Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial, and Heuer, Jennifer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789–1830 (New York: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; for the law as ideal, see Rosanvallon, Pierre, The Demands of Liberty: Civil Society in France since the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007; French ed., Seuil, 2004), 49–62Google Scholar. For another, recent account of the centrality of law to achieving the goals of the Revolution, see Blaufarb, Rafe, The Great Demarcation: The French Revolution and the Invention of Modern Property (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12. Suzanne Desan has shown the complexity of this relationship for the revolutionary period; see The Family on Trial.
13. Roberts, Sentimental Savants, 7–8; and Coleman, Charly, The Virtues of Abandon: An Anti-Individualist History of the French Enlightenment (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014), 4–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14. Baudon's contract made him a croupier. Durand, Yves, Les fermiers généraux au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1971), 108–114Google Scholar; see also Mousnier, Roland, Les institutions de la France sous la monarchie absolue. Vol. 2: Les organes de l'Etat et la Société (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1980), 78Google Scholar.
15. By the time of the lawsuit, Rose-Magdeleine had died; her sons represented her in the family. d'Est-Ange, Gustave Chaix, Dictionnaire des familles françaises anciennes ou notables à la fin du XIXe siècle XI (Paris: Editions Charles Hérissey, 1983), 510Google Scholar.
16. The month of June 1749; cited in Mémoire pour Anne-Marguerite-Charlotte née Comtesse de Ligniville & du Saint Empire, veuve du sieur Beaudon, Secrétaire du Roi du Grand Collège, Appellante; contre M. Jullien, le sieur Cromot, les Demoiselles Beaudon, les héritiers Tocquigny & les sieurs Beaudon, enfans & héritiers du feu sieur Beaudon, Intimés (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1781), 4.
17. Gazette des Tribunaux, 11, no. 1, 1781, 306. The marriage was considered socially advantageous for Baudon: Chaix d'Est-Ange, Dictionnaire XI, 510.
18. The boys were both alive at the time of the lawsuit, but only one, Jean-François-Charles, survived to adulthood. Chaix d'Est-Ange, Dictionnaire XI, 510.
19. Archives Nationales Y61 July 22, 1780, “Testament de François Baudon fermier général.” The will also names a daughter from his first marriage, not a party to the lawsuits, Angélique Marie Baudon, abbess of the royal abbey of Sainte Perine de Chaillot, whom the will identifies as disabled and endows with a variety of investment revenues.
20. Gazette des Tribunaux, 10, no. 37, 1780, 163–4Google Scholar. The Requêtes were the basic civil jurisdiction in the Parlement of Paris.
21. See Daumas, Maurice, L'affaire d'Esclans (Paris: Seuil, 1988), 12–14Google Scholar.
22. Gazette des Tribunaux, 10, no. 37, 1780, 163–4.
23. Personal assets brought to the marriage could be classified as propres; that is, patrimonial assets, or acquêts, personal assets acquired prior to the marriage. Baudon and Ligneville's marriage contract stipulated that assets not explicitly named as communal were to be classified as propre to each spouse individually. The revenues on a propre would normally enter the spousal community, but Baudon's lawyers argued that the revenues on the tax-farming contract were a droit and not a fruit––a prior claim rather than a profit. This argument depended largely on the idea that the revenues were guaranteed as a matter of course when the contract was signed, a point that will be discussed.
24. Gazette des Tribunaux, 11, no. 20, 1781, 305.
25. Fournel, , Histoire des avocats au Parlement et du Barreau de Paris. vol. 1 (Paris: Maradan, 1813), xxiGoogle Scholar.
26. Hua, Eustache-Antoine, Mémoires d'un avocat au Parlement de Paris (Poitiers: H. Oudin, 1871), 16Google Scholar. Martineau sat on the Conseil de législation with Guy-Jean-Baptiste Target, an antagonist and admirer of Gerbier. This suggests that he was the Martineau on this case, but also highlights what a small and familiar world the Paris bar was. Tackett, Timothy, Becoming a Revolutionary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
27. Hua, Mémoires, 15; Falconnet, Ambroise, Le barreau français, partie moderne, vol. 2 (Paris: Cuchet et P. Gueffier, 1806)Google Scholar, accessed through Gallica, March 17, 2017, https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k5840320t/f67.item.r=falconnet%20barreau (accessed August 28, 2018), 363n.
28. Louis-Eugène Hardoin de la Reynnerie, Consultation pour les actionnaires de la Compagnie des Indes (Paris: Lottin l'aîné, 1788)Google Scholar.
29. Bell, David A., “Lawyers into Demagogues: Chancellor Maupeou and the Transformation of Legal Practice in France, 1771–1789,” Past & Present 130 (1991): 107–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
30. Hua picks out Hardoin and Bonnières as particular friends and rivals; Hua, Mémoires d'un avocat, 15 n, 16; André Marie Jean Jacques Dupin, Réquisitoires, plaidoyers et discours de rentrée; avec le texte des arrêts (Paris: Charles Dupin, 1836), 93nGoogle Scholar.
31. Hauréau, Jean Barthélémy, Catalogue chronologique des oeuvres imprimées et manuscrites de J.B. Gerbier (Paris: Durand, 1863), 78–84Google Scholar.
32. Rouillé de Filletières case; the group represented Mlle. Chantemèle.
33. Gerbier, “Précis pour M. le prince de Conti, contre M. le duc d'Orléans et contre le sieur Le Quêne,” cited in Hauréau, Catalogue chronologique, 77.
34. Maza, Sarah, Private Lives and Public Affairs: The Causes Célèbres of Prerevolutionary France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993)Google Scholar.
35. Swann, Julian, Politics and the Parlement of Paris under Louis XV, 1754–1774 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bell, David, Lawyers and Citizens: The Making of a Political Elite in Old Regime France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 67–104Google Scholar; and David A. Bell, “Lawyers into Demagogues,” 107–41. On the popularity of legal briefs, see also Chartier, Roger, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), 34–35Google Scholar. Leuwers, Hervé, L'invention du barreau français, 1660–1830 (Paris: Éditions de l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 2006)Google Scholar. Carcassonne, Emile, Montesquieu et le problème de la constitution française au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1958)Google Scholar.
36. Baker, Keith Michael, Inventing the French Revolution: Essays on French Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 86–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and more recently, “Transformations of Classical Republicanism in Eighteenth-Century France,” Journal of Modern History 73 (2001): 32–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wright, J. Kent, A Classical Republican in Eighteenth-Century France: The Political Thought of Mably (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; and Venturi, Franco, Utopia and Reform in the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 75–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37. Among Gerbier's other clients that year were the Prince de Soubise; the Queyssat brothers case drew far more publicity. Compare also to the La Girouzière case, which involved a mistress (then wife) with a false identity and a fictitious cousin.
38. Guyot, Pierre Jean, Répertoire universel et raisonné de jurisprudence civile, criminelle, canonique et bénéficiale (Paris: Visse, 1784–86), 4:198–202; 6:77–90Google Scholar; re-edited by Philippe-Antoine Merlin (Bruxelles: H. Tarlier, 1825–26), 5:121–26; 14:219–21. Baudon and Ligneville also appeared in the compendia as a result of Baudon's attempt to have Ligneville ruled legally insane in 1765–67; 14:399. The Répertoire universel et raisonné de jurisprudence, which cited the Baudon case twice, was compiled by Philippe-Antoine Merlin. Known during the Revolution as Merlin de Douai, he chaired the revolutionary Comité des Lois, responsible for formulating new legislation, and authored the committee's report on the abolition of wills. A specialist in inheritance law, it seems unlikely that Merlin would have been unaware of the Baudon case. Leuwers, Hervé, Un juriste en politique: Merlin de Douai, 1754–1838 (Arras: Artois Presses Université, 1996), 27–31Google Scholar. On the revival of Old Regime law, see, for example, Kelley, Donald R., Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), 56–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
39. On the development of customary law in the eighteenth century, see Olivier-Martin, François, Histoire du droit français des origines à la Révolution (Paris: Domat Montchrestien, 1948), 112–18Google Scholar; Ourliac, Paul and Gazzaniga, Jean-Louis, Histoire du droit privé français de l'an mil au Code civil (Paris: Albin Michel, 1985), 147–54Google Scholar; and Hilaire, Jean, La vie du droit: coutumes et droit écrit (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1994), 187–278CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the classic, Yver, Jean, Egalité entre héritiers et exclusion des enfants dotées: essai de géographie coutumière (Paris: Sirey, 1966), 11–90Google Scholar; and Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, “Family Structures and Inheritance Customs in Sixteenth Century France,” in Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe 1200–1800, ed. Goody, Jack, Thirsk, Joan, and Thomson, Edward Palmer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 37–70Google Scholar. On the importance of Paris custom see, in particular, Gaudemet, Jean, Les naissances du droit: Le temps, le pouvoir et la science au service du droit (Paris: Montchrestien, 2006), 183–98Google Scholar. On custom relating to the family specifically, see Lefebvre-Teillard, Anne, Introduction historique au droit des personnes et de la famille (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1996)Google Scholar; see also Zink, Anne, L'héritier de la maison. Géographie coutumière du Sud-Ouest de la France, sous l'Ancien régime (Paris: Éditions de l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1993)Google Scholar; for discussion in English, see Hardwick, The Practice of Patriarchy. On the legacy of customary law in the Civil Code, see Halpérin, Jean-Louis, L'impossible Code civil (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Poumarède, Jacques, “De la fin des coutumes à la survie des usages locaux: Le Code civil face aux particularismes,” in Les penseurs du Code civil, ed. Gauvard, Claude (Paris: La Documentation Française, 2009), 173–82Google Scholar; in English, see Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial, 283–310.
40. Mémoire pour Anne Marguerite Charlotte, 28.
41. Ibid. Bonnières refers to five years of domestic solicitude because the period of the lease in question overlapped with the couple's marriage for just five years, although they were married for a total of 22 years.
42. Women often served as bookkeepers in their husbands’ business dealings; however, most information about women's work and perceptions of it come from artisanal or middling families, as opposed to elite households such as Baudon and Ligneville's. Melish, Jacob, “The Power of Wives: Managing Money and Men in the Family Businesses of Old Regime Paris,” in Women and Work in Eighteenth-Century France, ed. Hafter, Daryl M. and Kushner, Nina (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2007): 77–90Google Scholar; and Hardwick, Julie, Family Business: Litigation and the Political Economies of Daily Life in Early Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 20–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Hardwick, The Practice of Patriarchy, 93–100; and Ruggiu, L'individu et la famille, 264–73. Jane McLeod, “Printer Widows and the State in Eighteenth-Century France,” in Women and Work, 113–29.
43. Mémoire pour Anne Marguerite Charlotte, 27–29.
44. Second mémoire pour M. Julien & Consorts. Contre la Dame veuve Baudon. En présence des enfans du second lit du sieur Baudon (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1781), 16Google Scholar.
45. Ibid., 15.
46. Roberts, Sentimental Savants, 40–69; and Hardwick, The Practice of Patriarchy, 109–42.
47. Seconde Mémoire, 27.
48. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 12.
49. Yver, Egalité entre héritiers, 91–154. In English, see Desan, The Family on Trial, 144–47.
50. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 45.
51. Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 38.
52. Martineau himself began his argument about marriage contracts in Ancient Rome, as Roman law was particularly influential for this type of law. Olivier-Martin, Histoire du droit français, 427–28.
53. Mémoire pour les Sieurs, 14.
54. Ozouf, Mona, “Fraternity,” in A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution, ed. Ozouf, Mona and Furet, François, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1989), 694–703Google Scholar; compare Pabst, Adrian, “Fraternity,” in Handbook on the Economics of Philanthropy, Reciprocity and Social Enterprise, ed. Zamagni, Stefano and Bruni, Luigino (Cheltenhan: Edward Elgar, 2013), 153–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Walton, Charles, “Capitalism's Alter Ego: The Birth of Reciprocity in Eighteenth-century France,” Critical Historical Studies 4 (2018): 1–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
55. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 47.
56. Ibid., 47.
57. Ibid., 47.
58. On the diffusion of modern natural law theorists in French legal thought, see Arnaud, André-Jean, “La référence à l’école du droit naturel moderne: les lectures des auteurs du Code civil français,” in La famille, la loi, l’État: de la Révolution au Code civil, ed. Thiery, Irène and Biet, Christian (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1989), 3–10Google Scholar. On the currency of Montesquieu in legal practice, see Halpérin, Jean-Louis, “Legal Interpretation in France Under the Reign of Louis XVI: A Review of the Gazette des Tribunaux,” in Interpretation of Law in the Age of Enlightenment, ed. Yasumoto, Morigiwa, Stolleis, Michael, and Halpérin, Jean-Louis (New York: Springer, 2011), 28, 38–39Google Scholar. It was not unheard of for lawyers and magistrates to refer to contemporary philosophy in their reasoning; see, for example, Bien, David, “Catholic Magistrates and Protestant Marriages in the French Enlightenment,” French Historical Studies 2 (1962): 424–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
59. Their influence was felt, later, by Destutt de Tracy, Condorcet, and framers of the Civil Code. Carbonnier, Jean, Sociologie juridique (Paris: Quadrige/Presses Universitaires de France, 1994), 77–83Google Scholar.
60. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 27; 26. The French word “sensible” bests translates as “sensitive,” which is not idiomatic in English. The less accurate but more direct “sensible” has been used here to capture the associations with sensation and with natural understanding.
61. Regarding the idea that shared sentiment is necessary for shared understanding, see Nye, Edward, Literary and Linguistic Theories in Eighteenth-Century France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 95–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On shared emotion as authentic communication, see Rosenfeld, Sophia, A Revolution in Language: The Problem of Signs in Late Eighteenth-Century France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 66–79Google Scholar; on simple as natural, lacking artifice, see ibid., 32–33.
62. On the Enlightenment culture of sensibility see Rosenfeld, A Revolution in Language.
63. Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 10.
64. Ibid., 19.
65. “n'est-ce pas là épiloguer sur les mots?” Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 32.
66. Ibid., 5.
67. Rousseau's works, Emile and La nouvelle Héloïse, were particularly influential in this regard.
68. Daumas, Maurice, Le mariage amoureux: histoire du lien conjugal sous l’Ancien Régime (Paris: Colin, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Verjus, Anne, Le bon mari: une histoire politique des hommes et des femmes à l’époque révolutionnaire (Paris: Fayard, 2010)Google Scholar.
69. Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 3.
70. Ibid., 47.
71. Burguière, Andre, “L’état monarchique et la famille (xvie-xviiie siècle),” Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 56 (2001/2): 313–35Google Scholar; and Farge, Arlette, Le désordre des familles: lettres de cachet des archives de la Bastille (Paris: Gallimard, 1982)Google Scholar.
72. Hanley, Sarah, “‘The Jurisprudence of the Arrêts’: Marital Union, Civil Society, and State Formation in France, 1550–1650,” Law and History Review 21 (2003): 1–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chêne, Christian, “L'arrestographie, science fort douteuse,” Recueil de mémoires et travaux publié par la Société d'histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays de droit écrit (Montpellier: Université de Montpellier, Faculté de Droit et des Sciences Economiques, 1985): 179–87Google Scholar; see also Auzary-Schmaltz, Bernadette, “Les recueils d'arrêts privés au Moyen Age,” in Case Law in the Making: The Techniques and Methods of Judicial Records and Law Reports, ed. Wijffels, Alain (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1997)Google Scholar.
73. Gazzaniga, Jean-Louis, “Quand les avocats formaient les juristes et la doctrine,” Droits 20 (1994): 31–32Google Scholar; and Chêne, Christian, L'enseignement du droit français en pays de droit écrit, 1679–1793 (Geneva: Droz, 1982), 244–45Google Scholar.
74. Olivier-Martin, Histoire du droit français, 425–26; and Thireau, Jean-Louis, “Les arrêtés de Guillaume de Lamoignon: Une codification du droit français?” Droits 39 (2004): 53–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
75. Serverin, Evelyne, De la jurisprudence en droit privé: théorie d'une pratique (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1985), 61–66Google Scholar; Serge Dauchy, “Les recueils privés de ‘jurisprudence’ aux Temps Modernes,” in Case Law in the Making, 237–248; and Demars-Sion, Véronique, “Les recueils d'arrêts et les dictionnaires ou répertoires de jurisprudence à l’épreuve de la pratique: l'exemple des mariages à la Gaulmine,” in Les recueils d'arrêts et dictionnaires de jurisprudence (XVIe–XVIIIe siècles), ed. Dauchy, Serge and Demars–Sion, Véronique (Paris: Editions la Mémoire du Droit, 2005)Google Scholar.
76. Jean Hilaire, “Questions autour de la jurisprudence des arrêts,” in Les recueils d'arrêts, 21–26.
77. Gazette des Tribunaux,11, no. 20, 1781, 312. The Gazette did not routinely mention how long the court deliberated, but “plus de deux heures” was used in other reports, suggesting that it may have been a formula; for another example see Gazette des Tribunaux, 10, no. 33, 1780, 212.
78. On the significance of lengthy deliberations, see “partage d'opinions,” in de Ferrière, Claude-Joseph, Dictionnaire de droit et de pratique (Paris: Brunet, 1749), 448–49Google Scholar.
79. Desan, The Family on Trial, 15–46. The tension between this view of the family and the sentimental one is explored in Heuer, The Family and the Nation. On paternal authority in particular, see Verjus, Le bon mari, 191–200. On the rupture of Revolutionary law more broadly, see Garaud, Marcel, Histoire générale du droit privé français de 1789 à 1804, 3 vols. (Paris: Recueil Sirey, 1953, 1958, 1978)Google Scholar; and Sagnac, Philippe, La législation civile de la Révolution française (1789–1804) (Paris: Hachette, 1898)Google Scholar.
80. Dupont de Nemours, “De l’étendue et des bornes naturelles du droit de tester” (Paris: Baudoin, 1790), 7.
81. Desan, The Family on Trial, 93–140; and Heuer, The Family and the Nation, 23–43. See also Merrick, Jeffrey, “Prodigal Sons and Family Values in Eighteenth-Century France,” Journal of European Studies 33 (2003): 107–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Verjus, Le bon mari; and Daumas, Le mariage amoureux, 259–80.
82. Heuer, The Family and the Nation, 23–43; and Phillips, Roderick, Family Breakdown in Late Eighteenth-Century France: Divorces in Rouen, 1792–1803 (New York: The Clarendon Press, 1980), 13–14Google Scholar. The intention of Revolutionary reform to break up the powerful complex of family and privilege should not be overlooked; see Hanley, Sarah, “Engendering the State: Family Formation and State Building in Early Modern France,” French Historical Studies 16 (1989): 4–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Adams, Julia, The Familial State: Ruling Families and Merchant Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005), 164–91Google Scholar.
83. Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution, 151–92; and Desan, The Family on Trial, 47–92.
84. Desan, The Family on Trial, 283–310; and Verjus, Anne, “’Révolution et conception bourgeoise de la famille’: Paternalisme et légitimation de l'autorité dans les débats du Code civil,” in Vers un ordre bourgeois?: Révolution française et changement sociale, ed. Jessenne, Jean-Pierre (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007), 353–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Verjus makes a useful distinction between the patriarchalism of the Old Regime and the paternalism of the Civil Code. See also Théry, Irène and Biet, Christian, La famille, la loi, l’État: de la Révolution au Code civil (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1989)Google Scholar; and Halpérin, Jean-Louis, L'impossible Code civil; André-Jean Arnaud, Les origines doctrinales du Code civil français (Paris: Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1969)Google Scholar.