Although the presence of Tiwanaku-style material culture throughout southern Peru, northern Chile, and western Bolivia is well documented, the nature of Tiwanaku influence during the Middle horizon (A.D. 500–1100) is variously attributed to imperial expansion or economic and/or religious relationships. Strontium isotope data from archaeological human remains from Tiwanaku-affiliated sites identified first-generation immigrants from the Lake Titicaca basin outside of the Tiwanaku heartland at the Peruvian site of Chen Chen. These data provide an important component to studies that demonstrated close biological relationships during the Middle horizon but could not demonstrate the direction of population movement. However, no immigrants from the Lake Titicaca basin were identified at the San Pedro de Atacama cemeteries of Coyo Oriental, Coyo-3, and Solcor-3. At the sites of Tiwanaku, Tilata, Iwawe, and Kirawi, strontium isotope ratios were also variable, and demonstrate movement within the Lake Titicaca basin. This demonstrates that Tiwanaku influence involved direct colonization in the Moquegua Valley but that in other regions, like San Pedro de Atacama, local inhabitants adopted Tiwanaku-style material culture. This elucidates the complex and highly variable relationships between the Tiwanaku heartland and peripheral sites during the Middle horizon.

Los restos de maíz en sitios arqueológicos de la región central de Chile son notablemente escasos. Para estudiar la introducción y adopción de este cultivo en las poblaciones prehispánicas se discutirán los resultados de análisis de isótopos estables de un conjunto de muestras humanas que abarcan desde las comunidades alfareras iniciales (300 a.C.–200 d.C.) hasta el contacto incaico (1450–1550 d.C.). Los isótopos estables de Carbono son sensibles para determinar la presencia y estimar abundancia de plantas C4, como el Zea mays, en dietas del pasado. Nuestros resultados permiten concluir que i) la adopción del maíz es posterior al 200 d.C., ii) su consumo se hace regular entre los grupos Llolleo, iii) su uso aumenta significativamente en los grupos Aconcagua con un consumo diferencial por género, y finalmente iv) la importancia del Zea mays decae inesperadamente durante el período de contacto incaico. En el Período Cerámico Temprano, los horticultores de maíz eran contemporáneos de y compartían el paisaje con cazadores recolectores y horticultores de quinoa, aún cuando cada grupo tenía sus propios hábitos dietarios. Esta evidencia muestra un nuevo acercamiento a los sistemas sociales pero también dejan abiertas algunas preguntas, especialmente en lo que se refiere a la presencia inicial del maíz en la región.

Pottery in contexts that predate the entrance of Arawak societies to the Antilles (500 B.C.) by at least one millennium demand a reassessment of the introduction of this technology to the islands. We summarize the available evidence of what we term the Pre-Arawak Pottery horizon and address the social implications of the introduction of such technology to the insular Caribbean, based on the role of pots as tools. We show that this early pottery is more widespread than originally thought, extending from Cuba to Hispanola and perhaps to Puerto Rico and the Lesser Antilles as well. We argue that the paucity of early ceramic contexts discovered thus far could have resulted from the consideration of pottery as intrusive in Pre-Arawak contexts and because of its technological and stylistic overlap with wares associated to the Ostionoid series (A.D. 600-1500) of the Greater Antilles. Based on this evidence, we conclude by suggesting that some of the post-Saladoid manifestations that have been identified in the islands could have resulted from a multifocal development of these pre-Arawak cultures rather than simply from the divergent evolution of Saladoid societies as has been argued thus far.

Four seasons of excavation at the Santa Isabel site on the shore of Lake Nicaragua have recovered an extensive assemblage of material remains relating to Early Postclassic period (A.D. 800–1250) domestic practice. This paper reports initial project results, specifically relating to themes of architecture, foodways, specialized production, and belief systems. Exceptional preservation of organic materials such as faunal and botanical remains, as well as bone tools, permits an expansive description of the material culture relating to household level consumption. Through the intensive coverage of 5 ha of the site center, including 10 house mounds, we see that intra-site variation also reflects community organization. Finally, Santa Isabel presents potential for inferring cultural relationships between central Mexico (based on ethnohistorical accounts) and Greater Nicoya.

Stingray spine use in Maya human bloodletting rituals has long been an accepted phenomenon. Recent work has suggested that intact spines may have been used and that the symptoms resulting from envenomation were an important part of the bloodletting ritual. Zoological and medical research, however, indicate that stingray toxins pose a more serious threat to human health than mere pain and inflammation. Medical studies conducted to track injuries resulting from stingray attacks report that some two-thirds of all cases result in tissue necrosis. Reconciling the use of stingray spines by the Maya with the physiological effects they present is crucial if we are to understand how the Maya viewed toxic marine materials and why they incorporated them in their ritual behaviors. Correlations between political events and stingray spine use may hold the key for understanding how these objects were articulated into the larger social and political sphere. We provide a discussion of the effects of stingray envenomation and the health risks inherent to the ritual use of stingray spines as bloodletters among the ancient Maya. Finally, we offer some possible explanations for the role of cleaned and defleshed spines in ritual contexts.