The March 2017 issue of Latin American Antiquity brings with it momentous changes. It also marks the conclusion of our first term as coeditors. We think it important to let you know how LAQ has grown this decade and especially over the past three years, and to inform you of significant changes that commence with this issue.

Amazonia and the Guianas possess exceptional potential for ethnoarchaeological studies because of the precolumbian heritage of modern-day Amerindian people. Surprisingly, minimal scholarship of this nature has been conducted in the South American lowlands. On the French Guiana coast, Maillard, a small Palikur village, was abruptly abandoned in 1990. I initiated an ethnoarchaeological study to pinpoint important differences between the interpretation of archaeological and ethnographic data. I recorded the topography of features and remains, compiled an inventory of artifacts and the contents of discard areas, inventoried the cultivated trees present, and described the characteristics of the surroundings. After analyzing the data using classical methods of archaeological inference to obtain a complete reconstruction of the village and the customs of its inhabitants, I invited the chief into his now-abandoned village to describe the settlement as it was while inhabited. In the twenty years since, I have made several visits to track the natural degradation of the site. This ethnoarchaeological approach shows that archaeologists dealing with field data can make many mistakes. Conversely, ethnographic accounts are distorted by the cultural rules and interdictions of interviewees. This experiment suggests the need for prudence in our interpretations and hypotheses, especially in the tropical lowlands, where archaeological preservation is particularly poor.

This paper explores the diverse human practices related to the use of animals during the Inca occupation of west Tinogasta (Catamarca, Argentina). We argue that the Inca state sponsored festivities in the San Francisco site (transitional puna of Chaschuil), where wild animal meat, mainly meat and bone marrow of adult vicuñas, was shared and consumed. These wild camelids were captured during the chaku, a collective hunting regulated by social and cultural mechanisms. Llamas were used as beasts of burden in caravans transporting ceramic vessels (aríbalos and aribaloides) from the pottery production center of Batungasta to San Francisco. We postulate that the aríbalos and aribaloides, which were designed for alcoholic beverages, were lined with camelid bone marrow to make their inner walls impermeable. Lastly, we argue that bones of birds and rodents were used to and the skin of a puma (important symbolic animal for the Incas) was processed in the San Francisco site.

We present data produced through archaeological and geological survey, as well as geochemical analysis of the Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian source area located on the northern and western flanks of the Los Humeros Caldera in eastern Puebla, Mexico. One result of the intensive archaeological surface survey of this obsidian source area was the identification of 117 obsidian flow-band exposures. Geologic samples from 40 of these were submitted for instrumental neutron activation analysis. Eighty-five projectile points collected from the surface were characterized using portable X-ray fluorescence. These analyses identified three sub-sources: Z-O1, Potreros Caldera, and Gomez Sur. The Gomez Sur sub-source appears chemically similar to the previously identified Altotonga source, located 25 km to the northeast. Results of the geological survey help elucidate the relationship of Altotonga obsidian with the Zaragoza-Oyameles source area. The data from the three sub-sources are compared to all consumer site data attributed to the Zaragoza-Oyameles source in the Missouri University Research Reactor database. Results indicate that the majority of consumer samples throughout Mesoamerica match the Z-O1 sub-source, while 4 percent match the Potreros Caldera sub-source. This information, combined with the Gomez Sur data, is discussed in terms of economic relations with the regional center of Cantona. Obsidian procurement and distribution may have been more nuanced than previously modeled. We suggest that a number of potentially independent communities in addition to Cantona may have been involved in distributing this obsidian throughout Mesoamerica.

Utilitarian ceramic vessels form the bulk of artifact assemblages in the Maya Lowlands, but little is known about their production beyond the likelihood that they were made in a domestic context without elite involvement. Characterizing the production and distribution of these vessels is vital to understanding ancient Maya economic systems; nevertheless, this is a difficult task in the absence of primary production locales. We use spatial data, use-wear analyses on stone and ceramic tools, and analyses of finished products to identify households involved in ceramic production at three settlement groups at Uxbenka, Belize, during the Late Classic Period (A.D. 600–800). Our analyses indicate that Uxbenka potters were likely involved in some level of residential specialization focused on specific vessel forms. These data, in conjunction with ceramic data from nearby Lubaantun and Nim Li Punit, suggest that all three polities were self-sufficient in terms of utilitarian pottery production and primarily engaged in intrapolity distribution. We argue that this self-sufficiency is due to widely available resources, smaller population sizes, and the availability of high quality agricultural lands.

Intervals of 260 days are recorded by architectural orientations at a number of Maya sites, a pattern that may have developed early at sites such as Nakbe. The 260-day calendar, emphasizing sets of 13 and 20 days, dates back to the Middle Preclassic, when early E-Groups in the Maya area were used for solar observations. These observations were probably linked with a maize cycle spanning 260 days. By the end of the Late Preclassic, however, most E-Groups were abandoned or modified for a different function, serving as a stage for rituals performed by rulers at a time when the Long Count calendar was being developed. The changing role of E-Groups relates to the rise of royal rituals associated with the detailed historical records documented in Maya Long Count inscriptions.

We focus on prehispanic paleodiets among the indigenous populations who inhabited the delta of the Paraná River during the Late Holocene. Stable isotope analyses of δ13C—from collagen and apatite fractions— and δ15N were performed on human bones from sites assigned to different archaeological entities (mainly Goya-Malabrigo and Guaraní). We contextualize the isotopic data with results from the study of zooarchaeological and archaeobotanical materials from these sites. The Guaraní case shows a greater reliance on C4 plants (maize or wild C4 plants). By contrast, for most Goya-Malabrigo individuals, δ13C values indicate a predominant consumption of C3 plants that could include both domesticated and wild species. Through the integration of archaeofaunal, archaeobotanical, and isotopic information, we conclude that the Goya-Malabrigo case shows a mixed economy. Furthermore, small-scale horticulture of the maize-squash-bean triad supplemented a diet of wild resources procured through hunting, fishing, and gathering.

This paper presents archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological data recovered from the colonial Spanish city known as Old Panama or Panama Viejo (Republic of Panama). The main goal of this study is to determine the food resources that were used by Europeans in the first Spanish settlement on the Pacific coast of Central America (sixteenth and seventeenth centuries). The results presented here were obtained using starch grain analysis from colonial lithic tools and include faunal data analyzed in previous works. Based on the data, we argue that the first Europeans quickly incorporated native crops such as maize, manioc, and the common bean into their diet. In addition to the domesticated animals that were introduced to the region, Spanish settlers supplemented their diet with the consumption of wild indigenous animal species.

Hunter-gatherers collected and used various woody species depending on the landscape, availability of plant communities, and sociocultural considerations. With extensive paleo-wetlands and groundwater-fed oases, the Atacama Desert was interspersed with riparian woodlands that provided vital resources (fuel, water, and game) at the end of the Pleistocene in areas such as the Pampa del Tamarugal (PdT) basin. We use anthracological analyses to determine the fuel management strategies of hunter-gatherer societies in this hyperarid environment and explore whether the “Principle of Least Effort” applies. First, we present the combustion qualities and characteristics of woody taxa from the Atacama and analyze possible exploitation strategies. Second, we use anthracological analyses from Quebrada Maní 12 (QM12), a late Pleistocene archaeological site (dated from 12,750 to 11,530 cal B.P.) located in the PdT basin, to show the prevalence of two woody species that were either freshly collected or gathered (very likely on purpose) from subfossil wood. Our results suggest that fuel selection strategies were based on prior knowledge of the qualities of these woody taxa and how they burned. Thus we conclude that fuel management was part of a number of social and economic decisions that allowed for effective colonization of this region. Furthermore, we stress the need for caution when using charcoal to exclusively date archaeological sites located in desert environments.