El hallazgo de pipas en contextos fúnebres del litoral del Desierto de Atacama hace más de un siglo, ha sido la base para sugerir que los grupos de Pescadores, cazadores y recolectores marinos tuvieron como costumbre fumar durante el período Formativo (1500 a.C-1000 cal d.C). Lo que seguía siendo una incógnita es qué estaban fumando y de dónde provenían las sustancias consumidas. En la búsqueda de dar solución a este problema, presentamos el análisis de los residuos adheridos de cuatro pipas de piedra en forma de T invertida, recuperadas de un cementerio de la costa del Desierto de Atacama al norte de Chile, usando dos metodologías complementarias derivadas de la arqueobotánica y la química. Paralelamente, realizamos un análisis químico sobre cabello humano perteneciente a un individuo asociado a una de las pipas. Se logró identificar, al interior de éstas, la presencia de nicotina y otras sustancias, tales como microrrestos de Nicotiana y de otras especies, además de nicotina, en el cabello muestreado. Finalmente, discutimos estos resultados en función de la disponibilidad defuentes de estos recursos, estrategias de movilidad, relaciones de intercambio y el modo de vida de las poblaciones litorales.

Salinas de los Nueve Cerros is a precolumbian Maya city located at the base of the highlands in the lowlands of west-central Guatemala. It is the only Classic-period center in the southern Maya Lowlands that based its economy on the production of an important raw material for export: salt. Because of its economic role and its location along a major trade route, Salinas de los Nueve Cerros had a particularly long history of occupation. The site has evidence of a large sedentary population starting during the Middle Preclassic (by ca. 800 B.C.) that continued several hundred years beyond the Classic collapse, before finally being abandoned ca. A.D. 1200. The salt source was located in the center of the city. This presents a rare opportunity to test the degree of elite control over the production of a non-elite resource. Production during the Classic period does appear to have been tightly controlled by elites, as evinced by the presence of multiple administrative structures and elite tombs throughout the salt-working zone, located less than 100 mfrom the site epicenter.

This paper documents how ancient state expansion affected local communities. Many scholars have argued that the Wari state of Middle Horizon (A.D. 600-1000) Peru established direct imperial control over several provinces. Archaeologists have studied large Wari sites using a “top-down” approach, but rarely have they studied local settlements to see how and if local populations were affected by the expansion of the Wari into their regions. My research takes a complementary “bottom-up” approach and examines the impact of Wari state expansion on the village of Ak'awillay in the Cusco region. I report on the excavation of contexts dating to the Middle Horizon and earlier periods at the site. These provide a unique perspective for evaluating change through time and assessing local responses to Wari expansion. Results suggest that most of the changes seen at Ak'awillay occurred before the arrival of Wari colonists in Cusco. Their presence had minimal impact on the daily lives of the villagers of Ak'awillay, although it provided new exchange opportunities that local leaders mayhave used for their benefit. Like other early states elsewhere, the Wari state may have controlled a small area around its colony but had a limited impact on more distant communities.

This article examines the significance of outlying groups in the spatial organization of Classic Maya settlements. The relative scarcity of textual records concerning outlying groups has often made it difficult for researchers to analyze in detail the political interactions between individuals associated with these groups and the royal authority. The recent discovery of a hieroglyphic stairway at the Guzmán Group, an outlying group of El Palmar, Campeche, Mexico, provides an exceptional opportunity for understanding the constitutive process of spatial organization during the Late and Terminal Classic periods (ca. A.D. 600-900). Epigraphic studies of the Guzmán Group stairway have identified a main individual who emphasized his genealogical ties to lakam (banner-bearer) officials and his political relationship with foreign rulers of Copán and Calakmul. The results of archaeological and epigraphic studies suggest that the Guzmán Group was a locus for negotiating power and ideology among different social actors.

The traditional view based on ceramics is that construction of the Sun Pyramid at Teotihuacan commenced in the first century A .D. Likewise, radiocarbon dates from the artificial cave beneath the Pyramid indicate that it was created at about the same lime. Both Pyramid and cave are seen as having a role in the founding of the city. Recent excavation inside the Pyramid produced radiocarbon dates that cluster in the mid-third century A.D. Members of the Sun Pyramid Project interpreted the dates as representing initial construction of the structure, moving it significantly later in time than previously thought. They also reinterpreted the dates for the construction of the cave, making it contemporaneous with the revised Pyramid construction. This paper adds radiocarbon dates from the cave to the original set and employs Bayesian analysis. The initial interpretation is supported: the dates reflect a cycle of cave creation through termination that began in the midfirst century and lasted about 200 years. I interpret the dates from the Pyramid as reflecting ritual associated with cave termination and a concomitant redefinition of the Pyramid that involved architectural modifications and tunneling. Pyramid and cave dates are reconciled with each other, with ceramics, and with the ceramic chronology. The traditional timing of first century Pyramid construction is maintained, along with its social, political, and economic implications.

This article discusses the measurement system used at Cacaxtla, Tlaxcala, Mexico. It addresses the ideological concepts this system may have expressed, its relationship to other systems used in Mesoamerica, and its implications for evaluating the hypothesis of a Maya presence at Cacaxtla during the Epiclassic. Measurements used at Cacaxtla combine the practical needs of builders with symbolic expression reflected in architecture. Two moduli served as the basis for the dimensioning: the unit of .488 m and its triple, 1.465 m. This measurement was in turn multiplied by 3,4,9, and 12 to obtain the lengths of the main spaces, which served as the basis for the dimensioning system used during different phases of construction. In specific places, three anthropometric measures were used. Additionally, the spatial distribution of pillars according to their sizes confirms the coexistence of two zones within the site that express a duality also present in mural paintings. The moduli and units used at Cacaxtla agree to a considerable degree with those identified for the Maya area and, in some cases, with Teotihuacan and the Nahua culture. I hypothesize that this system was shared by several Mesoamerican cultures and lasted from the Classic to the Postclassic periods.

Our approach assumes that pots are tools, containers whose performance characteristics are adjusted to their primary uses. Traditional agricultural peoples generally distinguish among multiple vessel shapes that have distinct intended uses. In this article, we present afunctional analysis of vessel shapes and sizes performed on a sample of 160 rim sherds from the site of El Chorro de Malta, Cuba. These were assigned to 13 defined vessel shapes, most of which displayed more than one size mode based on estimated orifice diameters. The majority of specimens from El Chorro de Malta are low-profile, composite-contour bowls made in medium and large size modes, followed in frequency by simple-contour bowls and plates. Late Ceramic Age peoples in the Greater Antilles are historically documented as participating in the manioc breadcake-cassareep- stewpot foodway common to much of the tropical lowlands of northern South America. Consequently, it should be possible to show how the container assemblage of El Chorro de Malta is adapted to the requirements of that foodway. We note that, ethnographically, the elaborate processing of bitter manioc itself to produce breadcakes as a staple food does not necessarily require pottery vessels at all. Nonetheless, common stewing as a key component of the foodway—including the production of the condiment called cassareep in the Guianas—can require several containers with potentially distinct performance requirements: one to collect the juice below the sleeve press, another to reduce the expressed juice to the thickened sauce over afire, and a third, the stewpot itself, adapted to simmering vegetable and meat stews. We provisionally suggest that some of the most common shape-size classes at El Chorro de Malta are suited to producing and serving stews and cassareep, the traditional complement to eating manioc breadcake.