The use of apparent time differences to study language change in progress has been a basic analytical construct in quantitative sociolinguistics for over 30 years. The basic assumption underlying the construct is that, unless there is evidence to the contrary, differences among generations of similar adults mirror actual diachronic developments in a language: the speech of each generation is assumed to reflect the language more or less as it existed at the time when that generation learned the language. In providing a mirror of real time change, apparent time forms the basis of a conceptual framework for exploring language change in progress. However, the basic assumptions that underlie apparent time have never been fully tested. This article tests those assumptions by comparing apparent time data from two recent random sample telephone surveys of Texas speech with real time data from the Linguistic Atlas of the Gulf States, which was conducted some 15 years before the telephone surveys. The real time differences between the linguistic atlas data and the data from the telephone surveys provide strong support for the apparent time construct. Whenever apparent time data in the telephone surveys clearly suggest change in progress, the atlas data show substantially fewer innovative forms. Whenever the apparent time data suggest stable variation, the atlas data are virtually identical to that from the more recent surveys. Whenever the relationships between real and apparent time data are unclear, sorting out mitigating factors, such as nativity and subregional residence, clarifies and confirms the relationships. The results of our test of the apparent time construct suggest that it is unquestionably a valid and useful analytical tool.

Subordinate clauses in Brazilian Portuguese can be introduced by the complementizers que or de que, both corresponding to ‘that’. Both variants are attested even in the earliest documents, although de que is an innovation with respect to Latin. In the standard language, each variant is used in its own characteristic contexts, but in current usage there is variation. Here, the replacement of either variant by the other is treated in a unified manner, with one phenomenon viewed as the mirror image of the other. Psycholinguistic dimensions, such as the parallel processing effect and the effect of distance, are shown to be connected with the semantic dimension of iconicity.

Dans le cadre de la théorie du gouvernement et du liage, cet article présente une explication du changement survenu dans la distribution du sujet pronominal et du sujet nul Pro en moyen français. Après avoir montré que cette langue de type V2 ne manifeste pas l'asymétrie principales/subordonnées caractéristique des langues germaniques, nous proposons d'identifier la position de Pro selon le principe de m-command. Pour remplacer le paramètre d'uniformité morphologique de Jaeggli et Safir (1989), qui n'a pas rendu compte des propriétés de la flexion verbale dans la langue étudiée, nous recourons à la sousspécification du trait de nombre comme procédure d'identification du contenu de Pro. Dans un modèle où le contenu de Pro est identifie selon une hiérarchie des traits de personne et de nombre, nous attribuons la perte de Pro-drop à la fin du moyen français au fait que le trait nombre est devenu inerte dans la syntaxe.

In this article, we describe a new research project on African Nova Scotian English (ANSE), a variety spoken by descendants of African American slaves who immigrated to Nova Scotia in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Subsequent segregation from surrounding populations has created a situation favoring retention of the vernacular, in conjunction with Standard English. In addition to providing the first systematic linguistic documentation of ANSE, we detail the characteristics of the Canadian scenario that make it an ideal test of the creole-origins and divergence hypotheses: in particular, that, more clearly than other African American English varieties that evolved independently in the diaspora, the Canadian situation has featured no creole influence. This fact can effectively date the occurrence of any creole-like features in contemporary ANSE (and, by extension, other varieties of African American Vernacular English [AAVE]) to (at least) the late 18th century, an important time-depth characterization. We then present the results of a series of quantitative analyses of linguistically diagnostic features and compare them to those obtained for (1) another transplanted variety of African American English (Samaná English) and (2) a prototype variety (the Ex-slave Recordings), and note the striking similarities among them. The results militate in favor of a genetic relationship among ANSE and its counterparts as a common precursor of contemporary varieties, thereby providing the first methodologically consistent cross-linguistic comparison of three distinct vestiges of “early” African American English, and contributing missing links in the history and development of AAVE.