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Caccini's Amarilli, mia bella: Some Questions (and a Few Answers)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2020

Tim Carter
Tim Carter*
Affiliation:
Royal Holloway and Bedford New College, London
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Extract

Amarilli, mia bella is the best known of the solo madrigals that Giulio Caccini included in his Le nuove musiche of 1602.' The text was by Alessandro Guarini, who no doubt saw in his poem the brevità, acutezza, leggiadria, nobiltà and dolcezza that he claimed were most characteristic of modern madrigal verse. Similarly, the leggiadria and dolcezza of Caccini's setting have marked it out for prominence: Amarilh, mia bella was one of the first of his songs to be disseminated widely through Italy and Europe, and its distinction is reflected in its frequent appearance (often in less than satisfactory editions) in vocal anthologies up to the present day. But the song is far from being a straightforward example of Caccini's style. Indeed, a study of its sources in contemporary manuscripts and prints raises intriguing questions about the supposed innovations of Caccini's music and about the ways in which Florentine monody became known both south and north of the Alps.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of the Royal Musical Association , Volume 113 , Issue 2 , 1988 , pp. 250 - 273
Copyright
Copyright © 1988 Royal Musical Association

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References

I am grateful to the staff of the libraries mentioned in this study for their generous assistance, and particularly the Bibhotheque du Conservatoire royal de musique, Brussels, the Biblioteca universitana, Bologna, the British Library, London, and the Bodleian Library, Oxford, for permission to reproduce the photographs herein Preliminary research for this study was undertaken during my fellowship at the Newberry Library, Chicago, and it has also benefited greatly from the ideas and guidance of Nigel Fortune, to whom it in part belongs Personal thanks are also due to Jane A Bernstein, Lucy Carolan, Frank Dobbins, Iain Fenlon, John Milsom and Christopher Wilson for their help with particular points of information Libraries are cited by the following sigla B-Bc, Brussels, Conservatoire royal de musique, B-Gu, Ghent, Rijksuniversiteit, Centrale bibhotheek, D-Bds, Berlin (East), Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Musikabteilung, GB-Cfm, Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, GB-Ckc, Cambridge, Rowe Music Library, King's College, GB-Lbl, London, British Library, GB-Ob, Oxford, Bodleian Library, GB-Och, Oxford, Christ Church, I-Bu, Bologna, Biblioteca universitana, I-Fn, Florence, Biblioteca nazionale centrale, I-MOe, Modena, Biblioteca estense, NL-DHgm, The Hague, Gemeentemuseum, US-NYp, New York, Public Library at Lincoln Center, Library and Museum of the Performing Arts Printed anthologies cited by date and superscript number (eg 16015) follow the listing in Recueils imprimés XVI'-XVII' siècles, I Lute chronologique, ed François Lesure, Repertoire international des sources musicales, BI/1 (Munich, 1960)Google Scholar

1 Le nuove musiche was printed by the Marescotti press in Florence The dedication is dated 1 February 1601 (stile fiorentino, i e 1602), but the licence to print is dated 1 July 1602 The delay in appearance, due to the death of the head of the press, Giorgio Marescotti, is explained in a note by his son, Cristofano The volume was also printed in Venice in 1607 (by Alessandro Raverii) and in 1615 (by Giacomo Vincenti) For a modern edition, see Giulio Caccini Le nuove musiche, ed H Wiley Hitchcock, Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, 9 (Madison, 1970), Amarilli, mia bella is given on pp 85–8Google Scholar

2 The text has occasionally been ascribed to Giovanni Battista Guarini, but the attribution to Alessandro (Giovanni Battista's son) is clear in I-Fn Magi VII 359, f 92, and Alessandro declares his authorship of the poem in an (undated) letter to the Marchese of Carrara included in his Delle leltere del Sig. Alessandro Guarini, p 125, in Prose del Signor Alessandro Guarini (Ferrara, 1611). In this letter, Alessandro includes a risposla to the poem, ‘Alessi, se novella / fiamma credo in quel core, ah ben obho’ Alessandro Guarini's biography is unclear – see Cittadella, Luigi Napoleone, I Guarini, famiglia nobile Ferrarese onunda di Verona Memone (Bologna, 1870), ‘Guarini, Alessandro’, in Dizionario enciclopedico della letteratura italiana (Ban, 1967), ii, 211 He was born in Ferrara in c 1565, by 1584 he was a student at the University in Perugia, and later Duke Alfonso II d'Este appointed him an ambassador to Florence (therefore before 1597) Caccini would have had plenty of opportunity to meet him, whether in Florence or in Ferrara (which the singer visited on several occasions) Later, Alessandro Guarini was in service in Mantua and Venice, and he also made trips to Flanders, Austria and Bavaria He died on 13 August 1636. In this light, it seems unlikely that the text of Amarilli, mia bella was written much before the late 1580s or early 1590s, which would perhaps place Caccini's song among the later of his pieces included in Le nuove musiche For Alessandro Guanni's comments on modern poetry, sec his preface for Luzzasco Luzzaschi's Il seslo libra de madngali a cinque voci (Ferrara, 1596), most accessible in Anthony Newcomb, The Madrigal at Ferrara, 1579–1597 (Princeton, 1979), i, 118Google Scholar

3 The following sources of Amarilli, mia bella were used for this study Prints Ghirlanda di madrigali a sei voci (Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 16015), f 4 in all partbooks, for six voices (C1, C2, C3, C4, F4 clefs, the quinto partbook is now lost), unattributed, Giuho Caccini, Le nuove musiche (Florence, Giorgio Marescotti, 1601 [recle 1602], repr Venice, Alessandro Raverii, 1607, Giacomo Vincenti, 1615), pp 12–13, for solo voice (G2 clef) and figured bass, Robert Dowland, A Musicall Banquet (London, Thomas Adams, 1610), no 19, for solo voice (G2 clef) and unfigured bass (the bass is also realized in (English) lute tablature), attributed to ‘Giulio Caccini detto Romano’, Johann Nauwach, Libro primo di arie passeggiate a una voce (Dresden, [n p], 1623), for solo voice (C1 clef) and figured bass, unattributed, Jacob van Eyck, Der fluyten lust-hof, i (Amsterdam, Paulus Matthysz, 1646), two versions for solo recorder (in D minor with two doubles, in G minor with three doubles) and one for two (in D minor), unattributed Manuscripts (in alphabetical order by library sigla) B-Bc MS 704, p 46, for solo voice (G2 clef) and unfigured bass (the bass is also realized in (Italian) lute tablature), unattributed, GB-Cfm 32 g 29 (the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book), p 155, arrangement for keyboard (dated 1603) by Peter Philips (also in D-Bds Lynar Al, p 318), attributed to ‘Julio Romano’, GB-Lbl Add MS 15117, f 6, for solo voice (C1 clef, with text as ‘Miserere my maker’) and accompaniment in (English) lute tablature, unattributed, GB-Lbl Egerton 2971, ff 28–29, embellished for solo voice (C1 clef) and accompaniment in tablature for lyra viol, unattnbuted, GB-Lbl Egerton 3665 (the ‘Tregian’ manuscript), pp 22–3 (no 106), for three voices (C1, C2, F4 clefs), attributed to ‘Julio Romano’, GB-Lbl Royal Appendix 55, ff 10–11, for solo voice (C4 clef) and unfigured bass, unattributed, GB-Ob Tenbury MS 1018, f 39, for solo voice (C1 clef) and unfigured bass, unattributed, I-Bu MS 177/IV, f 49, one voice part (C1 clef) of three or four, unattnbuted, I-Fn Magl XIX 66, f 18, for solo voice (G2 clef) and unfigured bass, unattributed I have been unable to see the keyboard arrangement in the collection (1625) by Vincentius de la Faille, see below, n 26Google Scholar

4 For Giustiniam, see Ercole Bottrigan Il destdeno, Vincenzo Giustiniant Discorso sopra la musica, trans Carol MacChntock, Musicological Studies and Documents, 9 (Rome, 1962), 69–71. This is discussed further in Tim Carter, ‘On the Composition and Performance of Caccini's Le nuove musiche (1602)’, Early Music, 12 (1984), 208–17Google Scholar

5 Prints of polyphonic music arranged for solo voice(s) (in mensural notation) and lute (in tablature) are listed in Howard Mayer Brown, Instrumental Music Printed before 1600 A Bibliography (Cambridge, Mass, 1965)Google Scholar

6 As examples of his earliest compositions, Caccini mentions specifically Perfidissimo volto, Vedrò'l mio sol, vedrò prima ch'io muoia, Dovrò dunque morire and the now-lost Itene à l'ombra de gli ameni faggi (from an eclogue by Sannazaro) both in the dedication of his L'Eundice composta in musica m stile rappresentativo (Florence, 1600) and in the preface to Le nuove musiche, see Giulio Caccini Le nuove musiche, ed Hitchcock, 45 Parts of another song in Le nuove musiche, Fere selvaggte, survive in I-MOe MS Mus C 311 (f 14v), a manuscript which bears the date 1575; see The Bottegari Lutebook, ed Carol MacClintock, The Wellesley Edition, 8 (Wellesley, 1965)Google Scholar

7 Translated in Giulio Caccini. Le nuove musiche, ed Hitchcock, 43Google Scholar

8 Comparisons between manuscript and printed versions of Caccini's songs have been made in Nancy C Maze, ‘The Printed and Manuscript Sources of the Solo Songs of Giulio Caccini’ (Ph D dissertation, University of Illinois, 1956), William V Porter, ‘The Origins of the Baroque Solo Song A Study of Italian Manuscripts and Prints from 1590–1610’ (Ph D dissertation, Yale University, 1962), H Wiley Hitchcock, ‘Vocal Ornamentation in Caccini's Nuove musiche’, The Musical Quarterly, 56 (1970), 389–404, Stephen Willier, ‘Rhythmic Variants in Early Manuscript Versions of Caccini's Monodies’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 36 (1983), 481–97, Carter, ‘On the Composition and Performance of Caccini's Le nuove musiche‘Google Scholar

9 B-Bc MS 704 has been reproduced in facsimile (Musiche de van autori, XVII' siècle, Thesaurus musicus, new series, A/3 (Brussels, 1979)), and has been discussed in William V Porter, ‘A Central Source of Early Monody Brussels, Conservatory 704’, Studi musicalt, 12 (1983), 239–79, 13 (1984), 139–67Google Scholar

10 The rather fanciful title is typical of Phalèse anthologies Its apparent reference to the Fiori del gtardino di diversi eccellentissimi aulon à quattro, cinque, sei, sette, otto, & novi voci (Nuremberg, 159713) is not matched by any shared madrigals (except for Marenzio's Lucida perla, a cm fu conca il cielo) Of 16015, GB-Lbl holds copies of the canto, alto, tenore and basso partbooks, B-Gu has the alto, basso and sesto partbooks, and NL-DHgm has the canto (incomplete), tenore, basso and sesto partbooks The quinto partbook is now lost.Google Scholar

11 In the examples presented here, I have ‘silently’ corrected obvious errors, standardized accidentals, and added punctuation, etc to the texts Dotted bar-lines are editorial, as are accidentals and other matter in square brackets.Google Scholar

12 I-Bu MS 177/IV is a single canto (so styled) partbook, for the most part of villanella/canzonetta-type strophic pieces (with the first strophe laid under the music and subsequent strophes on the facing page) It contains 40 pieces, including Luca Marenzio's Dicemi la mia Stella (f 10, first printed in his Il primo libro delle villanelle a Ire voci (Venice, 1584)), an adaptation of Paolo Quagliati's La prima volta ch'io (f 36v, first printed in his Canzzonetle a Ire voct libro secondo (Rome, 1588)), and Orazio Vecchi's Mentre to campai contento (f 51, first printed in his Canzonette libra primo a quattro voci (Venice, 1580)) There are enough indications in the manuscript to suggest that it is likely to have been one of a set of partbooks rather than a self-contained volume of melodies compiled as an aide-mémoire, although it remains unclear how manv partbooks are missing from the set, or how many voices were used in the version of Amarilli, mia bellaGoogle Scholar

13 The six-part Amarilh, mm bella fits closely the definition of a canzone given in Ruth I. DeFord, ‘Musical Relationships between the Italian Madrigal and Light Genres in the Sixteenth Century’, Musica disaplina, 39 (1985), 107–68 (see pp 115–16), and DeFord notes that Phalèse tended not to distinguish canzoni from madrigals in his anthologies She also discusses various multiple versions of popular settings in the late sixteenth century, suggesting a common practice that clearly relates to the situation with Amarlli, mm bella discussed here.Google Scholar

14 Translated in Giulto Caccim Le nuove musiche, ed Hitchcock, 45–6Google Scholar

15 For example, see Giovanni Ferretti Il secondo libro (telle canzoni a sei voci (1575), ed Ruth 1 DeFord, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance, 57–8 (Madison, 1983) ‘Arrangements’ in the villanella tradition are also discussed in Donna G Cardamone, The Canzone villanesca alla napolitana and Related Forms, 1537–1570 (Ann Arbor, 1981), i, 179–208Google Scholar

16 Brown, Howard Mayer, ‘The Geography of Florentine Monody. Caccim at Home and Abroad’, Early Music, 9 (1981), 147–68 Giustimani, in his Discorso sopra la musica, also emphasizes the importance of the villanella for the new styles of singing in the 1570s Further links with the Neapolitan style, and also details of Caccini's arrival in Florence, are discussed in Tim Carter, ‘Giuho Caccim (1551–1618) New Facts, New Music’, Studi mustcali, 16 (1987), 13–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17 See Carter, Tim, ‘Music Publishing in Italy, c 1580-c 1625 Some Preliminary Observations’, RMA Research Chronicle, 20 (1986–7), 19–37, esp pp 28–9Google Scholar

18 For the original, see Claudio Monteverdi Lettere, dediche e prefaziom, ed Domenico de' Paoli (Rome, 1973), 40–2 My translation differs slightly from The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, trans Denis Stevens (London, 1980), 64Google Scholar

19 In 1608, Arianna's lament was ‘accompagnato da viole et violini’, see the comments in Gary Tomlinson, Monteverdi and the End of the Renaissance (Oxford, 1987), 138 The nature of this accompaniment is unclear, although it seems unlikely to have extended to the polyphonic elaboration of the 1614 arrangementGoogle Scholar

20 Pietro Maria Marsolo Secondo libro de' madrigali a quattro voci, ed Lorenzo Bianconi, Musiche rinascimentali siciliane, 4 (Rome, 1973)Google Scholar

21 I-MOe F1530, f 6, gives the alto part of a five-part arrangement of the solo-voice lament Infelice Didone, published by Sigismondo d'India in his Le musiche libro qutnto (Venice, 1623) For another example of music presented in a solo-voice and multi-part format, see Paolo Quagliati's Il prima libro de' madngali a quattro voci (Venice, 1608)Google Scholar

22 Intenerite vol, lagrime mie and Cruda Amanlli, che col nome ancora For the 1606 volume, see Sigismondo d'India Il prtmo libro de madrigalt a cinque voct, ed Federico Mompellio, I classici musicali italiani, 10 (Milan, 1942), for the 1609 volume, see Sigumondo d'India Il pnmo libro di musiche da cantar solo, ed Fedenco Mompellio, Instituta et monumenta, I/4 (Cremona, 1970)Google Scholar

23 This point is explored further in Tim Carter, ‘Jacopo Peri (1561–1633) Aspects of his Life and Works’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 105 (1978–9), 50–62 (see pp 54–5)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24 The Montesardo volume is discussed in Tim Carter, ‘Serate musicali in Early Seventeenth-Century Florence Girolamo Montesardo's L'allegre notti di Fiorenza (1608)’, Renaissance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth, ed. Andrew Morrogh et al (Florence, 1985), i, 555–68, and Amarill'io mi parto is transcribed in Carter, ‘Giulio Caccim (1551–1618) New Facts, New Music’, 29–31 I am grateful to Nigel Fortune for informing me that the song is also included (anonymously) in Il maggio fiorito Arte, sonetti, e madrigali, à 1 2.3 de diuersi autori, posta in luce da Gio Battista Rocchigiani (Orvieto, 16238) Three other settings of ‘Amarilli, mia bella’ were published in the first decade of the seventeenth century Giuseppe Palazotto in Antonio II Verso, L'ottavo libro de madngali a cinque voci (Venice, 1603), Francesco Genvino in Libro secondo di madrigali a cinque voci (Naples, 1605); Giovanni Vincenzo Macedonio di Mutio in Il secondo libro de madngah a cinque voci (Naples, 1606) I have been able to see only Palazotto's setting, which bears no relation to Caccini's, although it is curious in the light of the Neapolitan connections mentioned above that ‘Amarilli, mia bella’ should have been popular with this group of composers working in NaplesGoogle Scholar

25 Nauwach's version is compared with Caccini's in Alfred Einstein, ‘Ein unbekannter Druck aus der Fruhzeit der deutschen Monodie’, Sammelbande der Internationalen Musik-Gesellschaft, 13 (1911–12), 286–96 (see pp 294–5)Google Scholar

26 Some of these contrafacta are discussed in Florimond van Duyse, Hel oude Nederlandsche lied Wereldlijke en geestelijke liederen uil vroegeren tijd teksten en melodieen (Antwerp, 1903), pp xxxiv-xxxv, 2568–70 A similar fate seems to have befallen Gioseppino (?Cenci)'s Fuggi, fuggi da questo cielo, which was taken up with some enthusiasm in Dutch contrafacta. Further evidence of the circulation of Amarilli, mia bella in the Low Countries is offered by the variations on it by Jacob van Eyck (see notes 3, 30), and also by the arrangement in the keyboard manuscript, dated 1625, by the Flemish Vincentius de la Faille, discussed in Charles van den Borren, ‘Le Livre de clavier de Vincentius de la Faille (1625)’, Mélanges de musicologie offerts à M Lionel de la Laurencie, Publications de la Société française de musicologie, 2nd series, 3–4 (Paris, 1933), 85–96. This manuscript, formerly in the Écorcheville collection, can no longer be traced According to van den Borren, this arrangement is very different from Philips's in the Fitzwilliam Virginal BookGoogle Scholar

27 Solerti, Angelo, ‘Un viaggio in Francia di Giulio Caccini’, Rivista musicale italiana, 10 (1903), 707–11, Ferdinand Boyer, ‘Giulio Caccini à la cour d'Henri IV (1604–1605) d'après des lettres inédites’, La Revue musicale (1926), 241–50 Caccini's plan to spend a month in England is mentioned in his letter from Paris to Belisario Vinta, 19 February 1605, in Solerti, ‘Un viaggio in Francia’, 710–11.Google Scholar

28 See my comments in Tim Carter, ‘Music-Printing in Late Sixteenth- and Early Seventeenth-Century Florence Giorgio Marescotti, Cristofano Marescotti, Zanobi Pignoni’, Early Music History (forthcoming)Google Scholar

29 According to the entry in the Dizionario enciclopidico della letteratura italiana (see above, n 2), Alessandro Guanni ‘militò nelle guerre di Fiandra sotto i Bentivogli’ The most likely candidate from the Ferrarese Bentivoglio family is Guido Bentivoglio, who was papal nuncio to the Spanish Netherlands from August 1607 until 1615 The wars in the Low Countries formally ceased with the Twelve-Year Truce of 1609Google Scholar

30 For the three versions of Amarilli, mia bella, see Jacob van Eyck Der fluyten lust-hof, cd Gerritt Vellekoop (Amsterdam, 1957–8), i, 41–2, 71–3, ii, 90–1 The first has some variants in the first half These variation sets are discussed briefly in Thurston Dart, ‘Four Dutch Recorder Books’, The Galpin Society Journal, 5 (1952), 57–60Google Scholar

31 See the accounts transcribed in Walter L Woodfill, Musicians in English Society from Elizabeth I to Charles I (Princeton, 1953, repr New York, 1969), 253–4Google Scholar

32 Kerman, Joseph, The Elizabethan Madrigal A Comparative Study (New York, 1962), 48–50Google Scholar

33 Philips's arrangement of Amarilli, mia bella is in The Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, ed J. A Fuller Maitland and William Barclay Squire (Leipzig, 1899, repr New York, 1963), i, 329–31 GB-Lbl Egerton 3665 is discussed in Bertram Schofield and Thurston Dart, ‘Tregian's Anthology’, Music and Letters, 32 (1951), 205–16, Elizabeth Cole, ‘L'Anthologie de madrigaux et de musique instrumentale pour ensembles de Francis Tregian’, Le Musique instrumentale de la renaissance, ed Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1955), 115–26Google Scholar

34 Philips did adapt two three-part canzonettas by Ruggiero Giovanelli in his Madrigalt a otto voci (Antwerp, 1598), see DeFord, ‘Musical Relationships’, 144 But whether he did the same for Amanlli, mia bella can only remain speculationGoogle Scholar

35 The B♭ chord in bar 5 of Example 4(b), and also the curious B♭, in the bass of bar 12 of the Fuller Maitland edition, may be misreadings by Tregian I am grateful to Lucy Carolan for informing me that the other source for Philips's arrangement, D-Bds Lynar AI, p 318, has respectively a G minor chord and a B♭ in these two places, making the Lynar version a more exact transcription of the six-part madrigal in 16015Google Scholar

36 Pearl A. Boyan and George R. Lamb, Francis Tregian, Cornish Recusant (London, 1955), 103–5.Google Scholar

37 In The Compleat Gentleman (1622), given in Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music History (London, 1952), 336Google Scholar

38 On these canzonettas and their one-time attribution to Caccini, see Carter, ‘Giulio Caccini: New Facts, New Music’, 26–7Google Scholar

39 A facsimile edition is edited by Diana Poulton (Menston, 1973), for a modern edition, see Robert Dowland A Musicall Banquet (1610), ed Peter Stroud, The English Lute-Songs, second series, 20 (London, 1968) A Musicall Banquet also includes Caccini's Dovrò dunque morire (from Le nuove musiche, also in GB-Ob Tenbury MS 1018), Domenico Maria Mell's Se di farmi morire (from Mell's Le seconde musiche .. à una & due voci (Venice, 1602)), and the anonymous O bella piú che le stelle Diana (also in GB-Lbl Egerton 2971)Google Scholar

40 For GB-Lbl Royal Appendix 55, see Charles W Warren, ‘The Music of Derick Gerarde’ (Ph D dissertation, Ohio State University, 1966), i, 49, 204, Iain Fenlon and John Milsom, ‘“Ruled Paper Imprinted” Music Paper and Patents in Sixteenth-Century England’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 37 (1984), 139–63, esp. p 160. For GB-Ob Tenbury MS 1018 (which contains 13 songs by Caccini, nine of which are attributed), see Nancy C Maze, ‘Tenbury MS 1018 A Key to Caccini's Art of Embellishment’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 9 (1956), 61–3 For GB-Lbl Egerton 2971, see Cyr, Mary, ‘A Seventeenth-Century Source of Ornamentation for Voice and Viol British Museum MS Egerton 2971’, RMA Research Chronicle, 9 (1971), 53–72 (a transcription of Amarilli, mia bella is given on pp 70–1). For GB-Lbl Add MS 15117, see Joiner, Mary, ‘“Amarilli, mia bella” Its Influence on “Miserere my maker’”, The Lute Society Journal, 10 (1968), 6–14, and ‘British Museum MS Add 15117 A Commentary, Index and Bibliography’, RMA Research Chronicle, 7 (1969), 51–109 ‘Miserere my maker’, a text evoking Psalm 51, is also set for solo voice and lute in GB-Ckc Rowe MS 2, ff 12v–13 (see Joiner, ‘British Museum MS Add. 15117’, pp 90–1), and for six voices in GB-Och MSS 56–60, no 31 The setting in Rowe MS 2 is arguably related to GB-Lbl Add MS 15117, but the one in GB-Och (attributed to Thomas Foorde) is very different. GB-Lbl Egerton 2971 and GB-Ob Tenbury MS 1018 share another Caccini song, Dolcissimo sospiro (also printed in Le nuove musiche), and the anonymous Crud'Amarilli (2p, ‘Ma grideran per me le piaggi e monti’)Google Scholar

41 Joiner, ‘British Museum MS Add 15117’, 51–3, and Mary Chan (i e Joiner), Music in the Theatre of Ben Jonson (Oxford, 1980), 16, 97, 105, place the manuscript in or shortly after 1616, although it clearly contains much earlier pieces However, it may be later still Cyr, ‘A Seventeenth-Century Source of Ornamentation’, 54–5, places Egerton 2971 in the second decade of the seventeenth century.Google Scholar

42 Chan, Music in the Theatre of Ben Jonson, 42, 234–40, 267.Google Scholar

43 For Fitzalan, see Kerman, The Elizabethan Madrigal, 45, and Charles W Warren, ‘Music at Nonesuch’, The Musical Quarterly, 54 (1968), 47–57Google Scholar

44 Fenlon and Milsom, ‘“Ruled Paper Imprinted‘”, 160 George F Warner and Julius P Gilson, Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King's Collections (London, 1921), ii, 393–4, dates Royal Appendix 55's Nicolas le Blé paper as 1560–90Google Scholar

45 I am grateful to Jane Bernstein and Frank Dobbins for this information Of the chansons in the manuscript (following the numbering in Augustus Hughes-Hughes, Catalogue of Manuscript Music in the British Museum (London, 1906–9), ii, 466), nos 2 (by Antoine Boesset), 13–15 and 16 (by Pierre Guédron) are in 160913, nos 1–3, 5, 9 and 14–15 are in 1610“; and nos. 6 (by Guédron) and 7 are in 161110Google Scholar

46 It is perhaps worth noting that Gerarde seems to have been reasonably fluent in Italian, sec his madrigals in GB-Lbl Royal Appendix 23–5 (no 37), and Royal Appendix 26–30 (nos 1–3 and 9)Google Scholar

47 On the fate of the Lumley collection, see Warren, ‘The Music of Derick Gerarde’, i, 46 Prince Henry had some interest in Italian music, and he employed Angelo Notari in 1610 or 1611 However, the copy of Amarilli, mia bella in Royal Appendix 55 is clearly not in Notari's hand (compare GB-Lbl Add MS 31440, a manuscript copied by Notari).Google Scholar

48 See the discussion of the term ‘aria’ in Nino Pirrotta, ‘Early Opera and Aria’, Music and Theatre from Poltziano to Monteverdi, trans Karen Eales (Cambridge, 1982), 237–80, esp. pp 247–8, and Franklin B Zimmermann, ‘Air. A Catchword for New Concepts in Seventeenth-Century English Music Theory’, Studies in Musicology in Honor of Otto E Albrechl, ed John W Hill (Kassel, 1980), 142–57Google Scholar