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Art-Song Reworkings: An Overview

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2020

Honey Meconi
Honey Meconi*
Affiliation:
Rice University, Houston, Texas
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Extract

Broadly speaking, we can divide Renaissance polyphony into five groups: works not using any pre-existent material, and pieces based on sacred monophony, secular monophony, sacred polyphony or secular polyphony. This is not the common way to classify Renaissance compositions. The more normal breakdown is by the technique applied to the pre-existent material – cantus firmus, paraphrase, parody – regardless of what that material was. Yet much is to be gained by starting with the original material, and that was, after all, what the composer probably did at least some of the time.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of the Royal Musical Association , Volume 119 , Issue 1 , 1994 , pp. 1 - 42
Copyright
Copyright © 1994 Royal Musical Association

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References

Part of the preliminary work for this study was carried out during a Fellowship at Villa I Tatti in 1986-7, with financial support generously provided by the Leopold Schepp Foundation and the Hanna Kiel Fund, for which I am very grateful A Faculty Research Grant from Rice University for 1987-8 permitted continuation of the study I would also like to express appreciation to Lewis Lockwood, Lawrence F. Bernstein and David Fallows for their helpful suggestions and comments on an earlier draft of this article David Fallows must also be thanked for generously making available sections of his unpublished list of fifteenth-century songs, alerting me to several derivative compositions I had overlooked Portions of the material in this article were presented at Harvard University (July 1988), the Sixteenth Annual Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Music (Edinburgh, August 1988), the University of Toronto (March 1989), the Twenty-Fourth International Congress on Medieval Studies (Kalamazoo, May 1989) and a meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Chapter of the American Musicological Society (March 1991).Google Scholar

1 The term Renaissance is used in this article to refer to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuriesGoogle Scholar

2 Isolated examples exist from earlier, such as the Mass movements that Antonio Zachara da Teramo based on his own songs in the early fifteenth century, but only in mid-century did such use cease to be a rarityGoogle Scholar

3 The origin of L'homme armé as a polyphonic art song has never been conclusively demonstrated, and it has accordingly not been included in the families of art-song reworkings For a discussion of its possible polyphonic origin, see Lockwood, Lewis, ‘Aspects of the “L'homme armé” Tradition’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 100 (1973–4), 99–107Google Scholar

4 See for example Otto Johannes Gombosi, Jacob Obrecht Eine stilkritische Studie (Leipzig, 1925), with sections on Fors seulement, De tous biens plaine, J'ay pris amours and Fortuna desperata, Charles Warren Fox, ‘Ein frohlich Wesen The Career of a German Song in the Sixteenth Century’, Papers Read by Members of the American Musicological Society at the Annual Meeting Held in Pittsburgh, Pa, December 29 and 30, 1937 (n p., 1938), 56–74, Helen Hewitt, Petrucci Harmonice musices odhecaton A (Cambridge, Mass, 1942, repr New York, 1978), with the first lists of many of these families, idem, ‘Fors seulement and the Cantus Firmus Technique of the Fifteenth Century’, Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac on his 70th Birthday, ed Gustave Reese and Roben J Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969), 91–126, Howard Mayer Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater, 1400–1350 (Cambridge, Mass, 1963), with expanded lists of derivative works; Martin Picker, Fors seulement Thirty Compositions for Three to Five Voices or Instruments from the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, 14 (Madison, 1981), Julie E dimming, ‘The Goddess Fortuna Revisited’, Current Musicology, 30 (1980), 7–23, Alfred Loeffler, ‘Fortuna Desperata A Contribution to the Study of Musical Symbolism in the Renaissance’, Student Musicologists at Minnesota, 3 (1968–9), 1–30, Edward E Lowinsky, ‘The Goddess Fortuna in Music with a Special Study of Josquin's Fortuna dun gran tempo’, Musical Quarterly, 29 (1943), 45–77, idem, ‘Matthaeus Greiter's Fortuna An Experiment in Chromaticism and in Musical Iconography’, Musical Quarterly, 42 (1956), 500–19, and 43 (1957), 68–85 (both Lowinsky essays reprinted with revisions in idem. Music in the Culture of the Renaissance and Other Essays, ed Bonnie J Blackburn, Chicago and London, 198, i, 221–39 and 240–61 respectively), Een vrolic wesen, ed Richard Taruskin (n.p., 1979), J'ay pris amours, ed Richard Taruskin (n p, 1982), D'ung aulire amer, ed Richard Taruskin (n p, 1983), Cynthia J Cyrus, ‘Polyphonic Borrowings and the Florentine Chanson Reworking, 1475–1515’ (Ph D dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1990), Irena Cholij, ‘Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Settings of “Allez regretz'” (M Mus dissertation, King's College, London, 1984), idem, ‘Borrowed Music “Allez regrets” and the Use of Pre-existent Material’, Companion to Medieval and Renaissance Music, ed Tess Knighton and David Fallows (London, 1992), 165–76, and Honey Meconi, Fortuna desperata Thirty-Four Settings of an Italian Song (Madison, forthcoming)Google Scholar

5 I am currently preparing a monograph on these familiesGoogle Scholar

6 Only compositional families containing at least ten related settings are included Intabulations have been counted only when they seem clearly derived from an original ensemble setting that no longer survives Omitted from this table are the works that use Cela sans plus, since this is a hybrid family. Though some of the Cela sans plus compositions are based on the Colinet de Lannoy setting and hence are art-song reworkings, others (including Colinet's) are more probably derived from a monophonic tune See Ottaviano Petrucci Canti B numero cinquanta, Venice, 1502, ed Helen Hewitt, Monuments of Renaissance Music, 2 (Chicago, 1967), 43–4 Also omitted is the extensive family on the chanson spirituelle Susanne un jour by Didier Lupi II Almost 40 related works were written on this model in the 25 years after its publication in 1548, but this family does not match the groups under discussion in many ways Chronologically there is almost a 50-year gap between the appearance of Susanne and the appearance of the latest model of the earlier group (O waerde mont), and the waves of earlier art-song reworkings had almost died down before Susanne reawakened composers' interests sufficiently to generate a large compositional family The Susanne settings also developed a different compositional tradition, free paraphrase of the model voice was the norm, and even the strictest cantus-firmus settings inserted rests between phrases of the model, resulting in longer derivative works In other words, art-song reworkings underwent a drastic change with the Susanne family, and this article deals with the earlier and more cohesive groups For information on Susanne see Levy, Kenneth Jay, ‘“Susanne un jour” The History of a 16th-Century Chanson’, Annales musicologiques, 1 (1953), 375–408 Another late family not included is the Doulce mémoire complex inspired by Sandrin's chanson (from 1538 at the latest) Again, the later dates and different compositional treatments separate these pieces from the works discussed here For Doulce mémoire see Dobbins, Frank, ‘“Doulce Mémoire” A Study of the Parody Chanson’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 96 (1969–70), 85–101, and also George Houle, Doulce memoire A Study in Performance Practice (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1990)Google Scholar

7 Appendix A briefly identifies each piece by composer, number of voices, a single source of transmission, and the work's position within that source, sources are identified in Appendix B The different categories of composition are indicated by a consistent number, e g all pieces having the identifying number 6 are cantus-firmus settings. Annotations are kept to a minimum; fuller discussion of works and more detailed information will be given in my book on art-song reworkings, in progress Abbreviations used to refer to this list are as follows AR = Allez regreiz, CF = Comme femme; DTBP = De tous biens plaine; DAA = D'ung aulire amer; EVW = Een vroltc wesen; FS = Fors seulement, FSA = Fors seulement subsidiary no 1, FSB = Fors seulement subsidiary no. 2; FD = Fortuna desperata, JPA = J'ay pris amours; Lser = Le serviteur; MBR = Ma bouche rit; ORB = O rosa bella; OWM = O waerde mont I welcome hearing of any works belonging to these families that do not appear in Appendix AGoogle Scholar

8 For example, Josquin's De tous biens piarne (DTBP 4b) adds a canon below the supenus and tenor of Hayne's work A modern edition can be found in Josquin des Prez, Werken, ed Albert Smijers et al (Amsterdam, 1921–69), Wereldlijke Werken, li, aflevering 53, 31–3.Google Scholar

9 A few incomplete pieces that appear to be cantus-firmus settings have been included hereGoogle Scholar

10 This definition of a combinative reworking is quite different from that of a combinative chanson, the latter has been defined as a work that combines ‘a freely composed setting of a forme fixe poem (usually a rondeau or a ballade) in the superius voice with one or more lower parts that quote one or several popular songs (both tunes and texts)’ See Maniates, Maria Rika, The Combinative Chanson An Anthology, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance, 77 (Madison, 1989), vii. For further information on the combinative chanson, see idem, ‘Combinative Chansons in the Dijon Chansonnier’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 23 (1970), 228–81, and idem, ‘Combinative Chansons in the Escorial Chansonnier’, Musica disciplina, 39 (1975), 61–125.Google Scholar

11 For an example of the latter see the use of D'ung aulire amer in Compère's Au travati suis, discussed belowGoogle Scholar

12 The grand total is somewhat misleading in that it includes certain works that are listed more than once For example, the combinative work based on both De tous biens piarne and J'ay pris amours is cited under each family (as DTBP 7a and JPA 7 respectively in Appendix A). A modern edition of this work is in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 30–1. The other cross-listings are DTBP 10b/DAA 10b; DTBP 5a/JPA 9a/Lser 9/MBR 9a, JPA 6k/MBR 9c; JPA 9b/MBR 9b; DTBP 11d/JPA 11 (different movements from the same Mass), DTBP 9/DAA 9; JPA 10a/Lser 10b, in addition FSA 6a, 6b, 6c, 8, 10a, 10b, 12a, 12b and 12c are included in the total number of FS settings, while FSB 6, 8, 12a, 12b and 12c are similarly included under FSA This leaves a total of 289 individual works, or 290 if one wishes to count DTBP 11d and JPA 11 separately.Google Scholar

13 Not included in Table 1 are works that have disappeared but have left traces behind, such as the two O rosa bella settings listed in the index of Montecassino 871 but absent from the body of the manuscript, as there is no way of knowing if they are actually different from surviving settings.Google Scholar

14 A common textual incipit need not, of course, indicate a musical connection, and there are several instances of apparently unrelated works sharing textual incipits with these popular models These have not been included in Table 1, though perhaps relationships do exist that have not yet been discoveredGoogle Scholar

15 An example of this kind of ambiguity can be found in JPA 61 (modern edition in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 45–7) Taruskin (ibid., 4) discerns a quotation from Fortuna desperata in the superius of this work, bars 6–7, but it is uncertain that the untexted melodic line at that point really is a borrowing, and the work is consequently not included in Table 1 as being derived from Fortuna desperata.Google Scholar

16 See for example Lowinsky, ‘Matthaeus Greiter's Fortuna’, and Cumming, ‘The Goddess Fortuna Revisited’.Google Scholar

17 For more on this see Meconi, Fortuna desperataGoogle Scholar

18 The source dates given in Tables 2 and 4 are taken from Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music 1400–1550, ed. Herbert Kellman and Charles Hamm, 5 vols., Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 1 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88), with the following exceptions Dates for Trent 88, 89 and 91 are from the work of Suparmi Elizabeth Saunders as reported in Martin Staehelin, ‘Trienter Codices und Humanismus’, I codici musicali trentini a cento anni dalla loro riscoperta, ed Nino Pirrotta and Danilo Curti (Trent, 1986), 158–69 (p 165) For Munich 3154 see Noblitt, Thomas, ‘Die Datierung der Handschrift Mus. ms. 3154 der Staatsbibliothek München’, Die Musikforschung, 27 (1974), 36–56. The date for the relevant section of C.S 41 was kindly provided by Richard Sherr from his forthcoming book Papal Music Manuscripts in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 5 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, in press). The Buxheim date is as cited in John Caldwell, ‘Sources of Keyboard Music to 1660’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London, 1980), xvii, 717–33 (p 725)Google Scholar

19 The Loire Valley chansonniers (whose designation is based on their apparent provenance) are Copenhagen 291, Dijon, Nivelle, Laborde and Wolfenbüttel, full titles are given in Appendix B Dates for these manuscripts can be found in Census-Catalogue, ed Kellman and Hamm The original three-voice setting of Fortuna desperala is not particularly well represented in the surviving sources, see Meconi, Fortuna desperata, for a complete listingGoogle Scholar

20 Modern edition in Guillaume Dufay, Opera omnia, ed Guillaume de Van and Heinrich Besseler, 6 vols, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 1 (Rome, 1947–9, 1951–66), vi, 110Google Scholar

21 Fallows, David, Dufay (rev edn, London, 1987), 159.Google Scholar

22 A modern edition of the anonymous Mass is in Sechs Trtenter Codices, 3 Auswahl, ed Guido Adler, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 38 (Vienna, 1912), 141–55 The Faugues/Ockeghem Mass is in The Collected Works of Faugues, ed George C Schuetze, Jr, Institute of Medieval Music, Collected Works, 1 (n p, 1960), 5–46Google Scholar

23 A modern edition of the Mass is in Louis Edward Gottlieb, ‘The Cyclic Masses of Trent Codex 89’, 2 vols (Ph D dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1958), ii, 264–78 The Salve regina is published in Sechs Trienter Codices, 4 Auswahl, ed Rudolf Ficker and Alfred Orel, Denkmaler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 53 (Vienna and Leipzig, 1920), 52–4Google Scholar

24 For modern editions of the Escorial works see Martha K Hanen, The Chansonnier El Escorial IV a 24, 3 vols, Institute of Medieval Music, Musicological Studies, 36 (Henryville, 1983), iii, 377–81 (the ‘other reworking’) and 276–9 (the Pullois version), for an edition of the Seville/Paris work see Moerk, Alice Anne, ‘The Seville Chansonnier An Edition of Sevilla 5-I-43 and Paris N A Fr 4379 (Pt I)’, 2 vols (Ph D dissertation, West Virginia University, 1971), ii, 206–9 There is no edition of the Hanard (found in Bologna Q16, f 99v)Google Scholar

25 There is no modern edition of this work The popularity of Le serviteur seems to be reflected in Tinctoris's citation of it in his discussion of polyphonic modality in chapter 24 of his Liber de natura et propnetate tonorum of 1476, see Tinctoris, Johannes, Concerning the Nature and Propriety of Tones, trans Albert Seay (Colorado Springs, 1976), 25 The original Latin is in idem, Theoretical Works, ed Albert Seay, Corpus scriptorum de musica, 22 (n p, 1975), 86Google Scholar

26 The Laborde version might actually be the original since the contratenor in this setting is in the same range as the tenor, this idea was suggested by David Fallows (private communication, 18 June 1991) Modern editions are found in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 6–7 (from Nivelle) and 8–9 (from Laborde)Google Scholar

27 Modern edition in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 62–3 The ‘lice’ version of the poem is unlikely to have come first The existence of two separate compositions on two different ‘lice’ texts (the one mentioned here and the setting in Florence 176), each of which borrows musically from J'ay pris amours, decreases the possibility that the courtly text is meant to evoke an elevated reminiscence of the earthier lines Indeed, the ‘lice’ text in Dijon is cast in the form of a courtly rondeau quatrain that is at odds with its subject-matter A comparison of the text of J'ay pris amours and the Dijon ‘lice’ rondeau, printed in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 7 and 63 respectively, shows that the latter is a clever parody of the former, preserving its rhyme scheme and playing with words in precisely the manner beloved of rhétoriqueurs (e.g. the third line of the original, ‘Eureux seray en cest esté’, becomes ‘de quoy j'ay très joieulx esté’, preserving the final sound but having it mean something completely different – ‘been’ instead of ‘summer‘)Google Scholar

28 For modem editions see Das Buxheimer Orgelbuch, ed Bertha Antonia Wallner, 3 vols, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, 37–9 (Kassel, 1958–9), iii, 400 (for Buxheim), and J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 50–1 (for Seville/Paris)Google Scholar

29 For a modern edition see ibid., 64Google Scholar

30 For a modern edition see ibid., 60–1Google Scholar

31 For a modern edition see ibid., 52–3 (Glogau no 277), 54–5 (Glogau no 278), 65–6 (Glogau no 279) and 16–17 (Glogau no 284).Google Scholar

32 A modern edition of the original chanson is in D'ung aulire amer, ed Taruskin, 4–5Google Scholar

33 Modern editions can be found for the two duos in ibid., 8–9, for the ‘other reworking’ in ibid., 20–1, for the replacement contratenor version in ibid., 6, for the combinative setting in L'homme armé, ed. Taruskin (n p., 1980), 11, and for Compère's Au travail suis in Loyset Compère, Collected Works, ed Ludwig Finscher, 5 vols., Corpus mensurabihs musicae, 15 (n p, 1958–72), v, 11 A modem edition of the Mass is being prepared by Jeffrey Dean. Taruskin, L'homme armé, 4, suggests that Basiron's combinative work is contemporaneous with his Mass on L'homme armé, which can be dated to 1484.Google Scholar

34 Lawrence F Bernstein points out that these duos are not completely successful musically, see his ‘French Duos in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century’, Studies in Musicology in Honor of Otto E Albrecht, ed John Walter Hill (Kassel, 1980), 43–87 (p 49) Bernstein also notes the pedagogical function of many duos.Google Scholar

35 A modern edition of de Orto's work can be found in D'ung aulire amer, ed Taruskin, 26–7Google Scholar

36 For an edition of the original chanson see Hayne van Ghizeghem, Collected Works, ed Barton Hudson, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 74 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1977), 14–15, for Compère's motet see Compere, Collected Works, iv, 32–8Google Scholar

37 A modern edition of the Munich cantus-firmus setting can be found in Der Kodex des Magister Nicolaus Leopold Staatsbibliothek Munchen Mus ms 3154, pt I, ed. Thomas L Noblitt, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, 80 (Kassel, 1987), 168–70 Obrecht's Mass is edited in Jacob Obrecht, Collected Works, iv, ed. Barton Hudson (Utrecht, 1986), 1–24. Hudson suggests the early date for this work in ibid., xv. For a modern edition of the Credo see Josquin des Prez, Werken, Missen, iv, aflevering 44, 94–102. An edition of the anonymous Mass from Munich 3154 is forthcoming in Das Erbe deutscher Musik, I would like to thank Thomas L Noblitt for kindly providing me with a transcription prior to its publication. There is no modern edition of the Siena MassGoogle Scholar

38 For a modern edition of the original chanson see Die Chansons von Gilles Binchois (1400–1460), ed Wolfgang Rehm, Musikalische Denkmäler, 2 (Mainz, 1957), 53–4 An edition of the replacement contratenor version appears in Chansonnier de Jean de Montchenu, ed Geneviève Thibault (Paris, 1991), 58–9 The ‘other reworking’ is the anonymous chanson Comme ung homme desconforté, which has a strong textual relationship and a subtle musical one to the model A modern edition is in ibid., 28–9Google Scholar

39 Editions of the Agricola settings can be found in Alexander Agricola, Collected Works, ed Edward R. Lerner, 5 vols., Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 22 (n.p., 1961–70), v, 74–6 (Casanatense setting) and 72–4 (Berlin setting)Google Scholar

40 A modem edition of the original song can be found in Josquin des Prez, Werken, Wereldlijke Werken, ii, aflevering 53, 25–7; of the Seville/Paris si placet version in Heinrich Isaac, Weltliche Werke, i, ed. Johannes Wolf, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 28 (Vienna, 1907), 190, of the replacement contratenor version in Allan Atlas, The Cappella Giulia Chansonnier (Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, C G XIII 27), 2 vols (Brooklyn, NY, 1976), ii, 38–42, of the cantus-firmus setting in Johannes Martini, Secular Pieces, ed Edward G Evans, Jr, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, 1 (Madison, 1975), 19–21, of Josquin's Mass in Josquin des Prez, Werken, Missen, i, aflevering 13, 81–104, and of Obrecht's Mass in Obrecht, Collected Works, iv, 49–91. For the dating of Obrecht's Mass see ibid., xxxiv This Mass shows some reliance on Josquin's, which means that Josquin's must predate his The Seville/Paris manuscript is not generally recognized as containing the original version of Fortuna desperata, but the si placet voice is clearly a later addition, the three-voice version was entered first in this source In the Cappella Giulia manuscript the original three voices, the most popular si placet voice, and a new contratenor bassus by Felice are all included on one opening, but as Atlas has shown, The Cappella Giulia Chansonnier, i, 134–6, all five voices together produce horrible clashes Felice's contribution works only with the original superius and tenor, not with either of the other two voices.Google Scholar

41 A modern edition of the original version (and the six-voice version) is in John Dunstable, Complete Works, ed Margaret Bent, Ian Bent and Brian Trowell, Musica Britannica, 8 (2nd rev edn, London, 1970), 133–4Google Scholar

42 A modern edition of the Trent 90 Mass is found in Sechs Trienter Codices, 2 Auswahl, ed Guido Adler and Oswald Koller, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 22 (Vienna, 1904), 13–27 For the other versions in Trent 90 see Sechs Trtenter Codices, 1 Auswahl, ed Guido Adler and Oswald Koller, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich [14/15] (Vienna, 1900), 229–32 (for ORB l/2a/5a/5b as well as the six-voice version of O rosa bella), 224–6 (for the two ‘other reworkings‘) and 233–4 (for the Hert/Ockeghem versions)Google Scholar

43 For modern editions see Sechs Trtenter Codices, 2 Auswahl, 1–12 (for the Trent 88 Mass) and 28–69 (for the Trent 89 Mass).Google Scholar

44 For the six-voice O rosa bella see Sechs Trienter Codices, 1 Auswahl, 229–32 (also including ORB 1/2a/5a/5b), or Dunstable, Complete Works, 133–4, for the Agricola work see Agricola, Collected Works, v, 68–70Google Scholar

45 For the two Escorial settings see Hanen, The Chansonnier El Escorial, ii, 1–2 (for the duo using part of the original) and 116–26 (for the original plus duo version)Google Scholar

46 For an edition of the motet see Robert J Snow, ‘The Mass-Motet Cycle A Mid-Fifteenth-Century Experiment’, Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac, 315–20Google Scholar

47 Modem editions are found in Charles Edward Barret, Jr, ‘A Critical Edition of the Dijon Chansonnier Dijon Bibliothèque de la Ville, Ms 517 (ancien 295)’, 2 vols (Ph D dissertation, George Peabody College, 1981), ii, pt 2, 566–8 (the setting with the transposed tenor and replacement contratenor), and ii, pt 3, 923–5 (the ‘other reworking’)Google Scholar

48 Modern editions in Moerk, ‘The Seville Chansonnier’, ii, 67–9 (the superius duo) and 70–2 (the tenor duo)Google Scholar

49 The Glogau settings are available in Das Glogauer Liederbuch, erster Teil Deutsche Lieder und Spielstucke, ed Herbert Ringmann, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, 4 (Kassel, 1954), 40–1, 41–2 and 42–3Google Scholar

50 For a modern edition see Isabel Pope and Masakata Kanazawa, The Musical Manuscript Montecassino 871 A Neapolitan Repertory of Sacred and Secular Music of the Late Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1978), 131–5Google Scholar

51 Ockeghem's second secular version of Fors seulement can be found in Picker, Fors seulement, 5–7Google Scholar

52 Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia Its Provenance and History’ (Ph D dissertation, University of Maryland, 1978), 223Google Scholar

53 Petrucci may well have obtained the repertory for this collection from Marguerite of Austria's court in Savoy; Philip sojourned with his sister there on his way back north, and it is the closest La Rue ever got to Italy For new information on La Rue's biography, including evidence that he was not in Siena, see Meconi, Honey, ‘Free from the Crime of Venus The Biography of Pierre de la Rue’, Report of the Fifteenth Congress of the International Musicological Society (Madrid 1992) (forthcoming)Google Scholar

54 Marguerite arrived in Spain on 2 March and was married on 3 April See L'itinéraire de Marguerite d'Autriche, ed Max Bruchet and Eugénie Lancien (Lille, 1934), 7–8Google Scholar

55 This northern repertoriai redating solves only one of the many mysteries of this manuscript Still unexplained, for example, is the amount of Tinctoris included, he may still have been in Italy in the two decades prior to his death, and Italian exemplars for part of Segovia cannot be ruled out Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), 142–4, suggests that Tinctoris may have been responsible for the northern repertory in Segovia, collected on his travels before c 1482–3 Richard Taruskin, Een vrolic wesen, 5, has proposed a sojourn in the Low Countries by Juan de Anchieta prior to 1489 as the connection leading to Segovia's repertory Of these hypotheses, only the one I am suggesting here would account for the inclusion of Compère's Vive le noble roy de France, which was written to celebrate Charles VIII's victory in 1495, but all three explain the absence of La Rue, and, getting back to the matter at hand, support earlier northern involvement with art-song reworkings.Google Scholar

56 It is entirely possible, for example, that some of the examples of art-song reworkings by northern composers who worked in Italy were in fact written in the north but have survived only in Italian chansonniersGoogle Scholar

57 Some of the reasons given here duplicate or parallel those helping to account for the increase in polyphonic borrowing in general seen in the fifteenth century, see Meconi, Honey, ‘Does Imitatio Exist?’ (forthcoming) I argue there that the intriguing hypotheses of Howard Brown, Leeman Perkins and J Peter Burkholder concerning the rhetorical theories of imitatio and their influence on composition are far more plausible in the sixteenth than in the fifteenth century See Brown, Howard Mayer, ‘Emulation, Competition, and Homage. Imitation and Theories of Imitation in the Renaissance’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 35 (1982), 1–48, Leeman L Perkins, ‘The L'homme armé Masses of Busnoys and Okeghem A Comparison’, Journal of Musicology, 3 (1984), 363–96, and J Peter Burkholder, ‘Johannes Martini and the Imitation Mass of the Late Fifteenth Century’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 38 (1985), 470–523.Google Scholar

58 Sparks, Edgar H, Cantus Firmus in Mass and Motet 1420–1)20 (Berkeley, 1963, repr New York, 1975)Google Scholar

59 These statements are based on my analyses and will be demonstrated in my book on art-song reworkings, in progress This is the generalized view of secular cantus-firmus settings, the most common type of reworking To cite just a few examples, see J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 21 (JPA 5b), 22 (JPA 5c), 30–1 (JPA 6e), 28–9 (JPA 6j), 32–3 (JPA 6k) and 48–9 (JPA 6i) Different families could have somewhat different traditions In Fors seulement, for example, the model voice usually appeared transposed in a different voice of the reworking, this may reflect the authority of Ockeghem's treatment of the model voice in his second secular settingGoogle Scholar

60 Edwards, Warwick, ‘Songs Without Words by Josquin and his Contemporaries’, Music in Medieval and Early Modem Europe, ed Iain Fenlon (Cambridge, 1981), 83–7Google Scholar

61 Even grouping five or more settings together to form a complete Mass Ordinary would still leave a fair number of ‘lost’ Masses on these models A Mass made up by a series of such settings would also be stylistically unlike contemporary cantus-firmus Masses; although some Mass sections present the cantus firmus in integer valor, to my knowledge no surviving Mass consists of a series of such settings.Google Scholar

62 For example, the three Fortuna desperata settings in Florence 2439 are taken from Obrecht's Mass of the same nameGoogle Scholar

63 Florence 178, ff 2v–4 A modem edition is in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 18–19Google Scholar

64 See Staehelin, Martin, Die Messen Heinrich Isaacs, 3 vols. (Berne and Stuttgart, 1977), ii, 31–2Google Scholar

65 J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 3 Staehelin, Die Messen Heinrich Isaacs, iii, 178–9, does not consider the ‘Isaac’ Missa J'ay pris amours whose bassus survives in Berlin 7 to be the lost Mass on the basis of its formal structure and styleGoogle Scholar

66 Paraphrase is used for example in Compère's chanson Venez regretz, which alters the tenor of Allez regretz For a modern edition see Compère, Collected Works, v, 59–60.Google Scholar

67 There is a three-voice cantus-firmus setting in Florence 229 (JPA 6e) as well as a four-voice cantus-firmus version in, among other places, Bologna Q18 (JPA 6i). Modern editions can be found in j'ay pris amours, ed. Taruskin, 24–5 (Florence 229 version) and 48–9 (Bologna Q18 setting)Google Scholar

68 Modern edition of the Mass in Heinrich Isaac, Collected Works, ed. Edward R Lerner, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 65 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974-), vi, 105–39, of the secular work in Een vrolic wesen, ed Taruskin, 44–5Google Scholar

69 This is included in Table 2, in addition to the Florence manuscript it also appears in Paris 15123 Both manuscripts were compiled in Florence prior to Isaac's arrival in 1484Google Scholar

70 The piece is ascribed to Busnois in the first edition of the Odhecaton but is anonymous in the later editions. See Hewitt, Petrucci Harmonice mvsices odhecaton A, 8, for a discussion of the attribution, and 294–5 for a modern editionGoogle Scholar

71 Edwards, ‘Songs Without Words’, 85–6Google Scholar

72 While it is true that some (though not all) cantus-firmus settings on tempus perfectum models use augmentation and switch to tempus imperfectum, the simultaneous use of two of the original voices virtually requires retention of original note values and tempus I am unaware of any piece, secular or sacred, that uses two model voices in augmentation at the same timeGoogle Scholar

73 This is the Agnus III of Josquin's Missa Mater patris, which adds two si placet voices to all three model voices, though even this has a slight rearrangement of the material For a modern edition see Josquin, Werken, Missen, in, aflevering 26 (Amsterdam, 1950), 25–8Google Scholar

74 A modern edition of Josquin's work is cited in note 8 above. For De Planquard see Brown, Howard Mayer, A Florentine Chansonnier from the Time of Lorenzo the Magnificent Florence Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale MS Banco Rart 229, Monuments of Renaissance Music, 7 (Chicago, 1983), music volume, 404–7, for Martini see J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 14–15Google Scholar

75 Burkholder, ‘Johannes Martini’, 473Google Scholar

76 Several other Fors seulement compositions also adopt this procedure, suggesting an inspiration from both of Ockeghem's secular settings In comparison with many cantus-firmus settings, of course, Ockeghem's reworking is actually rather fancy, since it is more common to retain the original voice untransposed in the same voice in the new setting.Google Scholar

77 For a discussion of this work see Sparks, Cantus Firmus in Mass and Motet, 155–65 A modern edition can be found in Johannes Ockeghem, Collected Works, ed Dragan Plamenac (2nd edn, n p, 1959-), ii, 65–76Google Scholar

78 A modern edition of Obrecht's Mass is in Obrecht, Collected Works, iv, 25–47, the secular setting is found in Picker, Fors seulement, 8–11 For Compere's works see Compère, Collected Works, i, 26–50 for the Mass, and v, 59–60 for the secular version (on the text ‘Venez regretz‘)Google Scholar

79 While it is unlikely that secular settings of the models were intended to generate Masses on the same songs, it is entirely possible that some of these works served a more general pedagogical purpose Certainly it is plausible that writing an art-song reworking, especially on one of the most popular models, came to be viewed as a standard compositional exercise Of course a number of these pieces, especially those by the most famous composers, are fine works that would hardly qualify as student compositionsGoogle Scholar

80 Litteirck, Louise, ‘On Italian Instrumental Ensemble Music in the Late Fifteenth Century’, Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed Fenlon, 117–30 (pp 126–7)Google Scholar

81 We should bear in mind, however, that the paucity of contemporary northern sources could mask considerable activity in that areaGoogle Scholar

82 See for example Walter H Kemp's ‘“Votre trey dowce” A Duo for Dancing’, Music and Letters, 60 (1979), 37–44 Litterick, in ‘On Italian Instrumental Ensemble Music’, 125, rebuts his ideas.Google Scholar

83 This is the two-voice La Spagna by M. Guhelmus A modern edition can be found in Allan W Atlas, Music at the Aragonese Court of Naples (Cambridge, 1985), 230–1Google Scholar

84 Litterick, ‘On Italian Instrumental Ensemble Music’, 124–5Google Scholar

85 For example the duos on Le serviteur by Hanard (Lser 5a) and Tadinghen (Lser 5b) There are no modern editions availableGoogle Scholar

86 T'Andernahen, ed Richard Taruskin (n p, 1981), 2Google Scholar

87 See Bernstein, Lawrence F, ‘Notes on the Origin of the Parisian Chanson’, Journal of Musicology, 1 (1982), 275–326Google Scholar

88 Litterick, ‘On Italian Instrumental Ensemble Music’, 118–19, discusses the debt of other secular works (not art-song reworkings but rather what she calls ‘instrumental chansons’, pieces such as Martini's De la bonne chtere) to the style of forme-fixe chansonsGoogle Scholar

89 The four-voice setting of Fors seulement by Pierre de la Rue is one such piece; for a modem edition see Picker, Fors seulement, 12–14Google Scholar

90 This is not to say that reworkings are necessarily improvements on the original, many new versions are markedly inferior to the model Si placet voices, for example, usually only muddy the texture in their effort to satisfy the desire for an up-to-date four-voice formatGoogle Scholar

91 This suggestion obviously applies to the classical models that are the subject of this article Secular polyphony continued to generate reworkings far into the sixteenth century, but (with the exceptions of Doulce mémoire and Susanne un jour) not on the scale of the compositional families under discussion. In addition, many sixteenth-century cantus-firmus settings use fewer voices than the model and have an explicit pedagogical purpose (for the sake of the performer, not the composer); see Bernstein, Lawrence F, ‘Claude Gervaise as Chanson Composer’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 18 (1965), 359–81, and idem, “The Cantus-Firmus Chansons of Tylman Susato', Journal of the American Musicological Society, 22 (1969), 197–240Google Scholar

92 In reworkings with texts other than that of the original model the allusive role of the borrowed material may be important, as many scholars have noted The most recent discussion of allusion in Renaissance polyphony is Christopher A. Reynolds, ‘The Counterpoint of Allusion in Fifteenth-Century Masses’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 45 (1992), 238–60Google Scholar

93 On these contests see Poirion, Daniel, Le poète et le prince L'évolution du lyrisme courtois de Guillaume de Machaut à Charles d'Orléans (Paris, 1965), 177–90 We should note that most art-song reworkings do not, however, appear to match the mid-fifteenth-century date of these poetry contests, the sources suggest somewhat later dates In addition, though many of the most popular models come from the French and Burgundian court circles of mid-century, the composers of these models did not themselves usually participate in the reworking process The preferred models also seem to have changed over a period of time; as noted above, the surviving sources suggest that O rosa bella and Le serviteur are the earliest to engender much compositional activity, while Fors seulement, Een vrolic wesen. Fortuna desperata and O waerde mont are all later-blossoming families. Doulce mémoire and Susanne demonstrate a still later reawakening of interest in specific modelsGoogle Scholar

94 Ockeghem may also have set the tone for later settings, for his decision to transpose the model voice and place it in a different voice in the new setting became the standard procedure for later versions. Some even chose the same model voice, made the same transposition, and placed it in the same new voice in the derivative settingGoogle Scholar

95 They are most similar in being primarily cantus-firmus settings, but the variety of treatment of the cantus firmus is considerable See Hewitt, ‘Fors seulement‘, 119, for lists of clusters of those reworkingsGoogle Scholar

96 Allez regretz may well have been the psychological inspiration behind the many ‘regretz’ chansons that appeared in the late fifteenth century, but these are musically independent of Hayne's workGoogle Scholar

97 For modern editions see above, notes 8 and 74Google Scholar

98 A modern edition of the Ghiselin work is in Picker, Fors seulement, 70–3, there is no modem edition of Bartolomeo's piece Biographical summaries for the composers can be found in The New Grove Dictionary, ii, 228–9 for Bartolomeo (who spent his entire life in Florence), and vii, 340 for GhiselinGoogle Scholar

99 One model Agricola did not use was Fors seulement The setting attributed to ‘Jo Agricola’ (FS 6g) was considered possibly to be Agricola's by both Hewitt, ‘Fors seulement’, 112, and Picker, Fors seulement, xiv, for want of a better candidate There is, however, a professional musician of this era who is surely the composer, the Johannes Agricola who was a singer in ‘s-Hertogenbosch from at least 1488 to 1493 References to him may be found in Albert Smijers, ‘De Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap te ‘s-Hertogenbosch’, Tijdschrtft der Vereeniging voor Nederlandse Muztekgeschiedents, 13 (1931–2), 187–93Google Scholar

100 This describes one of Japart's settings of J'ay pris amours (JPA 6d), a modern edition is found in J'ay pris amours, ed Taruskin, 34–5Google Scholar