XI. A Historical Enquiry concerning the Origin and Development of Sufiism, with a list of Definitions of the terms ‘Ṣúfi’ and ‘Taṣawwuf,’ arranged chronologically

Reynold A. Nicholson

doi:10.1017/S0035869X00034353

XI. A Historical Enquiry concerning the Origin and Development of Sufiism, with a list of Definitions of the terms ‘Ṣúfi’ and ‘Taṣawwuf,’ arranged chronologically

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2011

Reynold A. Nicholson

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The nucleus of the present article was meant in the first instance to be added as a note to a chronological list of definitions of the terms ‘Ṣúfí’ and ‘Taṣawwuf’ chiefly compiled from the Risála of Qushayrí (Cairo, 1287 a.h.), the Tadhkiratu'l-Awliyá of Farídu'ddín ‘Aṭṭár (cited as T.A.), and the Nafaḥátu'l-Uns of Jámí (Calcutta, 1859). These works contain about a hundred definitions of ‘Ṣúfí’ and ‘Taṣawwuf,’ none of which exceeds a few lines in length. I thought that it might be interesting, and possibly instructive, to arrange the most important in their chronological sequence, so far as that can be determined, since only in this way are they capable of throwing any light upon the historical development of Ṣúfiism. The result, however, was somewhat meagre. Taken as a whole, those brief sentences which often represent merely a single aspect of the thing defined, a characteristic point of view, or perhaps a momentarily dominant mood, do undoubtedly exhibit the gradual progress of mystical thought in Islam from the beginning of the third to the end of the fourth century after the Hijra, but the evidence which they supply is limited to a vague outline. Accordingly, I resolved to undertake a chronological examination of the doctrine taught by the authors of these definitions and by other distinguished Ṣúfís, and I have here set down the conclusions to which I have come. I do not claim to have exhausted all the available material.

Type: Articles
Information: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 38 , Issue 2 , April 1906 , pp. 303 - 348

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00034353 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 1906

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^{page 303 note 1} The references are to my edition, of which pt. i was recently published as the third volume of Professor Browne's Persian Historical Texts.

^{page 304 note 1} Materialien zur Entwickelungsgeschichte des Ṣûfismus (Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. xiii, No. 1, p. 35 sqq.).

^{page 304 note 2} E.g. and

^{page 305 note 1} Qushayrí, 63, last line.

^{page 305 note 2} Kámil of al-Mubarrad, 120, 4.

^{page 306 note 1} There is one conspicuous exception, namely, Rábi‘a al-‘Adawiyya († 135, 180, or 185, according to different authorities). In her sayings the doctrine of mystical love appears almost fully developed, but it is probable that many of them are spurious.

^{page 306 note 2} Ma‘rúf belonged to the district of Wásiṭ (see infra).

^{page 306 note 3} The vocalisation of this word is uncertain. It may refer to any one of several places named Sanj, Sinj, or Sunj.

^{page 307 note 1} Qushayrí, 11, 7 sqq.

^{page 307 note 2} T.A. i, 272, 12.

^{page 307 note 3} T.A. i, 271, 18.

^{page 307 note 4} T.A. i, 272, 13. Compare this with Ibráhím b. Adham's definition (T.A. i, 93, 24): “This is the sign of the gnostic, that his thoughts are mostly engaged in meditation, and his words are mostly praise and glorification of God, and his deeds are mostly devotion, and his eye is mostly fixed on the subtleties of Divine action and power.”

^{page 307 note 5} Qushayrí, 11, 1.

^{page 308 note 1} T.A. i, 232, 12.

^{page 308 note 2} T.A. i, 234, 21.

^{page 308 note 3} T.A. i, 234, 23.

^{page 308 note 4} T.A. i, 235, 3.

^{page 308 note 5} T.A. i, 235, 5.

^{page 308 note 6} Nafahátu'l- Uns, 44, 3.

^{page 308 note 7} T.A. i, 286 sqq.

^{page 308 note 8} Literally, “make their feet a bed, rest on their feet” ().

^{page 309 note 1} Qushayrí, 18, 5 sqq.

^{page 309 note 2} T.A. i, 112, 13.

^{page 309 note 3} He was called Dhu'l-Nún (He of the Fish) on account of a miracle which is related in the T.A. i, 116, 18 sqq.

^{page 310 note 1} (Qushayrí, 167, 7).

^{page 310 note 2} Ibid., 166, 23.

^{page 310 note 3} (ibid., 120, 7; cf. 119, 2).

^{page 310 note 4} (ibid., 5, 10).

^{page 311 note 1} Masnaví-i Ma‘naví, translated and abridged by E. H. Whinfield (2nd edition), p. xvii of the Introduction. It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. Whinfield, whose writings have done so much to promote the study of Ṣúfiism, and I am glad to find myself in general agreement with his views as to the origin of the doctrine.

^{page 311 note 2} He also dabbled in medicine. See Wuestenfeld, Gesch. der Arab. Aerzte, p. 24. Three works attributed to him are extant (Brockelmann, Gesch. der Arab. Litt., i, 199).

^{page 313 note 1} Táríkhu'l-Ḥukamá, 348, last line et seqq.

^{page 313 note 2} Prolegomena, translated by De Slane, iii, 176 seq.

^{page 314 note 1} Cf. Ibn Khaldún, Prolegomena, trans, by De Slane, iii, 184.

^{page 314 note 2} Táríkhu'l - Ḥukamá, 160. This combination of natural science and religion is exemplified in the history of mediæval mysticism in Europe. Jábir b. Ḥayyán and Dhu'l-Nún anticipate Cornelius Agrippa and Paracelsus.

^{page 314 note 3} This is the to which Ibnu'l-Athir alludes (vol. vii, p. 79, 1. 7, in Tornberg's edition).

^{page 314 note 4} Carl Schmidt, Gnostische Schriften in Koptischer Sprache, p. 197.

^{page 315 note 1} Qushayrí, 193, 9 sqq. T.A. i, 121, 14. For the use of incense by the ‘ Ṣábians' of Egypt, who were probably Copts or Nubians, cf. Chwolsohn, , Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, vol. i, p. 493 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 315 note 2} One of the first to do so was DrMerx, A., who in his Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeinen Geschichte der Mystik (Heidelberg, 1893)Google Scholar traced the progress of mystical ideas in Islam down to the time of Abú Sulaymán al-Dárání, and argued that they must have been derived from Greek philosophy. Before seeing his book, I had approached the question independently, and, working on the same lines, had come to a similar conclusion.

^{page 317 note 1} Frothingham, Stephen Bar Sudaili, the Syrian Mystic (Leyden, 1886), p. 2Google Scholar.

^{page 318 note 1} Merx, op. cit., p. 24.

^{page 319 note 1} Mandâ and Mandâyâ answer to the Greek expressions γνσις and γνωστικς (Brandt, Die Mandäische Religion, p. 167).

^{page 319 note 2} Ma‘rúf, as I understand him, means to say that, if the phenomenal universe is dualistic, we should close our eyes to it and regard only the Absolute Unity.The words appear to be connected with the fact that in the Babylonian religion, which is probably the parent of Gnosticism, each god has his feminine complement, e.g. Anu and Anatu. This is a constant feature in Gnostical systems of emanation. Similarly, the Bυθς is often described as ρρενθηλυς, ‘masculo-feminine.'

^{page 320 note 1} Qushayrí, 9, 21 ; T.A. 100, 16.

^{page 320 note 2} W. Anz, Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des Gnostizismus, p. 17.

^{page 322 note 1} The Abdál (Substitutes) form a particular class in the mysterious Súfí hierarchy, at the head of which stands the Quṭb. According to Ibn Khaldún, they were derived from, and correspond to, the Nuqabá of the Shí‘ites.

^{page 322 note 2} T.A. i, 305, 21.

^{page 322 note 3} See Nafaḥátu'l-Uns, 8, 16; T.A. i, 319, 22 sqq., 333, 7 and 23. Othèr Ṣúfí sects are the Ṭayfúriyán, the Kharráziyán, and the Núriyán, who followed Báyazíd, Abú Sa‘íd al-Kharráz, and Abu'l-Ḥusayn al-Núrí respectively.

^{page 322 note 4} T.A. i, 274, 9.

^{page 322 note 5} T.A. i, 299, 6.

^{page 322 note 6} Abu'l-Maḥásin, ii, 47, 6 sqq.

^{page 323 note 1} Ibn Khallikán, trans, by De Slane, vol. ii, p. 291.

^{page 323 note 2} Nafaḥátu'l- Uns, 81, 16.

^{page 323 note 3} Ibn ‘Aṭá († 309 a.h.) was asked why the Ṣúfís used strange and unusual expressions. He replied: “ Forasmuch as this practice (i.e. Ṣúfiism) is honoured by us, we were unwilling that any except Ṣúfís should be acquainted with it, and we did not wish to employ ordinary language. Therefore we invented a particular language” (T.A.).

^{page 323 note 4} T.A. i, 222, 2.

^{page 324 note 1} Qushayrí, 18, 8 from foot.

^{page 324 note 2} Qushayrí, 171, 4 from foot.

^{page 324 note 3} T.A. i, 155, 9.

^{page 324 note 4} T.A. i, 159, 2.

^{page 324 note 5} T.A. i, 163, 7.

^{page 324 note 6} T.A. i, 166, 17.

^{page 325 note 1} According to Jámí (Nafaḥát, 81, 4 from foot) Abú Sa‘íd al-Kharráz († 286 a.h.) was the first that spoke concerning the theory of faná u baqá, i.e. death to self and life in God.

^{page 325 note 2} So Ibn Khallikán, Qushayrí, and Jámí. Yáqút (sub voc. Bisṭám) names him Abú Yazíd Ṭayfúr b. Ἵsá b. Sharwasán, and says that he must not be confused with Abú Yazíd Ṭayfúr b. Ἵsá b. A'dam, who is known as al-Bisṭámí al-aṣghar.

^{page 325 note 3} The text of the Nafaḥát (62, penult, line) has , but is the correct reading.

^{page 325 note 4} Nafaḥát, 63, 1.

^{page 325 note 5} Nafaḥátu'l-Uns, 63, 1.

^{page 326 note 1} Justi, Gesch. des alten Persiens, pp. 184 sqq. and 204 sqq.

^{page 326 note 2} The monastic system of the Ṣúfís was, no doubt, formed to some extent on Buddhistic models. In an interesting passage of the Kitábu'l-Ḥayawán, Jáḥiẓ († 255 a.h.) speaks of the , “monks of the zindíqs,” who travel in pairs, never passing two nights in the same place, and observing vows of holiness, chastity, truth, and poverty; and he tells an anecdote concerning two of them who entered Aḥwáz (Baron V. Rosen in Zapiski, vi, 337).

^{page 326 note 3} Qushayrí, 166, 1.

^{page 326 note 4} T.A. i, 160, 13.

^{page 326 note 5} T.A. i, 160, 16.

^{page 327 note 1} T.A. i, 162, 21.

^{page 327 note 2} T.A. i, 168, 24.

^{page 327 note 3} T.A. i, 137, 6.

^{page 327 note 4} T.A. i, 140, 14.

^{page 327 note 5} T.A. i, 160, 11.

^{page 327 note 6} T.A. i, 171, 18.

^{page 327 note 7} T.A. i, 155, 20.

^{page 328 note 1} The girdle (zunnár) is the symbol of Zoroastrianism, i.e. of duality.

^{page 328 note 2} T.A. i, 139, 5. It is instructive to compare this poetical description of the mystic's ascent with the Arabic version (Qushayrí, 56, penultimate line):

^{page 329 note 1} See, for example, Qushayrí, 17, 4 from foot = Nafaḥát, 43, 3 from foot; T.A. 329, 2; Qushayrí, 22, 10 sqq.

^{page 329 note 2} T.A. i, 261, 4.

^{page 329 note 3} Qushayrí, 21, penultimate line.

^{page 329 note 4} Qushayrí, 112, 18.

^{page 333 note 1} The Arabic original is given by Suhrawardí in the ‘Awárifu'l-Ma‘árif:

^{page 333 note 2} According to Zakariyyá al-Anṣárí († 926 a.h.), who wrote a commentary on Qushayrí's Risála, is generally pronounced Sumnún. This saying is attributed to Ruwaym in the Nafaḥát, p. 105, last line.

^{page 334 note 1} Cf. Qushayrí, 36, 21: “They say, ‘The Ṣúfí is the son of his time,’ meaning thereby that he occupies himaelf with what is most suitable to him at the moment.” In other words, he must let himself be a passive instrument of the Divine energy.

^{page 334 note 2} Or, “ to be at rest when he is non-existent, and to prefer (non-existence) when he is existent.” Probably and are not used here solely in their philosophical sense.

^{page 336 note 1} Cf. Ruwaym's saying: (read ) (Qushayrí, 149, 17), the meaning of which is explained by ‘ Abdullah al-Anṣárí in the Nafaḥát, 84, 5 sqq.

^{page 339 note 1} This definition is ascribed by Sha‘rání (Lawáqiḥ, p. 160) to Abú ‘Abdullah b. Khafíf.

^{page 339 note 2} I.e. for fear of becoming known as a dervish. It is told of Ruwaym that “ towards the end of his life he hid himself among the rich, but thereby he was not veiled from God.”

^{page 341 note 1} In the T.A. this definition is rendered:

^{page 342 note 1} Muṣṭafá, i.e. the Chosen One = the Prophet Muḥammad. This saying, as quoted here, occurs in the Supplement to the T.A. It is also found (with omission of the final clause) in the body of that work, where it is ascribed to Abú ‘Abdullah b. Khafíf († 331 a.h.).

^{page 343 note 1} So Jámí. Qushayrí gives the date of his death as 391 a.h.

^{page 343 note 2} In the Nafaḥát, 90, 4 from foot, this definition is attributed to Junayd.

^{page 343 note 3} Koran, xx, 43.

^{page 343 note 4} Koran, vii, 139.

^{page 344 note 1} The practice of holding the breath, like that of carrying rosaries (Qushayrí, 22, 19), seems to be of Indian origin (cf. Von Kremer, Culturgeschichtliche Streifzüge, p. 48 sqq.). Among the sayings of Báyazíd al-Bisṭámi we find, “ For gnostics, worship is observance of the breaths” (T.A. i, 162, 10).

^{page 345 note 1} Elegance was a characteristic of the zindíqs. Some Ṣúfís, e.g. the Malámatís, pretended to be zindíqs in order to escape the reputation of holiness.

^{page 347 note 1} I.e. he only exists in God.

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XI. A Historical Enquiry concerning the Origin and Development of Sufiism, with a list of Definitions of the terms ‘Ṣúfi’ and ‘Taṣawwuf,’ arranged chronologically

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