Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2011
Professor Turner, in his valuable articles on Gujarātī Phonology, refers to what he terms “ Spontaneous Nasalization ”. In regard to Gujarātī he says (JRAS., 1921, p. 344) “ there seems from the earliest times to have been a tendency to pronounce vowels with the velum incompletely raised, which results in the vowel becoming nasalized ”. Similarly, Professor Bloch (La Formation de la Langue Marathe, § 70) says “ Toute voyelle longue tend à développer une résonance nasale ” and he discusses this question at greater length in his article on “ La Nasalité en Indo-Aryan ” on pp. 61 ff. of the Cinquantenaire de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études.
page 381 note 1 The one exception, mãjār, is only apparent. Here the ã represents a theoretical ã, which has been shortened owing to its position before a long vowel with the stress accent.
page 382 note 1 Prakrit grammarians treat these two as interchangeable. See Mārkaṇḍëya, iv, 24, where we have, e.g. both jalaṁ manthaï and jalam maṁthaï. Cf. Pischel, § 269.
page 382 note 2 In the above I have omitted other changes, such as k gan, for k kan, or cān, for c d. As regards the former, see note 2, p. 385, below.
page 383 note 1 See ZDMG., 1, 1896, pp. 21, 22.
page 385 note 1 Bhavisatta Kaha, p. 63*.
page 385 note 2 Cf. Skt. kaṅkaṇa-, Hindī k gan, referred to in note 2, p. 382, and similar instances in the modern languages of softening after a nasal.
page 385 note 3 Here it is the form with the nasal which is original, and jujjaï which is the by-form. Similarly we have maggaï < maṅgati. From this we learn that Dēśī dialects looked upon ṁj and jj as interchangeable.
page 385 note 4 Jacobi, op. cit., p. 63*.
page 386 note 1 An edition, taken from the same unique MS. as that from which mine was copied, has lately been published as No. XI of The Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies.
page 387 note 1 La Nasalité en Indo-Aryan, p. 67.