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Science and Religion in Medieval China: Some Comments on Recently Published Work by Nathan Sivin

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2009

Extract

The publication of two volumes of collected papers by Nathan Sivin is an event that should be welcomed by every centre where Chinese studies are taken seriously. For all his considerable reputation in a difficult area of specialized research namely the history of Chinese science, he has never sought to capitalize on his status as a specialist to “blind us with science”, but rather has written with an eye to broader problems, problems of concern at least to anyone professionally interested in the Chinese element in human experience, and (one would hope) many more besides. The spread of his concerns has meant in the past that many smaller college libraries have not possessed the periodicals and conference volumes in which his work has appeared, so this set of republished papers serves a useful function in itself. But in the second of these volumes in particular we find a number of previously unpublished works, including one of over seventy pages on a topic of considerable importance. Rather than leave this unexpected bounty simply for college librarians to acquire in order to make good existing gaps (and to have on the record the full Sivin bibliography to 1995 which may be found in the second volume), there would seem to be every reason to draw the attention of a broader number of readers to the appearance of important work which has existed for a while in draft form, but which has not been made generally available until now.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 1998

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References

1 These remarks have been prompted by the appearance of Sivin, Nathan, Science in Ancient China: Researches and Reflections (Variorum Collected Studies Series, CS 506), xviii, 274 pages,Google Scholar and Medicine, Philosophy and Religion in Ancient China: Researches and Reflections (Variorum Collected Studies Series, CS 512), xii, 314 pages, both published by Variorum, Aldershot, Hampshire and Brookfield, Vermont, 1995: I regret that limitations in my own scholarship preclude a fuller review of these works, both of which contain hitherto unpublished items, though the essay on which I have chosen to concentrate is by far the longest such piece.Google Scholar

2 Franco Gatti, in n. 46, p. 129, of A proposito del mago Ye Jingneng (?-710): Una lista annotata delle fonti storiche con una traduzione di passi scelti”, Cina, XXIII (1991), pp. 117–39.Google Scholar

3 E.g. in Ch'eng-shih, Tuan, Yu-yang tsa-tsu, 5 (Peking, 1981), p. 59.Google Scholar

4 Note Hsüan-i, , Chen-cheng lun 3, p. 571b, in Taishō Canon, vol. 52.Google Scholar

5 Ta-hsin, Ch'ien, Shih-chia-chai yang-hsin lu, 19 (Shanghai, 1983), pp. 459–60. Cf. Chuang tzu (Harvard-Yenching Index text) 66/24/32–33.Google Scholar

6 This is the view that informs my entry “Ko Hung”, in The Encyclopedia of Religion (New York, 1986), viii, pp. 359–60,Google Scholar and review of Jay Sailey's work on Hung, Ko, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XLIV.i.Google Scholar

7 Pregadio, Fabrizio, Ko Hung: Le Medicine della Grand Purezza. Dal “Pao-p'u-tzu nei-p'ien” (Rome, 1987). I should warn readers that I may well have placed my own construction upon his observation.Google Scholar

8 Amidst a wealth of scholarship, much of it inspired by the pioneering research of the late Anna Seidel, one might mention Harper, Donald, “Resurrection in Warring States popular religion”, Taoist Resources, V.2 (12, 1994), pp. 1328,Google Scholar and Cedzich, Angelika, “Ghosts, demons, law and order: grave quelling texts and early Taoist liturgy”, Taoist Resources, IV.2 (1993), pp. 2333.Google Scholar

9 For Ko and the encyclopedic tradition, see e.g. Ninji, Ōfuchi, Shoki no Dōkyō (Tokyo, 1991), pp. 553–96;Google Scholar Sailey, Jay, The Master Who Embraces Simplicity (San Francisco, 1978), pp. 308, 310.Google Scholar Pao, On Kan, I would agree with Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China (Albany, NY, 1996), pp. 156–9,Google Scholar that he cannot be written into the development of fiction, and with Deborah Porter, Lynn, From Deluge to Discourse: Myth, History and the Generation of Chinese Fiction (Albany, NY, 1996), 154–7, that such a text is the product of profound disruptions, for all its self-identification with a tradition of historiography. As I hope to explain in greater detail, the authors of the Han-Wei-Chin have to be read against the total religious history of the period, not just those elements in it which they care to articulate themselves.Google Scholar

10 Shoki no Dōkyō, pp. 597–627, especially the conclusion, pp. 623–6.

11 State, cosmos and body in the last three centuries B.C.”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, LV.i (1995), PP. 537.Google Scholar

12 Hsiao, Kung-chuan, tr. Mote, F. W., A History of Chinese Political Thought (Princeton, 1979), pp. 651–3.Google Scholar

13 See his biography, e.g. as translated by Sailey, pp. 264–5.

14 Though it may be that much of the lore which he relates was actually incorporated into the new scriptural format slighdy later, in the Shang-ch'ing revelations, which validate much of the Southern tradition.

15 Tadao, Yoshikawa, Rikuchō seishinshi kenkyū (Kyoto, 1985), pp. 427–32.Google Scholar

16 Note pp. 184–6 of “Text and experience in classical Chinese medicine”, in Bates, Don, ed., Knowledge and the Scholarly Medical Traditions (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 177204,CrossRefGoogle Scholar drawing on the research of David Keegan, which has also proved of value in reconstructing the history of astronomical texts, as witness Cullen, C., Astronomy and Mathematics in Ancient China: the Zhou bi suan jing (Cambridge, 1996), p. 150.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17 Note Fukui Fumimasa, on p. 8 of The history of Taoist Studies in Japan and some related issues”, Acta Asiatica, LXVIII (1995), pp. 118: “When discussing Taoism as a religion, one should restrict oneself on to fifth century and later”.Google Scholar

18 The relevant materials have now been translated and provided with an introduction by Peter Niclcerson in Lopez, D., ed., Religions of China in Practice (Princeton, 1996), pp. 347–59.Google Scholar

19 Liu, X., Ancient India and Ancient China (New Delhi, 1988), Chapter VIII, pp. 159–73,Google Scholar provides one recent sketch of this era in Buddhist China; for the imposition of a bureaucratic structure on Buddhism, see e.g. Barrett, T. H., “The fate of Buddhist political thought in China: the Rajah dons a disguise”, in Skorupski, T., ed., The Buddhist Forum, iv (London, 1996), pp. 17. For Taoism, see Mather's study cited in n. 30 below.Google Scholar

20 Masako, Ishii, Dōkyōgaku no kenkyū (Tokyo, 1980), pp. 27119, collects most of the material on T'ao: pp. 60–1 deal with his intiation. This source is cited by reason of its compendious nature: Sivin, in his references to T'ao in the essay under review, cites the much more carefully critical work of Mugitani Kunio.Google Scholar

21 Ishii, pp. 88–91, provides a conspectus of his scholarship.

22 Ishii, p. 102.

23 Nathan Sivin's own pioneering work on Sun, Chinese Alchemy: Preliminary Studies (Cambridge, MA, 1968),Google Scholar gives full credit to the Buddhist sources for Sun's life in a biographical survey which may now be expanded in the light of recent research on the compilation of T'ang historical sources by Twitchett, Denis, The Writing of Official History Under the T'ang (Cambridge, 1992);CrossRefGoogle Scholar note also the excerpts from the official record on Sun to be found elsewhere, as indicated in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, LXXXV.3 (1990). col. 350.Google Scholar

24 This suggestion was made in a conference paper for the 6th International Conference on the History of Science in China. I regret that I have not yet been able to revise it in the light of the very helpful comments given at the time by Nathan Sivin himself and by Prof. K. M. Schipper. For the citation of Sun suggesting initiation, see footnote 18 of article VI in this collection (p. 312 in the original in History of Religions, as mentioned above).

25 Note in the New Testament the verdict given in Mark 9, verses 38, 39.

26 Cf. Barrett, T. H., on p. 98 at n. 45 of “The emergence of the Taoist Papacy in the T'ang Dynasty”, Asia Major, Third Series, VII.1 (1994), pp. 89106.Google Scholar

27 Mollier, Christine, Une Apocalypse Taoïste du V siecle (Paris, 1990), pp. 86–7, 144.Google Scholar

28 Elman, Benjamin A., From Philosophy to Philology: Intellectual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, MA, 1984); see especially Chapter Five.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 I have tried to describe this situation in “From Devil's Valley to Omega Point: reflections on the origins of a theme from the Nö”, in Skorupski, T., ed., The Buddhist Forum, ii (1991), pp. 112.Google Scholar A pioneering attempt at working through such a localized approach to interreligious influence may be found in Robson, James, “The polymorphous space of the southern Marchmount: an introduction to Nanyue's Religious History and preliminary notes on Buddhist-Taoist interaction”, Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, VIII (1995), pp. 221–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 See p. 112 (at n. 29) of Mather, Richard, “K'ou Ch'ien-chih and the Taoist theocracy at the Northern Wei Court, 425–451”, in Welch, Holmes and Seidel, Anna, eds., Facets of Taoism (New Haven, 1979), pp. 103–22.Google Scholar See also Faure, Bernard, Chan Insights and Oversights (Princeton, 1993), pp. 157–9, p. 166, n. 26,Google Scholar for some later encounters, and also Barrett, T. H., Taoism Under the T'ang (London, 1996), p. 44, and the literature cited there, n. 62.Google Scholar

31 The monograph on this mountain in the Taishō edition of the Buddhist Canon, volume 52, is actually by a Taoist, T'ang, Ling-fu, Hsü; Kuo-fu, Ch'en, Tao-tsang yüan-liu k'ao (Peking, 1963, second ed.), p. 131,Google Scholar shows the importance of the area as a source of lost Taoist texts in the early Sung, and even later in 1069 another manuscript in Hsü's hand was retrieved thence and collated, according to the preface of the Lieh-tzu shih-wen, text no. 738 in the current Taoist Canon (Harvard-Yenching enumeration). Weinstein, S., “The beginnings of esoteric Buddhism in Japan: the neglected Tendai tradition”. Journal of Asian Studies, XXXIV. 1 (1974), pp. 177–91, clarifies the bibliographical attraction of the area in T'ang times to Buddhists.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Kazuo, Osabe, Ichigyō zenji no kenkyū (Tokyo, 1990, reprint of Kobe, 1963), pp. 99117, originally separately published as a yet more obscure article some years before.Google Scholar

33 Osabe, p. 108, and nn. 12, 13, on p. 114; cf. p. no at n. 36.

34 Osabe, pp. 290–3, drawing on his writings in volume 39 of the Taishō edition of the canon, mainly pp.617ff., and also p. 776b, c. Osabe's work includes useful essays on various aspects of I-hsing's secular achievements, though he avoids any remarks on the technical aspects of the history of science, for which Cullen, C., “An eighth century Chinese table of tangents”, Chinese Science, V (1982), pp. 133, provides an excellent corrective example.Google Scholar

35 Note Ho Ping-yü (Ho Peng Yoke), K'o-hsüeh wen-hsüeh i-hsien ch'ien”, Ming-paoyüeh-k'an, XXII.3 (03, 1987), pp. 8491,Google Scholar and cf Barrett, T. H., “The Taoist Canon in Japan: some implications of the research of Ho Peng Yoke”, Taoist Resources, V.2 (1994), pp. 71–7.Google Scholar