Memoir on Cuneiform Inscriptions

doi:10.1017/S0035869X00168613

¹note page 1 Words in which the initial merely represents the temporal augment will be found under the head of their respective roots.

²note page 1 The figures placed in brackets after each word of the vocabulary, refer to the pages of the proceding volume in which the word first occurs.—Ed.

³note page 1 Lassen translates akhshatá by “incolumis,” following”, the same etymology which I havo given; but he has certainly altogether misunderstood the.general application of the sentence. . See the Zeitschrift, &c, vol. VI., p. C9.

¹note page 2 In this view the figure of speech employed will be the increment rather than the antithesis, for the application of the two phrases which occur in juxtaposition will be almost coincident.

²note page 2 Compare ‘upastám abara, “he brought help,” bájim abaratá, “they brought tribute;” also baratiya in the present, and baratuwa in the imperative.

³note page 2 If the signification were “I oppressed,” I should certainly expect to find the orthegraphy of abár(a)yam, and I leave the interpretation therefore of the phrase above quoted, as one of the points which I consider to be still doubtful.

¹note page 3 Lassen, relying on a Zend etymology, translates dushiyára by “scarcity,” (lit. “bad year;”) I shall consider hereafter the propriety of this reading. See Lassen's Mem. abevo quoted.

²note page 3 The words aniya and ájamiyá afford a good oxamplo of the serious inconvenience which arises from the impossibility of distinguishing the quantity of the initial In ájamiyá, the vowel must, I think, be elongated; but the context can alono shew whether , may represent the Sanskrit , or whether it may be derived from .

³note page 3 See paragraphs 11 and 17 of the 4th column, at Behistun. The interdictory má requires to be joined to the aorist or imperfect without the augment, forms in which a servile long á can very rarely occur.

¹note page 4 In the Supplement to Lassen's Memoir, which has reached mo since the above was written, I perceive that he rejects Westergaard's emendation of aniya for abiya, and that the latter gentleman acquiesces in this restoration of the old reading. See the Zeitschrift, p. 470. We must therefore, I think, translate the sentence in question, “ad hane provinciam ne (sint), &c., &c.”

²note page 4 Lassen translates ájamiy´ by “hiemis tempestas,” supposing the Cuneiform term to be allied to the Sanscrit hima, Zend zydo, (acc. zyäm,) Latin hiems, &c. See the Zeitschrift, p. 33; but I must observe on the one hand, that the initial which cannot be an unmeaning prosthesis, presents an insuperable etymological difficulty; while on the other, however applicable to the feelings and condition of the primitive Arian emigrants from Imaus may have been the dread of the herrors of winter depicted in the second Fargard of the Vendidád, it seems preposterous to suppose that any such apprehension could have existed amongst the inhabitants of the sunny plains of Persia.

¹note page 5 For a full examination of the Cuneiform roots ish and aish, see under the head ish.

²note page 5 My rough copy gives the reading of Atiyádasha, but as the letters were much defaced, I must I think have mistaken for .

¹note page 6 It is doubtful whether the Zend r should not rather be pronounced tád than tát, the former agreeing bettor with

²note page 6 For the employment of this suffix iu Zend and Sanskrit see Burnouf's Yaçna, p. 163, with the extract which is there given from Panini.

³note page 6 See particularly the concluding portion of the 11^th Fargard of the Vendidád, (Bombay edition, p. 378,) where the 2nd pers. Plur. phir. of the imperative, occurs no less than thirteen times with the meaning of “destroy.” Bumouf (Yaçna, p. 531,) derives the Zend parsta from par, (i. e. pěrě), comparing the term with pěrˇnê, which is found in the preceding paragraph of the same chapter of the Vendidad; but I do not think his explanation of the inflexion in sta to be at all satisfactory. If we suppose the root to be par(a)s which in the inscriptions certainly has the signification of “destroying,” the Zend will be the regular 2nd pers. plur. of the imperative.

¹note page 7 Professor Lassen continues up to the present timo to compare the Cuneiform thag with the Persian , (See Zeitschrift, pp. 75 and 472), but the latter word is a puro Arabic derivative, ( “an arch,” from , “to be equal,”) and could not havo been known in Persia prior to the Mohammedan conquest. I hardly see moreover how he obtains from this source the meaning of “substructio.”

²note page 7 See Wilkin's Grammar, Rules 10G and 769. The suffix in in is very commonly employed in Zend, and is preserved also in the modern Persian. Compare (, “sweet;” , “golden,” , “heavy;” , “coloured,” &c.

³note page 7 See Wilkius, Rules 824 and 833.

¹note page 8 Where the Median reproduces a Persian word, of course the termination in na may occur in the nom., but I doubt exceedingly if the Median asanna be a reproduction of the Persian áthagaina, for the initial letter is that which uniformly answers to and not to alone.

²note page 8 I must observe, hewever, that the termination in aina is otherwise entirely unknown in the inscriptions, and that as it is evidently a secondary and artificial form for the instrumental, it is highly improbable that it sheuld have co-existed with the primitive ending in long a, which occurs in every other Cuneiform example on record; aina, in fact, contains three distinct etymological irregularities; the a of the base is changed to ai () a euphenic n is then added, and the true instrumental case-suffix is shertened to . See. Bepp's Comp. Gram., s. 158. At the same time, I cannot identify aina as the nom. of a suffix either of agency or attribution, and I am obliged therefore to remain content with its possible correspondence with the Sans. . I must add, also, as a further correction of the translation given in the text, that even admitting athagaina to be an instrumental, Ardástdnas cannot possibly represent that case. Ardastána for Ardastánas may be gen. or an ablat., but neither am I satisfied that these cases are ever used for the instrum., nor do I think that a gen. or abl. noun could possibly be joined to an instrument, adjective. If, therefore, áthagaina be. really the instrumental of the noun áthaga, perhaps the best translation may be “made by the labour of Ardastá, for the family of King Darius.” For further remarks see the note to Ardastána

¹note page 9 It would be tedious and unprofitable to enumerate all the passages in which each, particular word occurs. The reference is usually to the first passago in which the word is found, following the order of the inscriptions as they are given in the preceding chapters.

²note page 9 See Strabe XVI., 8. 52; Arrianus Alexander, 1. III. , c. 7; and Stephen, in voco Νίνος, ,where however he merely quotes from Strabe. Suidas repeats the quotation under the sarao head.

¹note page 10 Dio Cass. 1. LV., s. 20.

²note page 10 The name of Assyria I also believe to be extant in the Babylonian Inscription on the grave of Darius, but I cannot yet satisfy myself of its exact orthegraphy.

³note page 10 See Reimar's note to Dio Cass., torn. I I. , p. 1141, and Walton's Polyglot Bible, p. 39.

⁴note page 10 The Arabic Geographers always give the titlo of Athúr to the great ruined capital near the mouth of the Upper Zab. The ruins are now usually known by the name of Nimrud. It would seem highly probable that they represent the site of the Calah of Genesis, for the Samaritan Pentateuch names this city Lachisa, which is evidently the same title as the Λάρισσα of Xenophen, the Persian τ being very usually replaced beth in Median and Babylonian by a guttural. (Compare the Chabaessoarach of Bcrosus with the Lalorosoarchod of Josoplius.) If Nimrud be Calah, the name of καλαχηνη attaching to the province will be sufficiently explained, but Itesen, named by the Samaritans Aspa, will still have to be discovered.

⁵note page 10 Upon this connexion depend very important ethnographical considerations which I shall exposo in the sequel.

¹note page 11 See Bepp's Comparative Grammar, (Eng. edit) s. 198 and 202, with the note top. 215. It appears, hewever, that Panini (VII. 1.39) considers the Vedic :, “to dexterâ,” to be a genitive used for a locative, and certainly this transposition is very frequent in Zend. I prefer at the same time adopting Bepp's explanation, that the termination in ám is a corruption of ás.

²note page 11 in Sanskrit, however, is of the sixth conjugation, and with the prefixing of the particle of negation it would signify “not to possess,” rather than “to dispossess.” These are strong arguments against its identity with the Cuneiform , yet I find other possiblo correspondent

¹note page 12 That is, din in the first conjugation should make the 1st pers. sing, of the impcrf. in ádinam and the 3rd pers. in ádina (for ádinat), with the shert instead of the long a. Examples, moreover, of the abeve regular formation of the verbs of the first class are so common in the inscriptions, that the final in ádiná, may be held determinately to remove the root from that conjugation.

²note page 12 I do not at present remember any form with this senso in the cognate languages which will admit of a possible comparison, but the Scottish tint, “lost.”

¹note page 13 is supposed by the grammarians to be derived from , “to eat,” but no great dependence can be placed on the explanations of these fanciful etymologists.

²note page 13 It was the apparent interchangeability of the letters and in the orthegraphy of the terms pridiya and Atřiyátiya, that induced me, against all etymological evidenco, to class the former character among the surd dentals; but I We corrected this error in my Supplementary Note on the Alphabet, p. 179. In the 38th line of the Nahhsh-i-Rustam Inscription, I also think in the word yadi-Patiya, the doubtful character which I have restored as must be altered to See p. 301.

¹note page 14 If adakiya be a genuino word, it must be etymologically explained, I think, as a compound of the demonstrative ada (for adas), and the neuter form kit of the intcrrogativo base ki; although it is not immediately apparent hew the meaning of “only” can be obtained from elements signifying literally, “that what?” For observations on the suffix in kit, see Bepp's Comparativo Gram. s. 390, sqq. The resemblance of the Pers. andak, and Turkish anjak, is perhaps’ accidental, for the one seems to be the diminutive of and and the terminal guttural in the other is probably a Seythic affix.

²note page 14 Adas, in Sanskrit, is in Bopp's opinion, (Comp. Gr. s. 350,) compounded of the base a, and of a suffix which also occurs in i-dam, “this,” as well as in the Latin i-dem, qui-dam, &c. It is, I believe, the only neuter form in Sanskrit which has a terminal s; and Bopp, even in that case, does not allow the said termination to be primitive, but considers das to be a weakened form of dat.

¹note page 15 From observing many other examples, I can now affirm that it is a fixed rulo of the old Persian language, that the pronominal neuter characteristic, whether it be s or t, should be every where elided except before the indefinito particle chiya.

²note page 15 In examining the Babylonian writing, I have become aware of a connection between the forms of the pronoun of the 1st pers. in the Arian and Semitic languages, to which I, must devote a brief explanation. In the Arian languages we may take the Sans, ah as the truo base, which has become as in Zend; ad in old Persian; ἐγ in Greek; eg in Latin; ik in Goth; ih in old Ger.; aszin Lithuanian; az in old Slavonic, &c. To this base has been added in many of these languages a suffix, for the purpose, as it would seem, of specification, and wo have thus ah-am; az-ěm; ad-am, ἐγ-ών whence ὲγ-ώ, and ego. Now, the same base has been employed in the Semitic languages, but instead of the suffix in am being appended, it has been prefixed to the pronoun under the form of an, (which seems to mark it as a definito article,) and in most of the later languages this article has remained as the dominant element, while the true base has been almost lost. Thus in Babylonian, preceded by the distinctive sign, wo have ak or, aka for ego, but without the sign, anak or andka; and in the same way wo havo the compound forms in Heb.; in Coptic; and ἴωνγα in Æ Gr.: whilst in the Heb. the Chald. ; the Syr. ; the Arab. ; and Æ. : the true baso has been almost absorbed in the article. The samo analysis must be applied to the 1st pers. plur. as well as to the pron. of the 2nd pers. Compare Bepp's Comp. Gr. s. 320; Pritchard on the Celt. Lang. p. 110; Gescn. Lex., Erig. Ed. p. 79; and Conant's Translation of the Lehrgebädude, p. 30, foot note.

¹note page 16 That this affix is ama rather than ma is proved, I think, not only by the orthegraphy of paruvama, but by that also of anuvama, which would otherwise be written paruma and anuma, and wo have here therefore the samo baso with a euphenic prosthesis which occurs in the Gr. ἑμὲ, ἑμοῦ, ἑμέθεν, & c, and in the Pcrs. affixed am. It is doubtful, hewever, if in anuvama the affixed ama does not represent the locative rather than the ablat. case, for in the phrase anuva ‘Ufrátauvá, the former appears to be the case employed.

¹note page 17 For observations on this gen. form, see Bepp's Comp. Gr. s. 330, and consult the extensive list of cognate Scythic forms given by Pritchard in his Researches into the Physical Hist, of Man, vol. IV., p. 390, and by Klaproth, in his Sprachatlas, pp. 10, and 30, 31.

²note page 17 If vayam stand for vé+am, as philologers aro now agreed, it follows that the Zend vaem sheuld be equal to vai+ěm. According to Burnouf, however, can only be explained as a contraction of aya, and the Zend therefore is not a primitive but a secondary fonn, less ancient than its Cuneiform correspondent. (See Yaqna, surl'Alph. Zend, p. 55.) The termination in é being the regular pronominal plural characteristic, vé must be referred to a sing, va, and that this va again is in its origin identical with ma, the base of the oblique case in the singular, is rendered extremely probable by the analogy not only of the Scythic, but of the Semitic plurals. Thus in all the Turkish dialects the plur. is formed by a suffix of number, from the singular. Conf. Mong. bi, I, aadbi-da, we; Mandshu, bi and be; Turk, ben and biz, and particularly Finnish ma and me; and in the Semitic languages it must be observed, that the terminal na or nu, which distinguishes the 1st person plur. is also in reality a suffix of plurality, evidently allied to the plural-ending in verbs and in masculine nouns, in all of which a nasal is the chief element. Thus is the plur. of and retrenching the prefixed article and the plur. sign , we find the singular base exchanged for . In the same way the in , the Arab. Correspondent of , is the true pronominal base which has been lost in the sing. It is remarkable, hewever, that in almost all the Arian tongues, in the plural of the 1st pers. The pronominal base has given way altogether to the suffix of number; for wo can hardly doubt that the nasal in , Lat. nos; Russ. nas; Welsh ni, &c. is to be thus explained. The Median plurals aro of great importance in illustrating this question, and will be considered hereafter.

¹note page 18 For Bepp's remarks on asmé and asmákam, see Comp. Gr. s. 332, and the “Remark” added to section 340. He clearly shews that the termination of asmákam is a posscssivo suffix allied to the Hindustani ká, ké, kí. In the Cuneiform amakham, the lapse of the sibilant before the nasal is regular, but I am quite unable to explain the reason of the aspiration of the guttural.

²note page 18 I shall have repeated occasion hereafter to notice the employment of the middle for the passivo voico, as in agaubatá, “he was called;” agarbáyatá, “he was seized,” &c.

³note page 19 See the notes to ájamiyá, where I have shown that the reading of ániya for ábiya adopted by Lasscn, on the autherity of Westergaard, has been since retracted. I believe, therefore, that ániya, as a derivative from the root , must be rejected from the Vocabulary.

¹note page 20 According to Bepp, the Sans. is formed of the base and the relative , and this appears to be fully berno out by Us analysis and examples. See Comp. Gr. s. 374, whero the following terms aro compared: Sans, ; Latin alius; Prakrit anna; Goth. alya; Gr. ἄλλος old Germ, alles, &c. In the Cuneiform aniya the i is undoubtedly euphenic, being introduced to combine the n and y, which will not unito. in a compound articulation. The base ana is also extensively employed in Zend.

¹note page 21 I have before observed, that where a terminal s does occur in a Sanskrit neuter, as in , it is considered by Bopp to be the weakened form of a primitive t, (see Comp. Gr. s. 350,) but perhaps the Cuneiform examples of aniyash and awash may change the Professor's opinion.

²note page 21 For a full explanation of the enclitical power of the Zend see Yaçjna, p. 27, and Bepp's Comparative Grammar, (Eng. Edit.) p. 163. Rosen also has a note. on the enclitical power of the Vedic chana, in his explanation of 1. 7, Hymn xviii. of the Rig Veda. See his “Adnotationes,” p. xliv.

³note page 21 If Bepp's theory be true of the common derivation of the Sanskrit pronominal inflexions from the particle sma appended to the base, we sheuld expect to find the same orthegraphy in the ablat. aniyand, and in the genitive amákham, the one being for anya-smát, and the other for a-smákam; I cannot pretend to dispute his theory, (Comp. Gr. s. 166 and 183,) supported as it is by Zend and Pali analogy, yet the uniform employment of the suffix in ná for the old Persian pronominal sing. ablat. (compare aniyaná with aná and tyaná,) certainly indicates a distinction from the particle ma (for sma), which occurs in the plur. of the lst person.

⁴note page 21 On further consideration, I prefer comparing the Cuneiform inflexion in ‘uvá. (for huvá) with the primitive Sans, , which in Zend has become , hva rather than with the contracted form of . For an explanation of this point, see under the head dahyaushuvá.

¹note page 22 Bagáha is formed like the Vcdic and like all the Zend plur. Nominatives in , áoñhó (See Comp. Gr. s. 220.) Aniya also may be supposed in the old Persian to follow the adjectival as well as the pronominal form of inflexion, and aniyá will thus be the regular correspondent of :

²note page 22 The expression anairyáo dañghávó occurs in the Zend Avesta, in the hymn to Ashlad, and is undoubtedly, therefore, of very high antiquity. Burnouf believes the prefix to be the more privative particle, and translates accordingly, “the non-Arian provinces.” I prefer, hewever, considering an to be a contraction of aniya. See Yaçna, Notes, &c, p. lxii.

¹note page 23 In col. 4, 1. 53, at Behistun, wo have, I think, also the compound term anuvama, “after me,” formed like hacháma and paruvama; and as tlio affix of the 1st pers. in hacháma is certainly in the ablat. case, wo must cither suppose that anu governs the ablat. as well as the locat., or that ama, as an affix, represents the two cases indifferently.

²note page 23 in Sanskrit, is of the first class, and is moreover one of the few roots which, in the causal form, lengthen the vowel to , instead of introducing the guna; so that it is impossible to Bay in the Cuneiform gaudaya, whether we have a change of conjugation from the first to the tenth class, or whether it may not rather be the regular gunaed causal form. The change also of an aspirate to a dental as a radical letter is suspicious.

¹note page 24 This adverb must have teen very early used with a special referenco to a difference of time as in the English “after,” for the Chaldeo , “at length,” (Ezraiv. 13,) and the Pehlevi afdom, “the last,” (as in Ardewán el Afdom, Artabanus the last Arsacidan king), are unquestionable cognate forms, the τ according to custom being changed to a nasal.

²note page 24 Burnouf has fully examined the Zend , aparěm, and compared it with the (in posterum) of the Rig Veda, in the continuation of his Zend researches, published in the Asiatic Journal of Paris. See Journal Asiatiquc, IV^me Série, torn. V., No. XXIII, p. 296.

¹note page 25 Bepp has given good reasons for supposing the terminal u in Sans, locatives of the second and third declensions, (bases in i and u,) to be a vocalization of s, and he would make therefore to be the original form of . (See Comp. Gr. s. 198.) I have before observed, (under the head Athuráyá,) that the suffix in ám for the same caso is also a corruption of ás, and it may thus be immaterial with which of the Sans. loc. terminations we compare the Cuneiform iyá.

²note page 25 « The Zend also has a preposition , aoi, or , aiwi, which signifies “on “or “towards,” and which, as well as is probably connected with the Cuneiform abiya: See Yaçna, Alphab. Zend, p. lxiii, noto 22 ; and Bepp's Comp. Gr., 8. 45.

¹note page 26 Gesenius has a curious note on the origin and employment of this particlo in the Semitic languages, in his Lexicon, (Eng. Ed.) p. 122.

²note page 26 In Sanskrit is “a servant,” but ;, “a magical observance” Abichari, perhaps, in the old Persian, is equivalent to the latter term, the suffix in i giving the same power as the causal form of the root.

¹note page 28 I. do not remember to have met with the 2nd pers. sing. prcs. of the substantive verb in Zend, but I presume that the form must be ahi, agrecably to the orthegraphical rules of the language.

²note page 28 M. Burnouf has an excellent note on the suppression in Zend of s in the initial group sm, (Yaçna, Notes, &c., p. lxvii. Noto O,) and he explains the substitution of mahi for smasi, in the 1st pers. plur. of the ind. pres. by supposing the personal characteristic to be detached from the root; but this restriction will certainly not apply to the substant. verb in the languago of the inscriptions, for the s which is lost in amiya and amahya is radical, and has no connexion with the personal endings.

¹note page 29 For a full comparison of the Zend and Sans, forms of the past tenses of the substantivo verb, see Burnouf's Yaçna, Alph. Zend, p. cxviii, and p. 434, noto 290.

²note page 29 See Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 300. It is curious that I do not find this form of asat, either in Bopp, Lassen, or Burnouf. The Vedic form which they invariably quote is ás. See Lassen's Ind. Bib., torn. I I I. , p. 78; and Bopp's Sana. Gram. p. 331. (I havo since found asat in the Rig Veda, Hymn ix., 1. 5. See Rosen's Notes, p. xxviii.)

³note page 29 On further consideration I am disposed to think that this distinction of quantity between the 3rd pers. sing. and plur. cannot be maintained. In the Vedic , asat, the temporal augment has evidently been dropped, as is very frequently the caso in that dialect, and the samo explanation is to be given of the Zend aghat, which is formed witheut the augment, according to the almost universal rule of that language; as áham stands for ásam, so áha in the sing, must be for ásat, and in the plur. for ásan. The latter term, indeed, actually exists, and the former, (as Bepp has remarked, Comp. Gr. s. 532,) was probably the true and original form of the modern , ásít. The object of the Sans. in irregularly introducing a conjunctive vowel after the root, (notwithstanding that the verb is of the 2nd class,) has been to prevent the personal characteristics from being lost, but thcro aro only a few roots in the language, or , “to be,” , “to eat,” and the class ‘in which the peculiarity is found. In the old Persian the preservation of the personal endings in ásat, ásas, and ásan, was impossible, owing to the orthographical law of elision of the silent terminals; but the conjunctive vowel, which was first used with a view to that preservation, has been nevertheless retained. I am not sure that áoghat and áoghěn are genuine forms of the active imperfect of the intlic. mood in Zend; the forms of aghat and aghěn without the augment of past time are more regular, but still it is with the former that wo must compare the Cuneiform áha. See Comp. Gr. s. 530 sqq., and Yaçna, Notes, p. cxiv.

¹note page 30 Bepp, hewever, considers mahi in the 1st pers. plur. of the mid. imperf. as an abbreviated form of madhi, comparing it with the Greek μεθα and the Zend maidhé, in the samo way as he derives mahé in the primary forms from madhé. It is perhaps, indeed, only in the activo pres. tenso that there is any reason for supposing the Vedic dialect to have employed a termination in wast. Compare Bepp's Comp. Gr. ss. 439, 472, and 536, with Yagna, Notes, p. lxx.

²note page 30 I am not aware that we have the middle imperfect of the sub. verb standing alone, either in Zend or in the Vedic or classical Sanskrit. I follow Wilkins, (p. 187,) and Bopp's Comp. Gr. S..544, for the forms which occur in composition, supposing the verb to be conjugated regularly in this tense according to the second class.

¹note page 31 I find the Vedic bhaváti quoted by Westergaard in Iris Median Memoir, p. 390, and mairyáiti occurs in the Vendidad Sadé, p. 240. Bepp also exemplifies this rule by further Vedic, Zend, and Greek examples in his Comparative Grammar, s. 713.

²note page 31 There is, however, the same irregular aspiration of the dental as the initial letter of thakatá, “then.”

³note page 31 See Rosen's Adnotationes to his Spec. Rig Ved., p. xxiv.

¹note page 32 For an analysis and explanation of these Zend terms, See Yaçna, pages 7 and 21.

²note page 32 Herodotus particularly mentions the absence of all the paraphernalia of sacrificial worship in the devotions which the Persians paid to the Gods, οὔτε βωμοὺς ποιεῦνται, οὓτε πῦρ ἀνακαί;ονσι μελλοντες ο ὐ σπονδῦ χρέωνται, οὐκὶ αὐλῶ, οὐ στέμμασι, οὐκὶ οὐλῦσι, but he still asserts that a victim was immolated, while the sacred chaunt was being performed, μάγος ἀνἠρ παρεστεὠς ἑπαεί;δει θεογονί;ην. Lib. I., c. 132. In support of my theory I may further observe, that while the Assyrian and Babylonian Bculptures abeund with representations of sacrificial worship, there is not a single trace at Pcrscpolis of the immolation of victims.

³note page 32 The Magophenia, which is commemorated ,by Herod. 1. 3, c. 79, as well as by Ctesias and Agathias, has been a fruitful source of difficulty to these modern writers, whe supposo Darius to havo been the founder rather than the subverter, of Magism. See particularly the bungling explanation given by the Abbé Fouchcr, in his Paper on the S. cond Zoroaster, in the Mém. de l'Académic, torn. XLVI. p. 458. (12mo Edit.)

¹note page 33 We have another example in the inscriptions of the post-position of the particle in the employment of pathya, and the same construction is sufficiently common beth in Zend and Sanskrit.

²note page 33 The expression harañm běrězaitim occurs in threo passages of the Zend Avesta as the name of the Elburz in the accusative case, and is again found in its proper sense of “a mountain,” in the hymn to Mithra, (taró harañm açnaoiti, “montem transsilit,”) given in Burnouf's Yaqna, Notes, &c, p. lxvi.

³note page 33 That the Ar or Har of this namo signifies “a mountain,” I shall show under the head Armina.

⁴note page 33 For observations on. the Pehlevi Ar Parsin and Ar Burz, see Muller's Essay in the Journ. Asiat., for April, 1039, p. 337.

¹note page 34 I have sometimes surmised that in this name we have the vernacular orthegraphy of the Greek Πασαργάδαι, but there are strong historical objections to the identification, which I shall state hereafter.

²note page 34 Fahraj would be the Arabicized form of the Persian Pdhrag. The name still attaches to a place between Shiraz and Kermán.

³note page 34 I conjecture this passage to be improperly pointed in the printed editions of Pliny. By placing a stop after rege, we may read,—“These Magi had a city named Ecbatana in the mountains, which was removed by King Darius.” See Pliny, 1. VI., c. 26.

⁴note page 34 The Persian orthegraphy of the namo is reproduced with little variation in the Median and Babylonian transcripts.

¹note page 35 Lib. VI., c 98.

²note page 35 Burnouf has some good remarks on the use and derivation of ěrěta or arta, in his Commentary on the Yaçna, p. 474; Lasscn, also, in his last Cuneiform Memoir, p. 162, compares with the same term, the title of ἀρταῖοι, which Herodotus applies to the ancient Persian race, (lib. VII., c. 61) ; but which rather appears from Stephen and Hesychius to have been a particular epithet given in the vernacular dialect to the heroes of Persian romance. See these authers in vocc, and compare also the explanation given by Hesychius of ἀρτάς; μέγας καὶ λαμπρὶς

¹note page 36 The Parthian name occurs in the bilingual inscription of Hajiabad. For the Sassanian orthegraphy, sce Do Sacy's Persian Antiquities, p. 100. In the Greek inscriptions of Persepolis wo havo the genitive ἀΡΤΑΞΑΡοΓΥ. Agathias continues to apply to the Achæmenian king the name of ἀρταξέρξης but he uses the orthegraphy of ἀρταξάρης for the first monarch of the Sassanian line, and in the reading of ἀρταξὴρ which he employs in speaking of the second monarch of the same name in that dynasty, he approaches, still more nearly to the Persian pronunciation. George of Pisidia writes Ἄρτεσις, which is a transcript of the Armenian form of the name. I find also in the Bun-Dehesh the truo Pehlevi form of , Ardashír.

²note page 36 These forms are taken from the inscription on the Venice Vase, noticed in p. 340 in the former chapter, and of which I have since found a detailed account in Westergaard's Median Memoir, p. 420. The difficulty of reading the Babylonian name arises from the doubtful figure of the fourth character.

¹note page 37 For a comparison of the Sanskrit vrǐlta, Zend věrětó and Pazend vart, See Burnouf's Yaçna, p, 435, Note 290. The Sanskrit vrǐta, “selected,” which orthegraphically answers to the Zend věrěta, cannot be compared with the Cuneiform vardiya, for in the latter term the dental is radical, and does not belong to a participial suffix.

²note page 37 I once thought that we had in this name the title of ἀρτΥστώνη, the favourite queen of Darius, (see Herod. 1. VII., c. 69,) but I havo been compelled to abandon the idea, as the noun cannot be of the feminine gender.

³note page 37 See especially the note marked² under the head Athagaina.

⁴note page 37 Jacquet recognized the Zend ěrědhwa in the ὈρθοκορΥβάντης “the high mountains” of Herodotus, (1. III., c. 92,) and he was probably right, for the district still retains the name of Bάlά Giriweh, which has the samo meaning. I believe also, that we have the Zend ěrědhwa, or Cuneiform arda, both in the name of Ardastán which attaches to the mountains west of Persepolis, and in Ardabil, “the hills of the shepherds.” In other Persian geographical names, such as Ardakán, Ardashir, Ardashat, Ardabád, we have probably the old Aria, or Zend arěta, the chango of the dental from the surd to the sonant grade being agreeable to the genius of the modern language.

¹note page 38 There is a very remarkable difference in the Median orthegraphy of this name, as it is given in Westergaard's published copy of the Nakhsh-i-Rustam Inscription, and as I find it in Dittel's manuscript copy of the sarao writing, a difference which is of much importance in regard to the Median alphabet, but which I am unable at present to resolve. In the Babylonian transcript the name is unfortunately imperfect.

²note page 38 For remarks on the namo of Arabia, see Gcs. Lex. in voco .

¹note page 39 Libi XVI., pago 737. The Greeks had a tradition that Arbela was founded by a certain Arbelus, one of the Athenian leaders whe followed Medea into Asia. See torn. V., p. 160, Noto 1, of the admirablo translation of Strabe published by the French Academy. Under the lower empire the site was known as ἀλεξανδρί;ανοι See Bekker's Theophylact, p. 219.

²note page 39 Dio Cass., 1. LXXVIII., c. 1; Curtius also, (1. V., c. 1,) mentions that Arbela contained the royal treasures.

³note page 39 Chap. IV., v. 9. The initial substituted for in this title, I suppose to be the Chaldeo demonstrative pronoun, or rather article, which is, I believe, to be frequently recognized in Assyrian and Babylonian names. Compare in Ptolemy, Τεσκάφη or Σκάφη, (mod. Askaf); ΔιδοὸοΥα or Δί;γοΥα, mod. Diklah,) &c, &c. Gesenius, in voce, does not venture to identify the Tarpelites; he merely compares the Ταρφαλαῖοι of the Septuagint, and it is certainly against the suggestion I have offered that the Syriac.translation of the verse in Ezra employs the orthegraphy of , where the l is entirely lost.

²note page 40 Gesenius compares with the Heb. the Gr. ὄρος, and Slavie gora; but if the latter term be admitted as of cognato origin, wo must also include in the list the numerous correspondents which exist for the Sans, througheut the family of the Arian languages.

²note page 40 I believe that the name of Armani occurs repeatedly in the Mcdo-Assyrian Inscriptions of Van, which was actually within the limits of the ancient Armenia; and yet we have there what may be supposed to be the vernacular reading without the initial aspiration.

¹note page 41 In beth passages it unfortunately happens that the termination is defective, and as I transcribed the paragraph from the rock in the Roman character, it is very possible I may have inadvertently written mi for ma.

²note page 41 It would appear as if the Persians regarded the titlo as a noun in which the affixes in ina and aniya might be employed indifferently. The Median everywhere has the ending in aniya, but the double orthegraphy is, I think, to be found in the Medo-Assyrian, and the early Arabs wroto Armin as often as Arminiya. The Greeks, it is well known, referred the name to the Thessalian Armcnus, one of the Argonauts, (Strab., p. 530,) while the natives of the country pretend to derivo it from Armenac, one of their pristino kings.

³note page 41 Lib. VI., c. 20.

¹note page 42 See Herod, lib. VII., cap. 11 and 224.

²note page 42 M. Burnouf, however, will not admit the r in Arshashang to be a radical letter; he believes it to be introduced before the hard sibilant, in many names in Zend, and in this name in particular, by a certain natural tendency of articulation, (see Yaçna, pp. 437 and 470); and the combined examples of Ashaka on the Eastern coins of Arsaces, (see Cunningham's Plates, No. 15) of ασαάκ, the Parthian capital mentioned by Isidore of Charax, and of the Persian Ashak, are apparently in favour of his theory. The Median orthegraphy of Arsames is also, I think, Ahsháma, an aspirate almost always replacing the r in Median before a sibilant.

³note page 42 See St. Martin's Armenia, tom. I., p. 411.

¹note page 43 See above, under the head Ayad(a)na.

²note page 43 I have the Median arikka in the translation of the thirteenth paragraph of the fourth column at Behistun. The term also occurs in the same evil sense in line twenty-four of the Median Inscription (II) on the outer wall at Persepolis, where however Westergaard (see his Copenhagen Memoir, p. 411,) has altogether mistaken the meaning.

¹note page 44 See in particular Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, p 55,; Burnouf's Yaçna, p. 460, Note 325; and Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, p. 121.

²note page 44 Compare the Persian or , and I think also Gr. ἤ, and Heb. The Lat.vir; Gr. Fίἠρωσ Scyth. οἰὸρ Celt. Fear, Gwr, Wr, 'c., are probably referable to another root, Sans. , althouth Gesenius connects them. See Robinson's edition of the Heb. Lox., p. 50.

³note page 44 A'rya-búmi and A'rya-desa are also usual in Sanskrit in the same sense.

⁴note page 44 I suppose-these wars to be figured in Greek fable by the conflict between Perseus and Cepheus. In Persian romance, Feridún was probably the leader of the Arian immigration. The old Seythic speech is that I suspect of the Median tablets.

⁵note page 44 The Zend vaejo, answering to the Sans.

⁶note page 44 See the quotations in Burnouf's Yaçna, Notes, üller.

⁸note page 44 Lib. VII., c. 62.

¹note page 45 Quoted by Nicol. Damase, in Libro περὶ αρρῶν I follow the text as it is given in Hyde, p. 292.

²note page 45 See Steph. de Urb., in voce αριάνια in my Mem. on Ecbatana I have also shown its application to the Median Capital. See Journ. Royal Geog. Soc, v. X., p. 139.

³note page 45 For the Eastern Ariana, see Plin., 1. VI. c. 2 3; Dionys. Per., 8. 1098; ælian, de Animal., XVI., c. 16; Tac. Annal., 1. XI, c. 10, &c. We must be careful not to confound Ariana with Ἀρια or Herat, in Zend and in the inscriptions Hariva.

⁴note page 45 See throughout the second chapter of Strabe's fifteenth beok.

⁵note page 45 For these notices, see De Sacy's Mem. sur Div. Ant. de la Perse, p. 48. St. Martin's Armenia, tom. I., p. 274, and Quatremère's Hist des Mongols, tom. I., p. 241, Note 76.

⁶note page 45 The epenthetic i was introduced into the Sassanian Airán through the Zend, agreeably to a law of orthegraphy which obtains in the latter language.

⁷note page 45 I take the Parthian Arián and An-árián from the bilingual inscription of Sapor, in the cave of Hajiábád, which affords several other very valuable readings.

⁸note page 45 The names of and are undoubtedly identical, as.has been shown by Müller, in his Essai sur le Pehlevi, Jour. Asiat. Soc, tom.VII., p. 298. I think I discover the reason of the interchange of the Pehlevi terminations in án and ák, which is incontestable, in a certain guttural power inherent in the Babylonian nasal, beth the one form and the other being referable to a primitive ánk. The name of Irán, however, must have been very early subjected to this corruption; for the terms αρυὶκαι αναριάκαιArauca, &c, are common to the Greek and Latin geographers. See Strab. XI., 7; Ptol. VI., 2 and 14; Plin. VI, 19; Orosius, 1. I., c. 2, &c.

¹note page 46 also signifies “excellent” in Sanskrit. Rosen compares ἀρεἰωνᾴριστος,ἀρετή, &c; see Rig-Veda Spec, Notes, p. 20.

¹note page 47 For observations on the Zend Ráman, seo the explanation of the namo of Rama khastra in Burnouf's Yaçna, p. 219. Seo also Do Sacy's Mem. sur Div. Ant. de ln Persc, p. 210.

²note page 47 Thus “a horse,” in the Vedas; Aurwat, “swift,” in Zend; “the mountain” Arwand; “the river” ’ο;ρο;άτης, &c., &c. Seo Burnouf's Yaçna, p. 251.

³note page 47 Bopp supposes the suffix in va which occurs in the Sans, ava, eva, iva, sva, &c., to bo connected with the enclitic “as,” (Comp. Gr. s. 381 and 383), and in accordance with his system of an original identity between pronouns and prepositions, he maintains the Sans. “from,” to be one and the same word with the Zend ava, “this,” (Comp. Gr. s. 377.

¹note page 48 Seo an excellent philological article reviewing “Prichard on the Celtic Languages,” in the Edinburgh Review, vol. LVII., No. CXIII., p. 98.

¹note page 49 For some valuable remarks on the Zend ava, see Burnouf's Yaçna, Alphab. Zend, p. lxiii, and Note A, p. iii, of the Notes et Eclaircissemens. Gesenius is wrong, I think, in comparing with the Heb. The Persian word, like the Cuneiform ava, and Zend comes from the pronominal root a, and not from the demonstrative sibilant modified to an aspirate.

²note page 49 See Robinson's Gesenius, in voce , P270.Where the double employment of the Hebrew pronoun is particularly noticed.

³note page 49 I cannot certainly affirm that the distinction between hau and hauva in com-position is intended to mark a distinction of gender, for at Behistun, col. 2, 1. 70, p.226, we have the term hauvamaiya, “ille mihi,” referring to a mase. antecedent; but still the cxample of haushaiya may be held to provo the terminal t o he euphonie.

¹note page 50 As in the terms ’uvámarshiyush, ‘Uvakhshatara, and ’uváip(a)shayam.

²note page 50 Hagha, indeed, must it would seem be derived from sasva through. the Zend , hakha, a term which I do not remember to have met with in the Zend writings, but which may have very well existed in the language.

³note page 50 See Heb. Lex. (Eng. Edit.) p. 269, with the references to Fulda and Schmittheuner; the Greek ὁ is of course cognate.

⁴note page 50 Compare Semitic Heb., and Babylonian sha or asha, “who;” Arian, Sans. , , “he,” “she,” and the characteristic of the 2nd person in verbs; Goth:, sa, so, “that;” Germ, sie, so; Eng. she; Arm. sa, “this;” Esthon. sa, “thou;” Gr. σν; Irish, so, “that;” se, “he;” sibh, “you;” siad, “they,”&c. and Seythie, Turk, sen, Finnish sina, “thou,” &c. Gesenius, in an excellent note to the Heb. (Lex., Eng. Ed. p. 111), maintains the primitive demonstrative to be a dental, which passing through th becomes a sibílant.

¹note page 51 Since writing the above, I have found a complete explanation of the Cuneiform in Bopp's Comp. Gr. s. 347. The Sans, base sa should form, of course, according to rule, in the nom. sing. masc. sas, and wo thus actually have the orthography of : before a stop. The case sign s, however, (which is lost in the common , to avoid, as Bopp says, s. 348, an iteration of the same element, is frequently vocalized to u, and , therefore, which occurs beforo words commencing with a is a contraction of sa+u for sas. To this exactly answers the Zend hó and I cannot doubt, therefore, thathau is the true orthography of the Cuneiform pronoun. The euphonic va has been added, as a word in the old Persian cannot terminate in u, and it has subsequently remained, (with the exception of the solitary example of haushaiya) as an integral portion of the pronoun. This does not explain, however, the employment of hauva for the feminine, instead of há for or , nor does it impugn the connexion I havo proposed to establish between, the Arian and Semitic correspondents; on the contrary, the Zend hó, and Cuneiform hau, (or by extension hauva,) determinatoly, as I think, connect the Hebrew ) with the Sans. and prove the Semitic to be a secondary and later form, by showing that it owes its termination in úa to the vocalization of a case-sign s, which is peculiar to the nominativo of languages of the Arian family. The indifferent employment of hauva, moreover, for the masc. and fem. is a remarkable point of coincidence between the early Hebrew and the language of the inscriptions, and would appear to indicate that the Semites had adopted the term from the Persian branch of the Arian stock of languages.

²note page 51 With ava compare the Greek αὐ in αὐ-θι, αὐ-τός, &c., and also the Sclavonic ovo.

³note page 51 Bopp observes in his Comp. Gr. s. 231, (Eng. Edit. p.245,) that “Neuters have in Zend, as in the kindred European languages, a short a for their termination, perhaps the remains of the full as.” The existence of this s, however, can, I believe, hardly bo traced in Zend or Sanskrit, and the Cuneiform terms therefore, avashchiya and aniyashchiya are the more valuable. It is singular, however, that where the neuter s does occur in Sans, in adas, Bopp considers it to be a weakened form of t. See Comp. Gr., s. 350.

¹note page 52 Avamsham, which frequently occurs in the inscriptions, is the accus. masc. sing, of the demonstrative pronoun in composition with the genitive plural suffix of the 3rd person.

²note page 52 The Zend avá (instead of aváo) however, for the nom. and accus. masc. plur. of the demonstrative pronoun requires explanation. According to Bopp, (see Comp. Gram., s. 239, and note to s. 231), they must be, I think, neuter forms substituted. for the masculine. Burnouf (Yaçna, Notes, &c, p. ix.) engages to discuss them at some future time.

³note page 52 Bopp (Comp. Gram., note to s. 228,) observes, that “In Zend the pronominal form in é occurs for the most part in the accus. plur.;” but I do not find the reason of this marked disagreement with the Sanskrit.

¹note page 53 For an excellent examination of the plural neuter in Zend, see Bopp's Comp. Gr., note to s, 231.

²note page 53 Bopp, however, in the note to s. 234 of his Comp. Gr., decides differently.

³note page 53 Bopp considers the pronominal ending in sám, (which becomes after an i shám, and which in nouns is contracted to ám) to bo the original, and formerly the universal form of the case-suffix of the gen. plur. of the Sanskrit; and ho compares with it the Goth, zé or zo; Germ, ro; Latin rum; and the Gr. endings in αγν and εων for ασων and . (Sec Comp. Gr. s. 248, and the foot-note to the same).

¹note page 54 Compare Sanskrit asya, Vedic ayá, Zend and Cuneiform aná, or Sanskrit asmat, &c., &c.

²note page 54 See Comp. Gr. ss. 55 and 341; sé, in Prakrit, and he. hói, and she, in Zend, aro of very frequent employment for the gen. and dat. of the 3rd pers. sing, in all genders. Bopp considers that where we havo shé, sháo, &c, in Zend written with the , the aspiration must bo caused by the influence of a preceding i or u; but in the old Persian the employment of the , which is perhaps the primitive form of the base, is certainly independent of all euphonic rules, and has been continued in the modern language.

³note page 54 See Bopp's Comp. Gr., 8. 248. the German philologist was not awaro of the oxistcnco of the suffix for the gen. plur. of the 3rd pers. or he would probably have compared it with the pronominal ending in shám.

¹note page 55 Beh., Col. III., 1. 52, p. 234.

²note page 55 See Comp. Gr., ss. 236 and 239.

³note page 55 Shim and shám aro certainly used for the fem. as well as the masc, but I do not think we have any example of the double employment of shiya; shish is a doubtful word.

⁴note page 55 See the notes to these passages in Chap. IV.

⁵note page 55 As in the regular plural ending in ani, where the n is simply euphonic. Seo Comp. Gr., sect. 234.

⁶note page 55 Thero is I find in Zend a pronoun of this exact form, dít or dísh, which is supposed to bo the instrum. plur. of di, being contracted from dibís. I doubt if the Cunciform can represent the instrumental case, but it may well bo referred to the same demonstrative baso di, (connected according to Bopp with ta,) which has produced in Zend dísh or dís in the plur., and the accus. dim, “him,” in the singular. See Comp. Gr. foot-notd to s. 219, and the referenco which is thero given to Burnouf's Paper in the Nouv. Journ. Asiatique.

¹note page 56 In Zend, however, the usual adverb of manner is aévatha. where the pronominal root is that which occurs in the Sans, evam, etad, &c. For the general construction of the Zend adverbs, see Burnouf's Yaçna, p. 11 and 12, Bopp discusses the formation of adverbs of “kind or manner,” in his Comp. Gr. s. 425.

²note page 56 Bopp observes (loco citato) that the terminations in and are related to one another as accusative and instrumental, the latter being formed with the long á, and without the euphonic n, according to the principle of the Zend language.

³note page 56 It may bo assumed, I think, as almost certain, that the Turkish case-sign in deh is connected with and θα' as the ablative den is also certainly allied to the Gr, θεν in ἐκεῖθεν, αὐτόθεν, ἐντεῦθεν, &c.

¹note page 57 See Burnouf's Yaçna, loc. cit.

²note page 57 See Comp. Gram., (Eng. Ed.) p. 387, and also s. 420 of vol. II., p. 589.

³note page 57 See Comp. Gram., (Eng. Ed.) p. 202, in the note to s. 183.

⁴note page 57 Perhaps the termination in ava-dasha is after all nothing more than a modification of the Sans. , with which is allied the Latin tus in cœlitus, and tur in igitur. At any rato the old Germ, yú-dúshe, “from whence,” has tlie same ablativo affix, and that term is compared by Bopp with the Sanskrit yatas. See Comp. Gr. s. 421.

¹note page 58 In my notes to col. 3, par. 11, at Behistun, I havo shown the impossibility of regarding ava as a pronoun united to a postposition, for in that case the antecedent would bo feminine, and the a in ava would bo elongated.

²note page 58 The prosthetic a, so common in Zend and Persian, is not acknowledged in Sanskrit, yet I cannot otherwise explain the orthography of avasathas, for the etymology of the grammarians given by Wilson, (Diet. p. 81,) is evidently forced. In the inscriptions also, although the employment of the prosthesis is certainly very rare, it would bo hazardous to say it were unknown.

¹note page 59 This root in Zend becomes or zan, and in modern Persian zan.

²note page 59 In this view ávájaniyá will stand for ávájaniyát.

¹note page 60 On a more mature consideration I now propose to regard ávájaniyá for ávájaniyát, as the subjunctive imperfect of a denominative verb, formed from “calling,” with the affix in , preceded by the euphonic in i; and I translate accordingly, “he would declare” or “he would proclaim.” For examples of this tense in Zend and in the dialect of the Vedas, see Bopp's Comp. Gr. s. 714.

²note page 60 In Sanskrit, the causal form is sthápaya, instead of stháya, but wo may very well suppose the latter to have been the primitive orthography. I see also in Westergaard's Radices, that with a gerund is employed to denote “duration of an action,” and wo may possibly havo an example of that particular construction in the Cuneiform phrase, gáthwaá avásiáyam. See Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 18.

¹note page 61 See Ins. No. 4, 1. 15. I continue to read “dahyáva tyá parauviya,” the Eastern provinces,” parauviya being for , the locat. sing, of “the East.”

²note page 61 Lassen (Pentapot., p. 32,) and Troyer (Raj. Tar., tom. I. p. 501,) are content to derive the affix in Trigarta, (which is still the family name of the Rájas of Jallandhar), from , “a cavern;” but such an etymology seems to be anything but satisfactory. I shall examine the term in detail, under the head Vardanam.

¹note page 62 The Aswas, of Indian romance, were one of the great divisions of the Yadava race. They are first known in classical history as the invaders of Bactria, (Strab. XI., p. 511,) and may bo subsequently traced for a long period in Chinese annals as the dominant race in Persian Khorasan. (See Foĕ Kouĕ Ki, p. 83; Nouv. Melanges Asiat., torn. I., p. 217; and Do Guignes' foot-noto to p. 51, torn. I., Part 2^ms of the Hist, des Huns.)

²note page 62 The first immigration of the Asi into the north of Europe is lost in antiquity, but Odin brought in the second colony from Asgard, about the Christian era. the subject has been thoroughly examined by Geijer, in his Schwedens Urgeschichte.

³note page 62 Odin was popularly believed to have brought the Asi from the Euxino.

⁴note page 62 Lib. III., c. 93; the Σαράγγαι are of course the inhabitants of Zaranj, , of whom more hereafter. In the Θαμάναι, I recognize the tribe which gave its name to Damaghán, Damawend, &c. The Οὔτιοι may, perhaps, be identified with the Yuilyá of the Inscriptions, and the μέκοι colonized Mekrán.

⁵note page 62 Lib. VII., c. 85; the Pactyans are a disputed race, but may, I think, be compared with the Zend Baghdhi, which by common consent is identified with Bactria.

¹note page 63 Lib. XLI, c. 1; in all editions of Justin that I have consulted, the name is written Spartani, but this must be an error for Sagartani.

²note page 63 Lib. VI., c. 2; Ptolemy's Geography of Media is very loose; he appears to join Zagros, Orontes, Jasonium (Damawand), and Coronus in a continuous chain, and where he mentions Zagros in allusion to the Sagartii, I understand him to speak of that part of the rango about the Caspian Gates. In his Χωρομιθρήνη I recognize Khár, although he names the same district in his account of Parthia, Χοροάνη.

³note page 63 The. ethnography of Persia will be examined in detail hereafter.

⁴note page 63 In the old authors now called Shibbergán.

¹note page 64 the initial letter is the Pehlcvi article. The construction of this fort, which is near the town of Semnám, bears evident, marks of the very highest antiquity.

²note page 64 Compare also the Georgian Spár-sálár, a general of cavalry, and see an excellent note on the word in St. Martin's Armenia, torn. I., p. 298. I have already alluded to the Aswas of Indian history, oue of the great Scythic tribes which held the country between the Oxus and the Indus; but I have not explained the subsequent mutations of the name, which aro however full of interest; for according to the Pali rule of simplifying compound grbupes, we havo on the ono hand Assá-can, the Greek 'Ασσακύνοι, and on the other the Appa-goni of Pliny, whence the modern Afghan the termination in both cases being, as I think, a Seytlhic plural suffix, which was adopted from the same source into the Chaldee and Pehlevi.

¹note page 65 Professor Bopp has elaborately examined this subject in his Comp. Gram. BS. 215–225, and Bumouf's Remarks on the Origin and Uso of the Vowel Modifications in Zend which precede the case-endings, may bo seen in his Commentairo sur le Yaçna, p. 177.

²note page 65 Seo Gesen. Lex., p. 1020, Eng. Edit.: Gesenius, however, pretends to derive from anobsolcto root “to bo high.”

¹note page 66 See under the heads Chartaniya and Thastaniya, where I have given a conjectural explanation of the ending in aniya, and supposed it to represent a gerund of present time, rather than a true present participle.

²note page 66 For an analysis of this pronoun, seo Bopp's Comp. Gram., s. 369, Eng. Edit., vol. II., p. 518. Bopp appears to consider e in &c., as a distinct pronominal base.

³note page 66 Aitamaiya is no doubt formed on the same principle as avataiya, tyamaiya, &c.; the neuter characteristic having been once lost, cannot be reproduced except by the enclitical power of the particle chiya.

¹note page 67 See Comp. Gram., s. 381, Eng. Edit., vol. II., p. 535.

²note page 67 See particularly Burnouf's Yaçna, pp. 70—80.

³note page 67 See the notes to Ins. No. 17, where I have drawn an inference of importance from this remarkable orthography.

⁴note page 67 Professor Lasscn quotes the Nairukta-Cabda-Sangraha. See the Zeitschrift, P. 16.

¹note page 68 Burnouf prefers the latter derivation, and compares δα with the Pers. dáná “wise,” dánistan, “to know.” He also shows that the Zend dáo, “knowledgo,” dámi, “wise,” the Sans. dásus, “a sage,” and the Gr. δά-ημι, δι-δά-σκω, &c., are probably derivatives from the same root dá, which, with the sense of “knowing,” however, has been lost to the Sanskrit. See hereafter under the head adáná.

²note page 68 There would appear from this passago to have been some distinct source, different from Ormazd, from whence “lies” darauga, were supposed to have had their origin; but it can hardly have been the spirit of evil, for it was friendly to Darius. The name which commences with Di - - - is unfortunately mutilated.

³note page 68 I may add, that to the early Greeks, Herodotus, Xenophon, &c., Persian, dualism was evidently unknown. Ormazd is the Ζεὺς or Ζέγιστος of those authors, who was the prime object of worship.

¹note page 69 The name of Ormazd, does not, I believe, occur in any native Babylonian monument.

²note page 69 I take the Parthian form from the inscription of Nakhsh-i-Rustam, copied by Flower, or Chardin, in 1667, when the writing was in a more perfect state of preservation than at the time of Niebuhr's visit.

³note page 69 See De Sacy's Ant. de la Perse, pp. 107 and 249. I cannot hero enter into any detail on the Median and Babylonian alphabetical systems, but I will state that the letter in both languages is a nasal, perhaps approaching the Zend ; and that with the pronunciation of añ or aña, it signifies “a God,” being, in fact, the samo as the Arab. Allah.

⁴note page 69 See the Zeitschrift, p. 511, and the reference which is there given to Cole-brooke's Gram., p. 49. Bopp, in his Comp. Grammar, hardly notices this declension, but refers to his Gram. Crit., s. 130.

¹note page 70 Burnouf has carefully examined the respective formations of the Zend nom. and gen. in his Comment sur la Yaçna, p. 77.

²note page 70 The á is preserved in these terms in Sanskrit, as the case-endings do not commence with vowels, but are the simple consonants s and m.

¹note page 71 The terminal elongation in Auramazdáhá is peculiar to Persepolis, and is evidently a corrupted form of the true case-ending. Dá-as, in fact, must have become dá(h)a before it could be lengthened to dáhá, for the principle of elongation depends upon the a being a terminal letter.

²note page 71 Lasscn supposes an anomalous dativo in Auramazdáiya, but that term is certainly an error of the engraver for Auramazdámaiya. It occurs in Ins. No. 6, 1. 50, p. 308.

¹note page 72 Bopp has thoroughly examined this suffix in his Comp. Gr., vol. I., p. 386, 73 &c., and he has shown the thematic identity of ἔνθα, idha, and iha, in sect. 373 of the same work.

¹note page 73 Am is a general termination for pronouns; comp. aham, twam, vayam, yúyam, &c.

²note page 73 Bopp observes, that the a base is often phonetically lengthened to e in Sans., as in cbhis, ebhyas, eshám, eshu, and that ayam, therefore, may come immediately from e+am. Sco Comp. Gr., s.366, vol. II.; p. 515.

¹note page 74 According to Bopp, however, as I have before remarked, the true neuter characteristic is t, and where the s is found in Sanskrit, as in adas, it is a weakening of the primitive dental; see Comp. Gr., s. 350.

²note page 74 A question, however, arises, whether ná (for nát) be really a phonetic degradation of smát, or whether the old Persian may not have used for the abl., the pronominal baso na, (which occurs in the compound baso ana, and in many inflexions) instead of the appended pronoun sma; see Comp. Gr., s. 372. I prefer at the same time the former explanation, for the s uniformly lapses before m, and the exchange of n for m pervades the entire structure of the modorn language.

³note page 74 The n of, the Sanskrit instrumental is euphonic, and did not exist cither in Zend or in old Persian. the Zend ana, therefore, cannot be from the base a; it is from the compound ana (contracted to an,) with the instrum. sign, short a. See Comp. Gr., s. 158.

¹note page 75 We have numerous instances of the á answering equally to the abl. and instrum. of a theme in a. It is, indeed, one of the best defined case-endings of the language.

²note page 75 See Comp. Gr., s. 158, where Professor Bopp has shown that the real and original case-ending is long á, and that the Sans, n is a mere euphonic epenthesis.

³note page 75 It is highly probable, however, that rauchabish is an ablative rather than a dative plural.

⁴note page 75 I consider the i in ahiyáyá to be irregular, and to be introduced for the mere purpose of euphony, before its cognate semi-vowel y.

⁵note page 75 Perhaps, as the dat., ablat., gen., and locat. of the fem. sing, of this and many other pronouns in Sans, partake in this employment of a suffix in sya, interposed between the base and the case-endings, it may bo more correct to regard asya or ahya as a now compound themo derived from the masc. gen. but declined like a regular fem. noun in long á; the old Persian following the exact form of the nominat. declension, while the Sans, adds the case-endings immediately to the themo asya, without employing the connecting y. Bopp, relying on the evidence afforded by the fem. instrum. of the Zend, supposes the suffix in sya to be throughout a contraction of the fem. appended pronoun smi; but neither do the corresponding cases in Zend support this explanation, nor can it possibly account for the Cunciform genitive ahyáyá. See particularly, Comp. Gr., ss. 171 and 172. the Zend correspondent is agháo.

¹note page 76 The usual masc. accusat. plur. of this pronoun in Zend is imä, which is orthographically equivalent to ; but Bopp observes in the foot-noto to B. 228 of Comp. Gr., that “In Zend, the pronominal form in é occurs for the most part in the accus. plur.”

²note page 76 See the notes of Bopp before quoted, to ss. 231 and 234, Comp. Gr., Eng. Edit., pp. 246 and 250.

³note page 76 Víspescha occurs in the Vend. Sad. p. 49, and is quoted by Bopp, in a noto to B. 228 of the Comp. Gr. It appears to be the accus. masc. plur.; but if so, I do not understand from whenco it lias obtained the sibilant after the caseending in c.

¹note page 77 In the dative-ablatives vithabish and rauchabish, the themes end in silent consonants, and it is probable, therefore, that the true case-ending in the old Persian is abish, which coalescing with the base a, may give the reading of aacute;bish for the term in question.

²note page 77 Professor Bopp remarks, that the instrum. termination has in Latin fixed itself in the dativo and ablat., (Comp. Gr., s. 216,) and by deducing all the case-endings which commence with bhy from the preposition abhi, he admits a primitive i. Comp. Gr., s. 223.

¹note page 78 Col. I., 1. 85.

²note page 78 See Westergaard's Radiees, p. 314. I am the more inclined to beliove that isht was used indifferently with ish, as the modern Persian retains the dental in the root firist, “send,” which is formed from the same root with the prefixed particle fra.

³note page 78 I place the d in these terms in a parenthesis, as I am not quito suro if the affix be aya for the causal form of the verb, or merely ya, the characteristic of the fourth conjugation.

⁴note page 78 Fra has been changed to fir by the operation of that law which is callod the “harmony of the vowels,” and which, although of Scythio origin, is to be traced extensivoly in the modern Persian.

⁵note page 78 See Radices, p. 278.

¹note page 79 It may, indeed, bo opined, that the roots ish and aish are distinguished in the inscriptions, the former being of the fourth class, as in Sanskrit, and signifying exclusively “to go,” and the latter being of the first class, as is also esh in Sanskrit, and having the opposite meaning of “coming.” This explanation would answer sufficiently well in assigning fráish(a)ya to the former root, and aisha, aishtatá, paliyáisha to the latter; but atiyáisha means, “ho went beyond” instead of “he came beyond,” and thus destroys the distinction.

²note page 79 I may observe here, as a further reason for identifying aya as the causal suffix, that the characteristic of the fourth class is, I think, in the inscriptions uniformly iya. The disinclination, indeed, to admit compound groupes, seems to have led the old Persian to interposo the euphonic i, where in Sanskrit the suffix in ya would unito immediately with the root; while in the tenth class, and in causal forms where the suffix was aya with a prefixed vowel, such an artifice was unnecessary. I shall subsequently have occasion to give many examples of this distinction between the fourth and tenth conjugations.

¹note page 80 Burnouf observes that the vowol u, which forms the Sans, u-ta, u-pa, the Zend u-iti, &c, is frequently found in the Vedas as a simple conjunction, in which state it may be presumed to have some analogy with the Semitic See Yaçna, sur l'Alph. Zend, p. lxiii, note 22. Gesenius has compared all the Semitic forms of the conjunction in his Lexicon, Eng. Edit., p. 288. I may add, that the samo particle, used as a copulative conjunction, is of very frequent use in the Babylonian writing.

¹note page 82 In Zend we have upara; in old German upar; in Gothic ufar; in Eng. “over,” &c. Burnouf considers the Sans, upari to be a locative (See Yaçna, p. 284, and the reference there given, note 139, to Grimm's Deutsch. Gramm., tom. III., p. 259.)

²note page 82 We have also the samo particle in the Latin superlative “op-timus.”

³note page 82 I shall hereafter have occasion to examine in detail the root bar, in its proper alphabetical place.

¹note page 83 I shall examine, the locat. case-endings of themes in u, under the heads Dahyáush and Babirush, and will here therefore only observe, that Bopp (Comp. Gr., s. 198,) considers the termination in to be a corruption of as, the gen. being substituted for the loc., of which he determines the uniform characteristic to bo i.

¹note page 84 See the Dissertation of Morinus prefixed to Bochart's Phaleg, p. 25, and Buxtorf, in voce . Gesenius does not attempt to give any etymology for Sco Lex., Eng. Ed., p. 848.

²note page 84 I thus cannot doubt but that we are to recognize the Sans. Zond fra, &c., in a vast number of Semitic roots; compare “to expound;” , “to be fruitful;” “to flourish;” “to scatter,” &c., &c.

³note page 84 The question at issue with regard to the etymology of the name of the Euphrates is, whether the prefix which occurs in Gen. ii., v. 14, be really the pronoun of the 3rd pers. or a part of the proper name. All the translators undoubtedly of the Pentateuch, with the exception of the Septuagint, understood as the pronoun; in every other scriptural passage, also, the name is written simply (see Gen. ii. 15, v. 18; Deut. i. 7; Jer. ii. 18, xiii. 4, &c., &c.,) and from a very early period of the Christian era, the contracted form of Forat (Arab. ) has been certainly alone known in the country; yet, the coincidence of the Cuneiform 'Ufráta with the Gr. εὐφράτης, renders it, I think, highly probable that in the expanded reading of it was intended to express the true and vernacular name of the river, and that was a contraction of later times. Buxtorf and Morinus pretend that the Greeks obtained their name of εὐφράτης from a misinterpretation of the Hebrew , as if Herodotus and the historians of Alexander could have borrowed from the Septuagint; while Gesenius with something moro of critique, suggested that Ε;ὐφράτης came from which like the Arab signifies “sweet water;” but, although we undoubtedly have that term in the Perát or Foráth of Mesene, in the Peráth of Bursiph of the Talmud (Yoma, fol. 10), and in the Forát bá Diklá of the Arabs, still, as it denotes particularly “a spring of sweet water,” I do not see how it could have been applied to the great river Euphrates, and moreover, it will leave the prefix 'U or ευ altogether unexplained. Hamzch of Isfahán, I may add, an expert etymologist, adopted the usual explanation given by the Arabs, that the name arose from the “sweetness” of the waters of the river; yet he notices another Pehlevi form of the name, Fáládh, which he foolishly supposes to be a distinet title, whereas it unquestionably is nothing more than a corruption of Frád. In the Bun Dehesh, and in the Pazend hymn to the Amshaspands, the name occurs under the forms of Perát or Frát, almost as it is pronounced at present, (see Anquetil's Zend Av., tom. II., pp. 78. 391, 392). I believe, indeed, that the Greek and old Persian, and perhaps the second chapter of Genesis, alone preserve the title in its pristine fullness.

¹note page 85 Sir W. Jones, I believe, first undertook to compare the Greok κυα in this namo with the Persian kai, prefixed to all the titles of the kings of the Kaianian dynasty; and Burnouf, who has elaborately examined the Zend kava, is inclined to approve of the assimilation, (see Yaçna, p. 454, note 316). Wester gaard even, in his Median Memoir, p. 321, assumes on this authority, that the Medes used the term ku to denote “a king,” but I am persuaded that the Zend kava (Persian kai,) is to be explained in altogether a different manner, and that κυα in Κυαξάρης, is nothing more than a hardening of huwa or hwa.

¹note page 86 See Herod., lib. I., c. 139. the Persian Siyávakhsh Zend Cyavarsna, which was applied to the fabulous father of Kai Khusru, and which signifies “having black eyes,” will thus be an analogous compound.

²note page 86 Diodorus quotes Herodotus for this statement, and is generally supposed to have mistaken his authority, but from the prominenco given to 'Uwakhshatara in the inscriptions, I should be inclined really to think, that Cyaxares rather than Dejoces was the founder of the Median monarchy. Dahák, indeed, or Δηϊόκης, and Aj-dahák or 'Αστυάγης, were the family titles of the Dragon dynasty of Media, rather than the proper names of the kings.

¹note page 87 For somo interesting obsorvationa on the different forms of this ‘name, see Lassen's Bactrian Memoir, in the Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., vol. IX., part I., p. 472.

²note page 87 The Arabs writo indifferently and , but Howeizeh, which is the mere diminutive of Huz, is always written with the guttural I consider the light aspirate, nevertheless, to have been the primitive sound.

³note page 87 This form is preserved in the Mujmil al Tawárikh, in the account of the cities founded by Ardeshir Bábegán.

⁴note page 87 For these orthographies, see Procop. de Bel. Gothico, lib. IV., c. 10, and Theo. Simocat., lib. III., c. 5.

⁵note page 87 This is particularly the case in the Arian orthography of the Babylonian names of Nabukudrachara and Katapatuka.

⁶note page 87 Independently of the traditions of Memnon the Cushite, which are, however, I think, of the very highest interest, I draw an inference of primitive Semitic settlement in Susiana from the Cuneiform inscriptions of Elymais and Susa, which present the most complicated form of writing yet known.

¹note page 88 There are three varieties of the Median name, which as far as pronunciation is concerned, it is almost impossiblo to reconcile with each other; and the Babylonian trauscripts, also, have two distinct forms, of which the one may possibly correspond with the Persian 'Uvaj, but the other is certainly independent. I doubt if the Scriptural Elam is to be recognized under any variety of the Cuneiform orthography. The latter term, I imagine, was rather the name of a tribe which colonized various portions of Western Persia, and I may add, that the Elymreans of Northern Media, mentioned by Polybius and Ptolemy, retained this title.until comparatively modern times;

¹note page 89 It is howover sufficiently remarkable, that we have the term 'Uvajaiya with the , used for the sing, of the ethnic title, in col. 4, 1. 10, at Behistun, the locat. being either irregularly substituted for the adjectival form, or as I think more probable, the being an error of the engraver for .

²note page 89 in Sanskrit is conjugated in the first, fourth, and tenth classes, but the fourth is that which the root principally affects, (see Westergaard's Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 293). In the old Persian, I suppose the fourth to be distinguished from the tenth class by the respective forms of iya for the suffix in , and aya for that in .

¹note page 90 Bopp, also, (Comp. Gr., s. 341,) compares Ψέ, and i-pse by metathesis, toge ther with sponte, and several other terms.

²note page 90 See Herod. III., c. 93; Hecat. fr. 173, Ed. Müller, p. 12; Arrian. Anab. V., 5; Strabo, XI. 8; and Ptol. VI. 12.

³note page 90 See Phot. Bib., p. 110.

⁴note page 90 It occurs in the fourth fargard, and was translated by Anquctil “lieu délicieux,” the Parsees refusing to recognize it as a proper name, although in immediate connexion with Herát, Merv, and Sughd. See Yaçna, Notes, p. 108; and Zend Avesta, tom. II., p. 207.

⁵note page 90 Tho nom. záo, is said by Burnouf to be the Sans. gáuh, and Gr. γῆ; but this does not explain the m which to all appearance is radical. See Yaçna, Notes, p. 49.

⁶note page 90 Mas'údí repeats a tradition, that the fire-worship was originally established by King Jem in Khárizm, and that Zoroaster found the sacred flame still preserved there.

¹note page 91 Swarga, through thoPehlevi, has also produced Khang, the famous Gangdiz of Persian fable, which may havo Leon in Khárizm, although more probably about Khoten.

²note page 91 See De Dello Persico, lib. I., c. 3 and 4.

³note page 91 Júrjániyah is of course Arabicizcd from Gúrgániyah, and was perfectly distinct from the Gurgá, (Vehrkán or ὑρκανία) of the Caspian. the ruins of Júrj´niyah are still to bo seen on a branch of the old Oxus.

⁴note page 91 See the passage in the Iiamasa, quoted by Müller in the Journ. Asiatiquo for April, 1839, p. 302.

⁸note page 91 At Behistun, also, the z appears to bo rejected in the Median orthography of the name, (as in the Χοραμνίοι of Ctesias,) although a sibilant is retained at Nakhsh-i-Rustam. The Babylonian form of the name at the latter placo is unfortunately mutilated, but I think that it nearly reproduces the Persian pronunciation.

¹note page 92 In the preceding chapter, I have translated ayastá 'uváipashiyam by “sccundum vota sua,” comparing the second element of the compound with “wishing to obtain,” from the, desiderative-form of ; but. this will not, explain the elongation of the a in 'uvá (for sva,) nor do I think that ayast´ will: admit of any other application than that of a preposition of conjunction.

¹note page 93 See Lassen's Memoir in the Zeitschrift, p. 165.

²note page 93 I doubt much whether this orthographical law of the Zend can be applied to the language of the inscriptions. If however Vishtáspa be given as an example, the sibilant is at any rate shown to be aspirated.

³note page 93 This word in modem Persian is ,hush, but it may exist in its old form in ustád, “ a master,” with which I compare the name of Osthanes, as well as the Armenian title of ustá , and perhaps the Aσrávδaι of Suidas. See St. Martin's Armenia, tom. I., p. 310, and the quotations in Brisson's de Reg. Pers. Princ, p. 190.

¹note page 94 Doubtless, also, the Turkish sáúk, “cold,” is of cognate origin. The ideal connection, indeed, between “cold,” and “dry,” has been frequently remarked on, and may be traced through most of the early languages of mankind.

²note page 94 We have thus in the inscriptions rauchapatiya, for rauchampatiya, “by day,” and vithápatiya for vitháspatiya, “at home.” Comp. Sans. , “towards the fire.” (Wilkins, s. 1061.)

¹note page 95 bar dár is literally, “upon the tree,” but united with kardan, “to do,” it is applied to “hanging,” “impaling,” or perhaps, “crucifying.”

²note page 95 See Herod., lib. VI., c 30, and Lib. VII., c. 238.

³note page 95 I can neither venturo to compare aésma, Persian hizam, “wood,” for the initial change would be too violent, nor, knowing also, as we do, the reverence with which the early Persians regarded the elements, the signification which would be obtained from , “to burn,” or “fire;” (Pers. SUZ.)

⁴note page 95 Researches, &c, &c., vol. III., p. 497.

⁵note page 95 Herod., 1. I., c. 7.

¹note page 96 Strabo, 1. XVI., c. 737. Herod, in two passages, 1. I. 72, and 1. VII. 72, states expressly, that Syrian was the Greek, and Cappadocian the Persian name; and Dionys. v. 772; Apollonius, 1. III., and Ptol. lib. V., c. 6, may bo all quoted to prove the Assyrian descent of the Cappadocians. Pharnaces, however, who married Atossa, sister of Cambyes, the great-grandfather of Cyrus the Great, and who was the fifth ancestor of Anaphas, one of the seven conspirators, must have been, I think, of Arian descent. See Frag, of Diod. Sicul. in Phot. Biblio., p. 1158.

²note page 96 Strabo, 1. XV., p. 733; Anaitis is certainly a Babylonian name, commeneing with ana, “a God;” and I tako Omanus to bo the same as the Chomœan Apollo of Ammianus, lib. XXIII., c. 6, who was worshipped at Humánia, the Χούμανα of Ptol., 1. V., c. 20.

³note page 96 It is true, that at Behistun the name of Nabochodrossor, is every where written with a sibilant in the Babylonian copies; but on all the pure Babylonian monuments I now find the guttural to be usually retained; and I am inclined, accordingly, to regard it as the primitive form. The interchanging, indeed, of the guttural and sibilant was probably admitted generally by the Babylonians, and the arguments, therefore, that the Semitic Satapatuka is an older form than the Arian Katapaluka, must, I fear, be abandoned. The same interchange is still common in the dialects of India.

⁴note page 96 A curious etymologist, however, relying on the traditions which connect Armenia and Phrygia with the Flood, might find “a flood,” in the name of Satapatuka.

¹note page 97 The Persian historians do not seem to bo aware that the name of Kábús, which was borne by the Dilemite sovereigns, is the same with the Káús of romance; yet the more ancient form of Καμβύς or Kábuj for the latter name, renders the identification almost certain. The Georgians, oven to the present day, name the hero of romance Kápus, still retaining the labial which has merged in the Persian Káús.

²note page 97 It can hardly be doubted, but that the Zend Avesta alludes o Cambyscs the elder and Cyrus the Great, under the names of Káϊ Káús and Káï but I consider the actual forms under which the names are expressed, Kava Uç and Huçrava, to be adoptions of the Sassanian ago.

¹note page 98 Wilson, (Vish. Pur. p. 374); Lassen, (Ind. Alter, p. 439); and Troyer, (Raj. Tar., t. I., p. 496), are agreed in identifying Kamboja and Kamoj; but the connection of the name with that of Kábul has been altogether overlooked. When we remember, however, that Kamboja is not only mentioned in the old Sanskrit books, such as the Puranas, Hist, of Cashmire, &c., but that it is also expressly named in the ediets of Asoca, (Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., v. VII., p. 253,) it seems impossible to suppose that the title should have been unknown in Greek geography; but if it were known, there can be no more suitable correspondent than the Κάβουρα of Ptolemy, which was the native name of the Paropamisan capital, 'ορτοπάνα and which exhibits an intermediate form between Καβο for Kabuja, and the modern Kábul. I may add, that the ethnic title of Καβολιται, with which the modern Kábul is generally compared, is a doubtful reading, the Palatine Codex, which is by far the most correct copy of Ptolemy, giving the orthography of Βωλῖται for the tribe in question

¹note page 98 See Herod., lib. I. c. III, and Phot. Biblioth. p. 1158. (Ed. And. Schot.)

¹note page 99 Perhaps it would bo more correct to consider kaman in the compound kamanama as a preposition, signifying “desirous of;” for the orthography of paruvama and anuvama shows the ablative affix of the 1st pers. to bo ama, (not ma), and the coalition of such an affix with the nominat. of an adjective should give the reading of kamanáma by the sandhi of the two short a's.

²note page 99 Lassen compares the Καλακινή of Assyria, or the Χαραχηνή of Susiana, but I see strong objections to either of these explanations; nor do I think Wester-gaard's application of the name either to the Colchians or Georgians, deserving of any serious notice. See Zeitschrift, &c., p. 97; and Westergaard's Mem., p. 305.

³note page 99 I thus read for Tak(a)bará, Putiyá, Kushiyá, Mádaiyá, and Karaká, the Tiberenes, the Vitii, Cossæans, Mardi, and Carchians.

⁴note page 99 Polyb., 1. V. c. 5; the Corbienæ may be compared with the Corbiane of Strabo, and Mt. Charban of Pliny.

¹note page 100 See the Parthian stations of Isidore, p. 6. Χάραξ would seem to be Damáwend, but it may be Karrej, on the Karrej rúd, near Teheran.

²note page 100 Karaj was re-established by the famous Abu Dalaf, in the tenth century, and was of sufficient consequence to be formed into a Christian Bishopric. See the tables of Elias Damas. in Assemannus, tom. II., p. 463. The ruins of Karaj are still to be seen on the Kereh rud, near Sultánábád; Kerkha, on the Choaspes, together with Χάραξ Σπασίνου, or and the numerous Karkhs, on or about the Tigris, I suppose to represent one and all the simple Chaldeo , “a fort,” or “city;” Syriac .

³note page 100 I shall examine under the head Ku, the remarkable circumstance of that root taking the place of Kri throughout the simple verbal conjugation, and shall give my reasons for disbelieving in the identity of the roots, which is, however, stated by Lassen as an established fact.

⁴note page 100 It is extraordinary that Lassen should persist in translating karta and kartam, “a palaco,” and still moro surprising that Westergaard should approve of the reading, remarking, as he has done, that the Median translations employ the same root for kartam and akunaush. See his Median Memoir, p. 354.

¹note page 101 Seo Zeitschrift, &c, p. 121. It is doubtful in Westergaard's copy. whether the fourth character be or .

²note page 101 See Comp. Gr., B. 158.

³note page 101 I must add, that the gen. kárahyá is throughout the inscriptions employed for the dative, which would almost lead one to suppose the latter caso to have been wanting in the old Persian language.

¹note page 102 Bopp has some excellent remarks on the interrogativo bases generally, and on this pronoun in particular, in his Comp. Gr., ss. 390 and 398; ho considers chit, which is common to the Zend and Sanskrit, to ho a neuter form altered from kit, which, again comes from the base ki.

²note page 102 I mention this, as the final elongation, which is common in verbs, adverbs, &c., does not occur generally in the nom. mase. of nouns or pronouns, whero a stands for W:.

³note page 102 See Comp. Gram., Eng. Ed., vol. II., p. 561.

⁴note page 102 See Yaçna, note R, from p. 133 to p. 139.

¹note page 103 Bopp, indeed, (Comp. Gr., s. 240) remarks, that the plural termination in án of the modern Persian for animato creatures, is certainly adopted from the Sans, accus. plur. in , in the same way as the Spanish employs the Latin accus. for the affix of the plural number; but it would be more correct, I think, to say that the accus. case-ending of the Sans, in án is a relie of the true and universal plural affix, of which, indeed, we have also, perhaps, another trace in the gen. case-ending in ánám, although Bopp determines the n in that suffix to be euphonic. Müller, also, (Essai sur le Pehl., p. 300,) has explained the guttural in the Persian plural ending in án, as the reproduction of the old sing. Suffix of the Pehlevi in k, .

¹note page 104 Without pressing conjecture too far, I may also, perhaps, suppose “the brown” men of Capissa to have been especially distinguished from the neighbouring “white horde,” who dwelt in Ὀρτοσπάνα, the Sepito-falasse of the Chinese. Lassen, who in his Bactrian Memoir, has compared Capissa with the Chinse Kiapishe, does not appear to have been aware of the existence of the ruins of Kafshán, at the foot of the Pass of the same name, leading from the Ghurband valley over the Hindú Kush. See Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. IX., part I., p. 484.

²note page 104 Lassen's Bactrian Memoir, translated in the Journal of the Asiatic Soc. Of Bengal, (see particularly No. 101 of the Journal,) may be consulted with advant age for the geographical illustration of the Κϊφης and Κωφῆνη, but the etymology of the names is unnoticed by him.

¹note page 105 Pliny and Stephen, following the same authority, name the capital of Arachosia, Cophen, and the measurements of the geographers leave no doubt of the position of the city. Olán, I may add, in Mongol, exactly answers to the modern koh and ancient kauf, “a hill,” or “mountain.”

²note page 105 The Armenians thus name the Caucasus Kovkas, ; or Khabgokh, from the latter of which.apparently comes the Arabic Kabakh, and in all these terms we have the labial, which occurs in kauf, represented by the Greek υ in κάυ. I suspect even that the famous Káf, of eastern romance, is nothing moro than a corruption of kauf, “a hill.”

¹note page 106 See Ueber dio Keilinschriften, p. 246.

²note page 106 It is true that the Sans, krĭ becomes kur, before the heavy personal endings and throughout the potential, the orthographical change being attributed, by Bopp, partly to the influence of the liquid r, which affects the vowel u, and partly to the weight of the suffixes; (Comp. Gr., s. 490,) and without having recourse therefore to the Zend law of epenthesis, thero would be sufficient authority for supposing the old Persian to have substituted kur for kar, but the elision of the r, of which Lassen summarily disposes, still appears to me an insupcrable objection to the identity of ku and krĭ. I must add, at the same time, that there is an instance of the same elision in the Vedic particip. , quoted by Westergaard, from the Nirukta, 5; 24.

¹note page 107 In this I follow Wilson and Rosen, but it must be observed that the Indian grammarians distinguish clearly between the Vedic , kriv, of the fifth class, and the classical kri, of the first and eighth classes, and that Westergaard adopts and illustrates the distinction. See Wilson's Dict., p. 210; Rig Vedic Spec, Notes, p. 19; and Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 58 and 256.

¹note page 108 For an analysis of the suffix in nu, Bopp must be consulted. Comp. Gr., s. 109^a, 4.

²note page 108 See Bopp's Comp. Gr., s. 447.

³note page 108 Bopp (Comp. Gr., s. 713) merely observes, that the Vedic lét or subjunctivo is distinguished from the indicative by the. lengthening of the vowel of the class-syllable. I judge, however, from the inscriptions, that the distinction is in reality the introduction of an additional short a before the personal endings; a+a in the first class, &c., becoming á, but in the second class the short additional a alone intervening between the root and the termination. Comp. astiya, indict., and ahatiya, subjunctive.

⁴note page 108 I say more ancient, as the true pronominal base of the 3rd pers. in Sans, is sa; and ta merely occurs in the secondary forms. Bopp and Gesenius, howover, are agreed that, taking the whole range of language, the latter is anterior to the former.

⁵note page 108 In the potential; the imperf. of reduplicated roots; the imperf. of roots in á of the second class; and in some instances in the multiform præterite. See Comp. Gr., s. 462, and Burnouf's Yaçna, Notes, p. 147.

¹note page 109 See Rig Vedæ Spec., p. 48, and Rosen's remarks on the passage in the Adnotationes, p. 66.

²note page 109 Wilkins merely gives it as a rule, that the u of the conjugational suffix may be occasionally dropped before and , but he does not explain the principle of this orthographical change. Bopp, however, would I suppose attribute the elision to the weight of those consonants which cannot tolerate the light u.

³note page 109 In Sanskrit, as we know, the guna is only admitted before the light terminations, or those distinguished according to the grammarians by a servilo , which in the middle voico are unknown, except in the 1st pers. of the imperative, but I cannot satisfy myself that this rule applied to the languago of the inscriptions, and I therefore give an optional guna throughout.

¹note page 110 The u appears to lapse in asunma from the weight of the labial m, an influence which would not be felt in asunuta, where the personal sign commences with a dental, and this accordingly is a further proof against the possible contraction of asuntá.

²note page 110 If akun(a)vatá be admitted as the substituto of the Vedic akrĭnuta, we must suppose, of course, that the old Persian, in the fifth conjugation as in the first, employed the connecting vowel a between the personal-endings and the class suffix, and of this peculiarity we appear to have another example in kunaváhya.

³note page 110 See Comp. Gr., s. 427, where this discrepancy between the Greek and Sans. Is particularly noticed. There is, I think, however, an error of some consequence in the English translation of the first sentence of the paragraph in question.

¹note page 111 I suggest the seventh class, as I am Ioth to believe that the nasal can be ever entirely lost in the conjugation of the root ku.

²note page 111 Akun(a)vatá in the middle voice is thus used with the same transitive power as akun(a)va in the active voice, and the two forms also of agarbáya and agarbáyatá are employed indifferently.

¹note page 112 Καὶ τίθεται τὸ νομα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου Κύρον. Ctesias in Phot. Biblioth., col. 125. The same etymology is repeated by Plutarch in Vit. Artaxerxis; by the author of the Etym. Mag. in voce Κόρος, and by Plethon in his Commentary on the Zoroastrian Oracles; and Lassen adopts it in his Memoir, Ueber die Keilinsehriften, p. 154.

²note page 112 See the observations on the letter in the Chapter on the Alphabet p. 91.

³note page 112 That there was an interchange between the guttural and sibilant in Babylonian is certain, for Nabokodrossor is as often written with the s as the k, and the same change of course is found in comparing modern Persian with the Sanskrit, but I think that the language of the inscriptions uniformly represents by ὐνα.

⁴note page 112 The Kuru race of ancient India, descended from the famous , the son of Samvarana, is too well known to require notice.

⁵note page 112 Strabo, lib. XV., p. 501, expressly says that the Persian river Κῦρος derived its name from the king, “οὖ μετέβαλε τὸ ὄνομα ὁ βασιλεύς.”

¹note page 113 The Zend Huçrava appears to have been taken immediately from the Sans. : Susravas, who is mentioned in the Puránas as one of the Prajápatis, and who, according to Burnouf, plays a conspicuous part in the Vedas: but this does not in any way explain the application of the name to the popular hero of Persia. See Vish. Pur., p. 50, n. 2, and Burnouf's Cun. Mem., p. 172. Burnouf, indeed, appears to doubt in the passage last quoted, if Huçrava can be intended to designate the grent Cyrus.

²note page 113 Procopius distinctly says that the Mesopotamian Ὁσροηνή was named after a certain king, Ὁσρόος, who reigned there. De Bel. Pers., 1. 1., c. 17. Now Ὁσροηνή is first mentioned in the campaign of Crassus, but the Parthian king Ὁσρόος was only contemporary with Trajan, and it cannot therefore have been from him that the province derived its name.

³note page 113 For an examination of these genitive endings, see Bopp's Comp. Gr, ss 105 and 186.

¹note page 114 For a collection of all the notices of the Greek and Latin Geographers and Historians regarding the Cossæans, see Cellarius, vol. II., pp. 675, 682, and 690.

²note page 114 If it be true, as Dr. Lepsius has recently asserted, that the Beja, the most ancient dialect of the Æthiopic, be of the Caucasian family of languages, it will go far to connect the Æthiopians of Africa with the Eastern Kush. I have long, indeed, suspected, and am becoming daily more convinced that the languages of the so-called Median and Babylonian Inscriptions will be found to be nearly coneeted with those of Western Africa, and that the links of the connection will be traced in the migrations of the Kush. of the Caucasian family of languages, it will go far to connect the Ethiopians of Africa with the Eastern Kush. I have long, indeed, suspected, and am becoming daily moro convinced that the languages of the Bo-callcd Median and Dabylonian Inscriptions will bo found to be nearly connected with those of Western Africa, dhd that the links of the connection will be traced in the migrations of the Kush.

¹note page 115 Khshathra, “a king,” occurs repeatedly in the Zend Avesta, and the meaning is considered by Burnouf to be determinately established; see Yaçna, &c., p. 151, &c., &c.

²note page 115 See Westergaard's Rad. Ling. Sans., pp. 161 and 333. Also, Wilson in voce, and Lassen's Memoir in the Zeitschrift, &c., p. 18.

³note page 115 Journ. As. Soc. Beng., vol. VII., p. 564.

⁴note page 115 I am afraid to connect chhatra immediately with khshatřam, although they may both ctymologically signify “a royal covering.”

⁵note page 115 Tho term, indeed, was no doubt used long;before the introduction of caste; comp. the ethnic names Σατραὶδαι, Ὁξυδράκαι, &c.

⁶note page 115 The repugnance of the Semites to the compound Arian articulations was notorious, and khsh would naturally be contracted to a simple guttural; the of Esther, moreover, refers particularly to the Persian “crown;” see Gesenius in voce. The word, moreover, is generally derived from “to surround,” the κίταρις being a “diadem” or “cincture.”

¹note page 116 Comp. Arm. (Ind. Thakore?) lit. Táj áwar, “crown bearing.” Táj is of Semitic origin.

²note page 116 Khshathrát is also used in Zend with the meaning of “empire,” and Burnouf says that kshatra has frequently the same signification in the Vedas, so that on the whole, no doubt, “imperium” is the best translation for the Cun. khshatřam. See Journ. Asiatique, Sér. IV., tom. IV., No. 20, p. 479.

³note page 116 See Rig Vedæ Spee., Notes, p. xi.

⁴note page 116 I rather think that we have khshatra, “a king,” in the last word σάτρα of the famous Persian verse in Aristophanes—“ἰάρτα μὰνε ξαρξὰν ἀπισσονα σάτρα,” Acharn., Act I., Sc. 3, [see Mitchell's Arist., vol. I., p. 27,] but I am not quite satisfied as to the meaning of the entire phrase.

⁵note page 116 This is a subject which has been much discussed; see Gesen. Ileb. Lex., Eng. Ed., p. 41, for several fanciful derivations, De Sacy's being the only one which is near the truth. Sir J. Malcolm compares chhairapa, “the holder of the parasol,” and Anquetil suggests the ctymology of Satar-paí “below the star.” Mém. de l'Acad., tom. LVI., p. 291, (12mo. Edit.) Hydo, again, (de Rel. Vet. Pers., p. 325,) would fain refer the title to , list. “mule-keeper,” supposed to have been adopted as an honorary epithet by the great officers of the State. While Prinsep, (Asiat. Journ. Bengal, vol. VII., p. 345,) and Wilson, (Arian. Ant., p. 405,) relying on the exclusive application of the Sanskrit , render the Saurashtran title by “protector of the Kshatriyas,” or “patron of the warrior class.” I differ from De Sacy's explanation merely in referring the suffix immediately to the Sans. , rather than to the modern Pers. Corruption bán. See Mém. do l'Inst., Classo d'Ilistoirc, &c., II., p. 220.

¹note page 117 The Hebrew word occurs in Esther iii. 12, viii. 9, and ix. 3; and its Chaldeo correspondent in Dan. iii. 2, 3 and.27, vi. 2 and 3.

²note page 117 See the Coin Legends in the Journ. Asiat. Soc. of Bengal, vol. VI., p. 382, and vol. VII., p. 345.

¹note page 118 See Journ. Royal Geograph. Soc, vol. IX., p. 114. Thero is also a copy of this fragmentary legend in Hocck's Vet. Med. et Pers. Mon., p. 141, which must have been taken by Grelôt, who accompanied Bembo in his Persian tour not many years after the old tablet was destroyed to make room for the Arabic inscription. Bembo's visit was in 1673, and the Arabic tablet is dated a.h. 1026.

²note page 118 I do not regard the of the Lexicons, as that term has been evidently foisted in through the Arabic from the Greek.

³note page 118 This Median revolt will be further noticed under the head of Fravartish.

⁴note page 118 The true reading, however, may perhaps be Khshathraita, the name being formed in the same manner as the Zend khshaéta, “ a king.”

¹note page 119 I have never met with the Zend nom. sing., but I have khshafna in the nom. plur., and khshafné in the loc. sing., while the abl.sing. is khshaparát; so that the theme evidently follows the declension of the Sans. , which has : in the nom. for , and which uses the r in all its compounds. As a further proof that the nouns are declined alike, compare the Zend locatives paiti açné, paiti khshafné, and consult Bopp, Comp. Gr., s. 40, and Yaçna, p. 34. I consider this evidence of the interchange of the n and r to be of much orthogreaphical value.

²note page 119 See Rig Vedæ Spec. Adnotat., p. xi.

³note page 119 altered to , as it is in all the special tenses, has with the suffix of the ninth class produced the Pers. dán; khshanás and γινώς must, on the other hand, I think, be compound roots, but I know not the elements. Schneider's explanation, νώς, γνώς, and by reduplication γιγνώς, cannot'at any rate be admitted.

¹note page 120 Herod., lib. VI., c. 89. It is curious that in assimilating these two distinct forms, writing them respectively, Ξέρξης and ‘Λρταξέρξης, and translating them ἀρήϊος and μέγας ἀρήϊος, Herodotus should have thus followed the orthography of the one, and the ctymology of the other.

²note page 120 In the books of Esther and Ezra is certainly the Khshayárshá of the inscriptions, but it is not so easy to understand the application of the same name in Daniel. The alteration of the initial sound is precisely the same that we have seen in the Hebrew rendering of Khshatrapá, and I am half inclined to think the substitution of for between the and , to be an orthographical error, dating, of course, before the time of the Scptuagint. It is inconceivable to me that chronologers should persist in applying the of Ezra iv. 6, to Cambyses, when the series of kings given in that book, Cyrus, Darius (Hystaspcs), Ahasuerus (or Xerces), Artaxerxes (Longimanus), Darius (Nothus), and Artaxerxes (Mnemon), is perfectly consistent with history, and fixes the Exodus of Ezra in n.c. 393, and that of Nehemiah in b.c. 385, (instead of in 458 and 445), the colonies, in fact, leaving Babylonia under Artaxerxes Mnemon, and not under Artaxerxes Longimanus.

¹note page 121 See Heeren' Researches, vol. II., p. 340.

²note page 121 See the several Lists in Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. II., p. 267.

³note page 121 Strabe, p. 364, and Stephen, in vocc.

⁴note page 121 Lib. VI., c. 10.

⁵note page 121 De Sacy published a Memoir on this colony in the Mincs de l'Orient, vol. I., p.321.

⁶note page 121 That Gesenius (in vocc) should pretend to compare with , “Lion King,” is a proof that the study of Persian comparative philology is still in its infancy.

¹note page 122 This was indeed the first word which Grotefend identified in the Cunciform Inscriptions, its frequent occurrence leaving no doubt as to its meaning, and Anquetil's vocabulary affording an approximate clue to the orthography.

²note page 122 Possibly, however, the term should be read khsháyathaiya, the final a of anta being preserved, and the following i being epenthetic.

³note page 122 This synonym will be discussed hereafter. The Median and Babylonian terms are both uncertain.

¹note page 123 See the coins of Gondophares, Arsaces, Pacorus, &c., in Cunningham's Plates, No. 14 and 15, and Wilson's Ar. Ant, Plato V. I have also seen coins of Orodes with the same Indian legend.

²note page 123 Περσιστὶ δὲ Τορκὶμ βασιλεὺς ἑρμενεύεται. John of Malala, Ed. Dindorf., p. 270. the title of Terkhán is now given among the Uzbegs to the heir-apparent; but in the lists of Ibn Khurdádbeh and Abu Rihán, it is states to belong to the king himself.

³note page 123 In giving this date, I follow Lassen with some hesitation. See Journ. Asiat. See. Bengal, vol. IX., p. 765.

⁴note page 123 Tho Semitic Malká is also found in the Parthian transcripts of the records of the early Sassanians, and was thus probably in use in the West under the later Arsacides. I think oven it may be road on the Perso-Scythic coins of Cabul, of the sixth and seventh century, upon which the concluding epithet appears to be Hurasán Malká, “king of Khorassan.” See Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vol. VII., Pl. XXII.

⁵note page 123 Agathias, lib. IV. c 24, says distinctly that Σεγανσαὰ signified in Greek, Σεγαστανῶν βασιλεύς, and he refers to the same explanation in noticing the title of Κερμασαὰ, in the 26th chapter of the same book.

⁶note page 123 Even in the last critique upon these inscriptions in the Journ. Asiatiquo for January, 1843, the old reading of Vohia is still retained, but it is extremely doubtful if such a term was over in use in Pohlovi.

⁷note page 123 See Prinsep's remarks in the Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vol. VI., p. 974.

¹note page 124 Paschal Chronicle; Ed. Dindorf., vol. I., p. 735. Ammianus Marcellinus, also, applies the exact title of Saansaa to the Persian kings. but I cannot now refer to the passage.

²note page 124 These coins are figured in Marsden's Num. Orient., vol. II., Pl. XXIX., and in Longperrier's Mem., Pl. X., XI., and XII., and I believe that the legends have been pretty satisfactorily deciphered by Dr. Olshausen of Copenhagen. I have in my own cabinet, however, several new and perfect varieties that have never, I think, been published. Khodá, now used for “God,” was the royal title of the ancient kings of Bokhara and Guzayán.

³note page 124 I quote Ibn Khurdádbch, after a copy taken by Dr. Sprenger from the unique MS. in the Bodl., No. 993. Abú Ríhán's Iladikat ul Ahbáb , a most excellent work on Chronology and Astronomy, is in my own library.

⁴note page 124 In India, the title of Sháh was commonly used from the first establishment of the Patan sovereigns, in the, sixth century of the Ilejrah; but in contemporaneous Persian numismatology it is, I believe, unknown, except as a proper name. In the oldest Persian written works, however, the titles both of Sháh and Pádsháh (Pád being the Pehlovi Pad, Sans. pati,) are frequently found; and D'Herbelot says that the Boides assumed the title of Sháhinsháh in the fourth century of the Hejrah.

⁵note page 124 For a collection of all the ancient authorities regarding the title of “king of kings,” assumed by the Persian monarchs, see Brisson, de Reg. Pers. Princ, p. 4. sqq. In Sháhinsháh we have the Chaldee plur. , which was also used in Parthian, instead of the Pehlevi Malkán.

¹note page 125 See Comp. Gr., ss. 245 and 246; Bopp, however, observes that the euphonic interposition appears to be pristine, since the Zend partakes of it; and he admits the connexion of the accus. ending in with the plus. án, of the modern persian.

²note page 125 Professor Wilson's remarks on the Gandháras are contained in the Asiat. Res., vol. XV. p. 103; in his Arian. Ant., p. 131, &c, and in his admirable translation of the Vishnu Purana, pp. 191 and 443. For Captain Troyer's Notes on the same subject, see his edition of the Rája Tarangini, tom. II., p. 316, &c., and Lassen's arguments are given in the Pentapot., p. 15; in his Ind. Alterthumsk., p. 422, and in his Memoir on Bactrian history, (translated in the Asiat. Journ. Bengal, vol. IX., Part I., p. 473, sqq.) The Sanskrit authorities embrace every ancient work of any noto; among the Greeks who mention the name we have Ilecatæus, Herodotus, Strabo, Dionysius, and Ptolemy, and the Chinese notices which, are most ample occur in the respective travels of Fǎ Hian, of Soung yun, and of Hiuan Tsang. See Foě Kouě Ki, pp. 66,l 353, and 379.

¹note page 126 Candahar on the Indus was taken by the Arabs, who ascended the river, in boats, under the Caliph Mansoor, about a.h. 145. See Reinaud's Frag., (Beladh.) p. 179. It is noticed by Mass'oudi (Sprenger's Ed.,) pp. 234 and 381. Abú Rfhán gives the position of Vihund (modern Hound or Uhúnd,) the capital of Candahár, on the west bank of the Indus, fifteen farsakhs from Peshawar; (see Reinaud's Frag., p. 88.) Edrisi's account, p. 182, is probably from Ibn Ilaukal, but Jaubert's translation is always suspicious; and Abulfedá, (p. 357, Ar. Text,) in his notice of Vihund, appears to follow Abú Rfhán. I hero merely quoto printed authorities, but in manuscript works the indication is oven still more clear.

²note page 126 The ruins of Penjwlif are still to be seen about eighteen miles south-west of the modern town of Candahár, but I am doubtful about the site of Tanganábád.

³note page 126 All the geographers and historians from Ibn Khurdádbch to Abulfedá, describe Arrakhaj, (Arachosia) and Penjwiií, but Yákút alone in the Mo'ejem el Baldán, Pplied to the same place the name of Candahár. He follows Beládhori word for word, and describes the march of 'Obád Ibn Ziyád from the Sinárud of Sejestan to Rudbáre, then along the Helmend to Bost, and from thence across the Desert to Candahár, where he founded the town of 'Obádfeh. The passage in Reinaud's Frag., p. 164, requires correction after Yákút.

¹note page 127 Tho Pot of Fo was in Foě-leou-cha or Pesháwar, one of the chief cities of the Gandháras of the Indus, when Fă Hian visited the place in about a.d. 403; but it could hardly havo been there at the period of Soung yun's journoy to the same city (he names it however, Foě-sha-fou) in about a.d. 503, or it would have been noticed by him. At any rate it had been romoved to the Persian frontier some time before Hiuan Tsang's visit to Pa-lou-cha, (which is the same town of Pesháwar,) in about a.d. 635. I suppose the tyreant who ruled in Gandhára at the period of Soung yun's journey, and who was not of the Buddhist faith, to have been king of the invading Yuě-chi, and I place therefore the great emigration of the Gandhára tribe to the westward in about A.D. 480. Compare Foě Kouě Ki, pp. 76, 351, 355, and 356.

²note page 127 Foĕ Kouĕ Ki, p. 76.

³note page 127 Ibid., p. 84.

⁴note page 127 This pot has been inscribed with a modern Arabic legend, and was therefore little noticed by our Anglo-Indian antiquaries at Candahár, but it exactly answers the description given in Foĕ Kouĕ Ki, p. 32, from Chinese authorities; and on great occasions the Dervishes of Candahár are still regaled with sherbet at the public expense from the capacious bowl; it is believed, also, by the vulgar, that the kashkul, or “water-pot,” as it is called, will contain any quantity of liquor without overflowing.

¹note page 128 Plin., lib. VI., c. 16; Ptol., lib. VI., c. 12; Pomp. Mol., lib., c. 2, and Isidore of Charax, p. 7.

²note page 128 Herod., lib. IV., c. 44.

³note page 128 Jaubert, in his Translation (p. 445) of Edrisi, reads incorrectly Jarrah or Jarrat. The town is mentioned by all the geographers, and was visited by Captain E. Conolly in 1839.

¹note page 129 Tho Latin rap-io, Finnish Rawi, Permian Row, &c., appear to bo all cognate forms, with the more loss of the initial. For Burnouf's remarks on the Zend gěrěv, gěrěpta, &c., sco Yaçna, p. 460.

²note page 129 I find the imper. gribháya in the Rig Veda, Il. 91, s. 4. Rosen, also, gives the act imperf. udagribháyat from the Schol. to Panini, 3, 1. 84, and Westergaard quotes for the mid. imp. without the augment gribháyata, vv. 104. 18. See Rig Ved. Spec., p. 180, and Adnot. to the same, p. 57. Westergaard's examples are in his Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 320.

³note page 129 See the Notes to the Text and translation of Col. II., 1. 73.

⁴note page 129 It is possible, also, that the retention of the class suffix in the passive voice may not have been constant, and in that caso ya would be the regular passive characteristic in agarbáyatá.

¹note page 130 Lasscn reads garb, doubtless in consequence of the Zend change of into ěrě, but if we suppose the vowel to have become a consonant as in Sanskrit, gr ) will be a legitimate Cuneiform groupe; and the orthography of the Teutonic correspondents is certainly in favour of this reading.

²note page 130 Rad. Ling. Sans., loc. cit.

³note page 130 Inscript. No. 6, lines 16, 17, p. 293.

⁴note page 130 The term garěm also occurs in Zend. See the phrase “n´it aokhtěm nóit garěměm” “of neithor cold, nor heat,” quoted and examined by Burnouf in the. Journ. Asiat. 4^me Ser., 4^me tom., p. 485.

¹note page 131 The Indian grammarians are totally unable to explain the etymology of for the verbal root of the Semites appears to have never been introduced into the Sanskrit.

²note page 131 Anquctil, indeed, gives the actual term gas as the Pehlevi equivalent of gáh or gah, signifying “time,” in Persian, and applied in the Parsf theogony to the particular parts of the day, or rather to the genii presiding over them; hargiz is always used in Persian with a negation, but it can hardly include a negative particle within itself, the suffix giz being in fact evidently allied to and I know not at the same time of any kindred term either in the Semitic or Arian languages. See Zend Avesta, tom. II., p. 514, and Yaçna, p. 178.

¹note page 132 On further consideration I think that the phrases, “gátgwá avástáyam;” “gáthwá niyashádayam,” must signify “I have established for ever;” but I am still at a loss to explain the etymology and grammatical condition of gáthwá; is united with a gerund in Sanskrit, especially to express “duration,” (Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 19,) and gathwá would answer sufficiently well to the gerund of , “to go,” which is in Sans., and gáthwa, in Zend;. hut in this viow the allusion should bo to “past,” rathor than “future” time. I would rather suppose gáth as well as gas to bo connected with “time;” but if this even be admitted, there will still be somo difficulty about the adverbial suffix; as the palatals and gutturals of the same grade, however, are constantly liable to interchange, gáh and jáh being thus used indifferently in Pers. to denoto “a place,” may not gáthwa, for over,” be related to , “sometimes,” for which the Indian grammarians can find no satisfactory etymology?

¹note page 133 Lib. I., c. 132.

²note page 133 Lib. XV., p. 733.

³note page 133 I write gai instead of gi in the Cuneiform words, as I believe the character to be exclusively employed with the vowel a.

⁴note page 133 The Latin “cano” is probably allied to from the same root and there are also several cognate associates in Zend.

¹note page 134 I take this word from Anquetil, tom. II., p. 515, but no doubt the orthography is disfigured, and I have failed to discover the term in the Bun Dehesh.

²note page 134 Gab is I believe a gypsy word answering to the Hindustani Gap which again may come either from or Gibberish, also, has been compared with the Arab. “Jafr,” but with little show of probability; equally wild is Hyde's reference of the term to the Persian Gabar See de Rel. Vet. Pers., p. 304, where the extracts from the Talmud, howover, regarding the Gabars of Persia, are certainly very curious in showing the extreme antiquity of the title.

³note page 134 The guna, as it is well known, is applied to the radical vowel of verbs of the first class in Sanskrit throughout the special tenses, both in the active and middle voice.

¹note page 135 The name of Gobryas is mutilatod in the list of the conspirators on the Persian tablet, but can be restored from the Median copy, where we have Gupava. In the fifth supplementary column, also, the Persian orthography is complete

²note page 135 Herod., lib. VII., c 82; lib. IX., c. 63, &c.

³note page 135 See Phot. Biblioth., p. 114.

⁴note page 135 I prefer this etymology to that of “the cherisher of herds,” for if we have a noun of agency from , the nom. would be Gaubarush; the v in Gaubruva is euphonic to connect u and a; bru, “to speak,” in Zend becomes mru.

⁵note page 135 Lib. III., c. 70; and Lib. VII., c. 5.

⁶note page 135 I may observe, also, that the Median and Babylonian orthographies of the name correspond as nearly as possible with the Persian; the only diffrence, indeed, arises from the confusion of m and v.

¹note page 136 I prefer this explanation to a comparison of the name with for the nom. of that form would be the affix in appears to be exactly the Persian mand.

²note page 136 He says indeed, expressly, (lib. III., c. 61,) that the Magian's own name was Smerdis, a circumstance which he seems to think assisted in the imposture, though it is not easy to see how.

³note page 136 For the account which Ctesias gives of the usurpation, see Phot. Bib., p. 112 and 113, Ed. Schott.

⁴note page 136 Spěñta, which is the Lithuanian szventa, and I suspect the Latin sanctus, occurs in the name. of Spentamán, the ancestor of Zoroaster. Compare also the name of the Sogdian chief Σπιταμίνης; and see Yaçna, p. 173.

⁵note page 136 For the account of Trogua Pompeius, see Justin, 1. I., c. 9. This historian agrees in many circumstances with Herodotus, but still there is sufficient difference in the two accounts to show that he must have had access to independent authorities.

⁶note page 136 The various orthographies of this name will be examined under the head of Bardiya.

¹note page 137 The Cometes (I believe Comates is found in some MSS.) of Justin, is the Patizithes of Herodotus, and Oropastes represents Smerdis.

²note page 137 See Herod., lib. III., cc. 65, 73, &c.; and Plato, Op. II., p. 695.

³note page 137 Heeren assumes this as an established fact, on the authority of Herodotus and Plato. Seo Researches, &c., (Eng. Ed.), vol. I., p. 346.

⁴note page 137 It cannot bo proved that Pishiyá'uvádáyá, the native country of the Magian, was in Persis; but it may be assumed with a very strong degree of probability. See hereafter in voce.

⁵note page 137 Compare throughout the 11th, 12th, and 13th paras, of Col. I. at Behistun.

⁶note page 137 The indifferent employment of and in this word affords, I think, anothor proof that they both represent the aspirated sibilant. Nevertheless, in writing Zend words in the Roman character, I usually follow Burnouf's system of orthography.

¹note page 138 See Yaçna, &c., p. 213, and sur l'Alph. Zend, p. cii.,note 41. Hero is a reference also to Bohlen de Orig. Ling. Zend, p. 4.

²note page 138 Gesenius, howover, who is fond of comparing cognato forms in the Semitic and Arian languages, does not venturo on this relation. See Heb. Lex., p. 32.

³note page 138 The orthography of the name is remarkable in affording an example of the employment of instead of not in immediate connexion with the u, but in a groupe of which that vowel is the complement.

⁴note page 138 Pliny, lib. VI., c. 23.

⁵note page 138 The name of the province Gcdrosia is variously written by the Greeks. See Cellarius, vol. II., p. 726.

¹note page 139 I shall oxplain hereafter my reasons for connecting the Cadusii and Gedrosians, and for considering them of the Scythic rather than the Arian race.

²note page 139 The Cadusians of Media, who aro generally associated in Grecian history with the Sacœ, have been noticed in my remarks on the Median language in Chapter II., as well as in the Mem. on Ecbatana. See Journ. Royal Geog. Soc. vol.X., p. 126. They gave the name of Kádustán, to the mountainas of Tátrim until comparatively modern times, and are represented at the present day by the large and ancient tribe of Garús

³note page 139 The only Sanskrit root that I can find is , “to lio,” which will not give any suitable meaning.

⁴note page 139 See commencement of the 13th paragraph of Col. I., at Behistun.

¹note page 140 In this view ditam for dintam must come from a root din, “to tako away from,” and the initial in adiná will be the simple augment of past time. I doubt, however, if the old Persian idiom will admit of a causal signification being given by the employment of as an auxiliary verb.

²note page 140 Westergaard, however, gives the periphrastic meanings of “pugnare,” and “vi util» which are tolerably applicable, and with , “resistere.” In Sanskrit with the meaning “to hurt” or “injure,” is of the fifth class, and cannot therefore be compared. See Wilson, p. 240, and Rad. Ling. Sans., pp. 58 and 61.

³note page 140 I do not find this term in Westergaard'a Radices, but am indebted for it to a note in Bopp's Comp. Gram., s. 709, where, however, it is referred to the intensive form rather than to the potential mood.

¹note page 141 Bopp's remarks on the intcrrogativo bases are contained in the Comp. Gr., from s. 30G to s. 403.

²note page 141 I suspect even the Semitic to bo of cognato origin, though the significations which it lias taken havo followed a different direction of development. AB Gcsc-nius in explaining compares the Latin qui, he must be of the same opinion; though he fails to notice the connexion., See Heb. Lex., p. 456.

¹note page 142 I say this advisedly, for the relativo and even the interrogative “when?” come from the sibilant passing through an aspirate.

²note page 142 In the Cuneiform text this name is erroneously written Chichikhráish.

³note page 142 Tho Sanskrit, howover, employs the middle, instead of the active voice, in reduplicate names of this class.

⁴note page 142 The substitution of i for a in the reduplicato syllable is, however, not unusual in Sanskrit and Zend, and is still more frequent in Greek. See Comp. Gr., s. 482.

⁵note page 142 The Sanskrit is, I believe, deficient in themes in é, but after the analogy of those in i, the nom. should certainly end in and the gen.in ; while themes in ó (= au) should on the same principlo end in and , instead of in and which is exactly.reversing the application of the gun

¹note page 143 In line 28, Col. II, where I have also hazarded the restoration of chitá as a postposition, I now proposo to read simply mám amánayá, “he waited for me,” which, indeed, agrees better with the blank space on the rock.

¹note page 143 “To expect,” indeed, is the link which connects the significations of “minding” and “remaining,” that appertain to the several developements of the root man, in Zend, Persian, Greek, and Latin.

³note page 143 Tho neuter particle chiya for chit, from the same interrogative base, is also used with an indefinite sense, and we may further comparo chish for kis, chiya for kiyat, &c.

¹note page 144 For remarks on the connexion of the Medes and Sagartians, see under the head Asagaria.

²note page 144 From chitra,“ variegated,” we have both chítar, “the spotted leopard,” and chít, the English “chintz,” from its variegated patterns.

³note page 144 See notes to Inscription No. 6, lines 14,,15, p. 293.

⁴note page 144 Seo Yaçna, p. 40, for a detailed examination of this word; it ia very.commonly employed in Zend.

⁵note page 144 This will bo explained more fully under the head Tau'má.

⁶note page 144 Or Περιτούχμης in Ctesis. See Phot. Bib., Col. 128.

¹note page 145 Lib. VII., p. 32. Teri and Tritan are certainly proper names, and a term implying “descent” would seem therefore to be the most suitable. suffix; but I know not the meaning of in Πystæchmes.

²note page 145 Tho omission of this radical dental letter in the Median and Babylonian, has sometimes led me to suspect that the and might coalesce in the Persian pronunciation of the name; but such an amalgamation seems to be etymologically impossible. The nasal developement before the guttural is a striking characteristic of language, which the Median and Babylonian possess in common.

³note page 145 I think I have seen some remarks by Burnouf on the Zend chithra, but I cannot now refer to the passage.

⁴note page 145 Do Sacy has some good remarks on Minuchehr in his Persian Antiquities, p. 93, sqq. I strongly suspect, however, that minu is the Indian with the change of the r into n.

¹note page 146 I take the Parthian form from the bilingual inscription in the cave of Hajiabad.

²note page 146 Chatri at Nakhsh-i-Rustam and generally on the coins; but chatli at Kermansháh. De Sacy writes ichetri, to bring the term into nearer connexion with the Zend.

³note page 146 See Müller's Pehlevi Essay, in the Journ. Asiat., for April, 1839, p. 345.

⁴note page 146 See Wilson's Diet., in voce, p. 661.

¹note page 147 Lassen supposes chiyakarma to be substituted for achikaran:. See Ueber die Keilinschrift, p. 105, and Westergaard in his Median Memoir, although he correctly identifies the correspondent, does not attempt to alter the translation. See the Copenhagen Memoir, p. 383.

²note page 147 It appears to me, indeed, that there is the same relation in regard to action between chiyakarma and patikarma, as I have already remarked between child and yátá in regard to time; chi or chiya, from the interrogative base ki, seems to give an indefinite sense, which requires afterwards to be brought out and individualized by a definite complement.

³note page 147 See Comp. Gr., ss. 390 and 398, for some excellent remarks on this pronoun; also Burnouf's Yaçna, Notes, &c, p. 142, where the value of Bopp's discovery is fully admitted.

¹note page 148 The nom.masc. would no doubt present the orthography of chith in the inscription without the addition of the enelitic chiya, for the sibilant case-ending is preserved after the vowel i.

²note page 148 The orthographical change of chit into chiya has been repeatedly explained, and does not affect the grammatical question in any way.

³note page 148 For remarks on the very ancient neuter in t or d, (compare “id; “quid,” &c.), see Comp. Gr., s. 157.

⁴note page 148 “Quc,” as the indefinite suffix, is probably a weakening of “quid;” as the copulative adjunct it comes from a different base, ka.

¹note page 149 There are certainly many cognate derivatives in Sanskrit which are used as proper names; comp., &c.; but as becomes gís in Persian, its relation to the Cuneiform chish must be very doubtful.

²note page 149 I conjecture from a comparison of two passages in Herodotus, lib. I., c. 3, and lib. VII., c. 2, that Teispes, the son of Achæmenes, was the father both of Ariaramnes the grandfather of Hystaspes, and of the mothor of :Cambyses, father of Cyrus the Great. Xerxes, in fact, in recounting his genealogy, evidently traces up. the maternal as well as the paternal line to Teispes; he applies to Cambyses, father of Cyrus the Great, the expression τοῦ Τεἳσπεος, but we know that the real father of that Cambyses was named Cyrus, and the allusion therefore would seem to be to his mother, who was the daughter of Teispes.

³note page 150 The conjecture which I have formerly hazarded in comparing jadiyámiya with , that the i may bo employed to give vocalization to the and that the y may be the vowel of connexion, cannot certainly be maintained; for the and represent the same dental power, and the substitution of the latter for the former must be owing to the previous existence of the i, which, indeed, should thus either be a radical letter, or at any rate the representative of some definite grammatical power.

¹note page 150 The interchange of d and h in roots, also, must always bo suspicious, for the Dovanagari aspirate is the degradation rather than the type of the Cuneiform, dental; that it is not unknown, however, is shown by the root , “ to hide.” which is gúz, in Zend, and gud in the inscriptions.

²note page 150 An objection, howovor, occurs to this assimilation in the retention of the guttural under its proper form, in the Persian .gadá “a beggar.”

³note page 150 I ‘have already indeed observed, that the suffixes of the fourth’ and tenth. conjugations appear to be everywhere distinguished, iya standing for and aya for .

¹note page 151 Bopp (Comp. Gr., s. 434,) considers this lengthening of the class-vowel in the 1st pers. as an orthographical effect of the m or v which follows; but I cannot help thinking that as the Vedic ending ámasi, (Zond ámahi) for the 1st pers. plur. of the present tense of the active voice is evidently a contraction of the substantive verb asmasi, (the original form of smasi,) (Bopp, however, (s. 439) derives the Vedic smasi from the dependent pronoun sma,) so ámi in the sing, must also come from asmi. For the plur.-endings. see an excellent note in Burnouf'a Yaçna, Notes et Eclair., p. 70.

²note page 151 The identity of the initial letter indeed is accidental, for the Cuneiform is a radical letter, which is used in every form of the verb; whereas the in is a euphonic substituto: handhi by the lapso of.the nasal has become in the first, place hadhi; the dental being no longer supported by a proceding consonant has then been softened to an aspirate, giving the form of hahi, and to avoid the iteration, the initial aspirate has been, by a last process of degradation, converted to its reduplicate correspondent.

¹note page 152 In the Vedas the termination in is preserved in some roots of the second general class without any reference to the preceding letter being a vowel or a consonant; but the mutilated form of hi is also extant. In Zend and old Persian, however, the employment of the primitive dental is constant and uniform. See Comp. Gr., s. 450, and Rosen's Rig Veda, Adnotat., p. viii.

²note page 152 See Bopp's Comp. Gr., ss. 94 and 461.

³note page 152 Westergaard (Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 199) gives examples of the root , with the meaning of “dejieere,” “ vincere,” “ destruere,” &c.

⁴note page 152 For examples of jaiñti and jata from the root zan, See Yaçna, Alph. Zend, p. 71;

¹note page 153 I am not sure, however, that this form is evor used. Westergaard gives for the Passive aorist with the substitution of for. which as Wilson (Diet., p. 968,) remarks, takes; place in most,of the inflexions and derivatives of the Sanskrit root.

²note page 153 Bopp has some brief remarks on the imperfect subjunctive of the Vedas in, the Comp. Gr., s. 714.

³note page 154 Burnouf gives a great number of examples of the subjunctive imperf. in, Zend, in an admirable note to the Yaçna, marked S, p. 148; and the signification is uniformly: that of the optative or subjunctive present.

¹note page 154 See Vendidad, Bomb, lithographed edition, p. 482. I take the meaning of darěghó gava from Burnouf. (Seo Yaçna, p. 533, noto 386.) The Zend, however, retains a purer form, as ;in “ living,” from while the guttural obtains in the Lithuanian gywa, and the Goth, quiv; from the latter, also, Bopp derives the Latin viv, and he supposes even the Greek ξάω and βίος to be of cognate origin. Sco Comp. Gr., Eng. Ed., vol. I., p. 119.

²note page 154 There is an excellent article in Yákút's Lexicon, on the origin of the name of Tabaristán, written by the Arabs .

³note page 154 See particularly for.this derivation the. Tárikh-i-Tabaristán, Pers. M.S. The axe was not only the national weapon of-the Scythians, but was especially used by tlio Caspian tribes to clear away the forests for their habitations.

Tishah, and tabar, in Persian, aro both ovidontly connected with the root , but I know not exactly how the latter is formed.

²note page 155 Takht or takhtah, however, ia properly the participlo , “cut” or “fashioned.”

³note page 155 For the various scats of the Tapyri, sco the authorities in Cellarius, torn. II., pp. 665, 756, and 707. As they aro not mentioned among the Caspian tribes, either by Herodotus or Ctesias, I conclude that their immigration from Seythia occurred under the Parthians. Perhaps, however, the Tibareni of Asia.Minor were a kindred raco, who had moved earlier to the west.

⁴note page 155 κεῖσθαι οὐ μακρὰ;ν τῆς Τάμβρακος. Lib. X., c. 20.

⁵note page 155 In Wcstcrgaard's Babylonian copy of the Nakhsh-i-Uustam Inscription, the namo is difficult to bo recognized, owing to the epithet applied to the preceding' yuná, and to the mutilation of the distinctive sign . I read it, however, Tañpara. the Babylonian, indeed, thus constantly uses the samo letter for a nasal and a guttural.

¹note page 156 See lib. XI., p. 350. Strabo, however, names the capital Τάπη, a title which may bo perhaps of kindred origin.

²note page 156 Burnouf has some excellent remarks on the analogy and distinction between · the various derivatives in Zend from the Sanskrit roots tah and taksh, in his Commentary on the Yaçna, pp. 1411, 1C8, and 299.

³note page 156 We must remember, also, that tahhsha in Pali became takka, by a law of orthography. Hence, Τάξιλα, or Takkasila, for the Sana. ; as also, becamo Pukkala, (Gr.πεύκαλα,) and became Turukka, the truo originarof Τούρκ or Turk, for I pay no respect whatever to the fabulous derivation from Thu-kiü, “a helmet.”

¹note page 157 it must bo remembered in Sans, would bo an impossible orthography, the vowel necessarily aspirating the following dental sibilant; and it is on tliis account, I imagino, that roots in invariably change the radical vowel to the homogeneous consonant

¹note page 158 Compare the 1st pers. sing, of the aorist, , from the root , “to See.”

²note page 158 Lasscn, indeed, (Ueber dio Keilinschriften, p. 247,) says that the imperfect is also usod in the classical Sanskrit without the augment after the particlo má, but Wilkins, s. 1310, restricts the employment of the tense in that shapo to where it appears in composition with . If Bopp be right in identifying the augment with the privativo a, (see Comp. Gr., s. 537, sqq.,) it may bo dropped in these positions to avoid a double negation.

¹note page 159 Vat would bo written vá in the Cuneiform, as : has bocomo ká.

²note page 159 For remarks on the Persian .Dáráb, see under the head Dár(a)-yavush.

³note page 159 Lib VI. c. 2. Agathodæmon's map places Ttgrana upon the Cyrus; and it may bo'prcsumed, that in common.with Τιγρανόκερτα and Τιγρανόαμα, the city took its namo.from King Tigranes; but whether under.this title we are to understand (with Strabo, Appian, and Plutareh,) the famous opponent of Lucullus, or whether wo aro to ascribo the above-named cities to that, more ancient monarch of Armenia, the Tigranes who is mentioned by Xenophon in the Cyropædia, and who, according to the native tradition, vanquished the Median King Astyages, must remain a doubtful question. St. Martin has collected all the authorities on the subjeet in his Armenian Researches, tom. I., p. 173.

⁴note page 159 Among other authorities,, see Strabo, 1. XI., p. 529, Pliny, lib. VI., c. 27, and Q. Curtius, lib. III., &c. the notices of the ancients havo been collected by Wahl, Pers.Reich., p.709.

¹note page 160 For these affixes, see Wilkins, s. 874, and s. 913.

²note page 160 The softening of the old tr into r in modern Persian is very frequent, but the only other example that I remembor of gr becoming r is in the modern Zár for the ancient Ζάγρος.

³note page 160 See Preface Whiston's Mos. Chorenensis, p. v.

⁴note page 160 It has been often remarked, that the names of objects are in fact in almost every instance adjectives, being derived from the quality which the object embodies.

⁵note page 160 Arvand does not occur in Zend as the name of a river, but it is found in the Pazend hymn to the Amshaspands. See Anquetil's Zend Avesta, torn. II., p. 78.

⁶note page 160 Burnouf has some claborate remarks on the etymology of Arvand, in the Yaçna, p. 248, and he discusses the connexion between Arvand and Arg, in his notes to the same work, p. 181; but the evidence of Hamzeh, an excellent Persian scholar, who lived at the end of the fourth century of.the Hijrch, and whom I quote from Yákút's Lex., in voce Dijleh, is conclusive against Burnouf's attempted identification of the Arg of the Bun Dehesh with the Jaxartes. It is curious, at the same time, that I find in my copy of the Bun Dehesh, which is a very correct manuscript, the name of the river in question invariably written Arvand, and not Arg; the latter, indeed, which is the uniform orthography employed by Anquetil, being, I suspect, the Parsi corruption of the Pehlevi and Pazend term. This latter form, still further altered to Arang, is used as I have said by Hamzeh, while Firdousí, (Ed. Mac, tom. I., p. 39), in speaking of the Tigris/ continues to employ the old orthography of Arvand. There is a good note on the Arg rúd of the Bun Dehesh, in Sprenger's Massoudi, tom. I., p. 243.

¹note page 161 SeoGcscnius' Lox., Eng. Ed., p. 321.

²note page 161 Onkolos and Jonathan write exactly like the Arab.

³note page 161 Gcsenius considers the as a Pecucliar Hebrow prefix; whilo Morinus regards it as a radical, which was frequently elided by the Chaldccs and Syrians. All the Greek and Latin authorities regarding the derivation and meaning of the name are collected by Morinus in his Treatise, p. 25, prefixed to Bochart's Phaleg.

¹note page 162 Y´kút, in the Mo'ojcm, (in voo and ), quoting from Hamzeh, gives, the Pchlovi forms as, the originals of the Arabic,Dijleh, but they. do not occur in the Bun Dehesh, nor, indeed, have I met with them in any other author.

²note page 162 The Median exactly reproducca the ‘Persian orthography, of this name, but it is impossible to draw any argument therefrom as to the etymon of the title. The Babylonian form of the namo ia unfortunately too’much mutilated to be legible

³note page 162 There ia a curious paper by Freret, in the Mem. do I'Académio, tom. X.,.p. 679, (12mo Edit.,) in which he endeavours to prove the Sacro and Cadusii of Xenophon to havo inhabited Babylonia.

¹note page 163 This Median construction, indeed, is particularly remarkable, for it is so Unusual in Persian to employ an isolated noun and adjective in apposition, that I should not otherwise have ventured to connect the names.

²note page 163 Westergaard on the contrary, translates Tigrakkud´, “ Lords of the arrow” or “archers,” having in view apparently the analogous names of the Sarancae (from Saran, “the moon” or “a bow,” Mongol,) the Comani (from the Pers. “ a bow ”) or “the. nation, of the archers,” by which title the Armenian geographer Vartan designates the Turks.—Sco St. Martin's Armenia, tom. II. P. 439.

³note page 163 The words of Herod, aro, σ´καᾹ Δε ο í σκὺθαᾹ φερì μεν ΤῆσᾹ κεπαλῆσᾹ κ͜ρβασᾹασ εσ ὁξὺ ὰπᾹγμένας ὁρθὰς ετον πεπηγ͜ίας “Sce lib. VII., c. 06.

⁴note page 163 He is the only figure on the rock, it must bo remembered, who has the conical or high-pointed cap.

⁵note page 163 This is rendered probable by the circumstanco of the blocks being laid one upon the other to form a wall, without any reference to the continuity or even th direction of the sculpture.

¹note page 164 See Joseph. Ant. i. 27; 2 Maccab. xii. 20, &c. Herodotus in his brief account of the period of the Scythic supremacy (lib. I., c. 105 and 100,) evidently supposes the tribe in question to have been in possession of Ninoveh after, the defeat of Cyaxares, and to havo again lost that city to the Medes; but this is not admitted by Clinton and the modern school of chronology. The great objection to regarding the Palaco’of Nimrud as a bonâ fide Scythic edifice, is in the close resemblance of the inscriptions to those of the Achæmenian Babylonians, but I do hot consider this difficulty to bo insuperable.

²note page 164 Lib. VI., c. 1.

³note page 164 In former passages I have derived taum´ from.the Sautra root , which has produced the “(strength,” of the Vedas, the Pers. &c, denoting “ability;”- but I now think that which is also a Sautra root, both orthographically. and ctymologically offers a preferable explanation; for examples of similar derivations, BCO Wilkins, s. 867.

¹note page 165 This howover is the derivation usually given by etymologists, who compare the Latin stemma with the Greek ςΤύμμα.

²note page 165 Sce Yaĉna, p. 441, Note 290.

³note page 165 Under the head Chitřatakhma.

⁴note page 165 This ia assumed generally by Burnouf throughout his Commentary on the Yaĉnn as an established fact.

⁵note page 165 Sec the reference before given to Bopp's Comp. Gr., Eng. Ed., Note to p. 215.

⁶note page 165 Sec Bopp's Comp. Gr., s. 192, and the list of genitives in pago 210, where he compares also the Greek and Latin feminincs τώρᾶς and terrᾶs.

¹note page 166 For a full examination of the ablative case-sign t, which is preserved universally in Zend, and occasionally in Sanskrit, See Comp. Gr., from B. 179 to s. 184. The d of the old Latin is a cognate form.

²note page 166 Compare the gen. Kuraush and the abl. B´biraush. There is no example in the inscriptions of the abl. of a themo in i, but the case-ending would doubtless be aish, like the gen. The, only real difficulty with regard to the Cunoiform arises from the term Paruviyata, which I shall oxamine in its proper alphabetical place.

³note page 166 Burnouf does not admit the Zend abl. in a6t for themes in u; he considers the true case-ending to be èut, which certainly occurs in malnyèut. Whichever be the true form, however, the distinction between the abl.dental and the gen. sibilant will be equally marked. See Yaĉna, Notes ct Eclair., p. 8, foot-note 16.

¹note page 167 Compare aham.“ I,” svayam, “ self,” ayam, “ this,” vayam; “ wo,” yuyam, “vo,”&c.

²note page 167 See Comp.‘Gr., s.’326.

³note page 167 As m´ and twα are used in Sans, equally with m´m and tw´m, Bopp has suggested that the vowel has been lengthened to compensate for the rejection of the m, and that the abbreviated m´ has afterwards reacted on the niore complote màm and imparted to it the newly acquired quantity. See ‘Comp.’Gr., s. 320.

⁴note page 167 Tat is the exact orthographical equivalent of té, but the i cannot bo used as a terminal in the old Persian, and hence the more dovoloped form of taiya.

⁵note page 167 See Comp. Gr., s; 329. Compare also with mé, té, sé, the Latin datives, mi-hi, ti-bi, si-bi.

¹note page 168 See particularly the address to the Persian race at Nakhsh-i-Rustam, (Ins.No. 6,1. 56,) where although martiyα, “ the men,” be used in the plur. vocative, the pronoun of the 2nd pers. (in hauvalaiya), together with the verbs which form the complement of the phrase, are all placed in the sing.

²note page 168 Bopp observes, (Comp. Gr., s. 348,) “That the pronouns in general aro so strongly and vividly personified by themselves, that they are not in need of a very encrgctio and animated sign of personality; for which reason, althoughaham, tuam, &c, have a termination, it is not that of the usual nominative, hut they appear as ncuters in the mere objective or accusative garb.” I suspect, however, this so-called-neuter termination to be absolutely identical with the prefixed Semitic article.

¹note page 169 I take these Semitic forms from Gcscnius Lox., (Eng. Ed., p. 116,) who has compared the dental bases, but who has failed to recognize the prefixed article, (which, however, occurs in the sing, and plur. of all Semitic pronouns of the 1st and 2nd pers.), or to identify it with the suffixed am of tlio Sanskrit arid Zend.

²note page 169 It must bo remembered, however, that the application of the dontal to the 2nd person is secondary, not primitive for in its original condition, as a baso, it is a demonstrative. In the derivation of the sibilant, (which in the Turkish languages is universally applied to the 2nd pers.) from the demonstrative dental, I follow Gescnius. See his note to in the IIcbrow Lexicon.

³note page 169 The common use of the suffix ka in Sanskrit is to form a possessive, (comp.mádmaka, “meus,”tavaka, “ tuus,” and the Vedic asmaka, yushmaka, &c.,) but Wilson defines the suffix in taka as a pleonasm; ka as a possessive, is no doubt, the original of the Hindustani k´, kí, ké, and is also cognato with the gen, casoending in Turkish.

¹note page 170 Bopp, although he explains the ablative locative adverbs, hinc, istinc, illine, &c, omits to notice the suffix of timo in nuno and tuna. This termination, howover, is no doubt identical with íκα in the Gr. correlatives πη-νíκα Τη-νíκα, ν-ηκα, and may, be. compared also with /the endings indonec, donicum. ” See Comp. Gr,, ss.352 and 424.

²note page 170 See Ins. No. 4, par. 2, Ins. No. 6 par. 3, and Beh.Col.I., par. 6, and Col. II., par. 2.

¹note page 171 1 Compare Beh. Col. III.,.par. 3, with Col..II., par. 2.

²note page 171 Compare lib. III., c. 91, with lib. VII., c 66; Rennell (Gcog. of Her., vol. I., p. 390,) would confine this Satrnpy to Margiana and the surrounding diatricts, but he was misled by his ignorance of the true position of the, Gandarii:he does not attempt to identify the Sattagydoo.

³note page 171 The province of Thatagush is probably represented in the Vendidad by IIaétumat, being the region watered by the Hclmand (or Etymandcr) and its tributaries; but I cannot venture to compare the names, notwithstanding that th is a legitimato correspondent for (comp. mathishta and ), and that the Median does actually employ an aspirate instead of a dental expressing the Persian Thatagush. I entirely approvoeof Burnouf's analysis and illustration of Haétumat; Seo Yaĉna, Notes et Ec, p. 93, sqq. The Paropamisan range in the Bun Dohesh is Mount Arparsín.

⁴note page 171 Wilson compares Satgcrhi, but doubtingly, (see As. Res.vol.XV., p. 104.) If the Sátacas of'Wilford (As. Res., vol. VIII., p.340,) be really found in a Sanskrit geographical series, the assimilation of the name to the Cuneiform Thatagush isprobable.

¹note page 172 The Tájiks are usually identified with the Dahæ, but I think wrongly. Throughout Eastern Persia, Tát and Tájik are synonymous terms applied to the agricultural peasantry in contradistinction to the pastoral and foreign nomades, and it is, I think, therefore, a fair induction to refer them to the Δaδíkai who colonized TaΤakήvη: see Ptol., 1. 6, 0. 19. In Chinese history, indeed, a distinction is recognized between the Tahia or Dahæ and the Taio-chi or Tájiks.

²note page 172 The ∑ακσΤηνán of Persian history. Its title of ΠραᾹΤακϩνη, also, necessarily confines it to the mountains, and the names of several of its towns are, I believe, to be recognized in Oriental geography among the dependencies of Ghúr.

³note page 172 The Zaori and Iori are mentioned by Dionysiua in his Bassarica, 1. 26, v. 166, and perhaps the εούθοᾹ of the same author may be referred to.the inhabitants of Thatagush. I take the names of Kozol and Kors from the coins of Kadaphes and Kadphises; Khojeristán, or the country of the Kozols, is mentioned by Mos. Chor., and is the Khujestán of the Bun Dehesh. The name however is now lost, as is also that of Ghurshistaán, but the positions on the Upper Murgháb and Ilclmand may be verified from the notices of. the Arab geographers. I take this opportunity of remarking, that while Sanskrit and Chinese, authorities have been exhausted in the illustration of Arianian ethnography, Pehlevi, Armenian, and Arabic sources of evidence have been almost wholly neglected; yet the Bun Dehesh, Moses of Chorene, and the early Arabs have the most valuablo notices, and their rigid examination is indispensable to a complete enquiry.

¹note page 173 There is a difficulty however with regard to voico; Westergaard observes, that is conjugated in the middle voice in the special tenses, and in the active in, all the others, (Radices, p, 177) and the, signification moreover of thadaya in this passage is reflective and not transitive; but asadayat will represent in Sanskrit neither an imperfect nor an aorist in the middle voice, and I am doubtful therefore if we, may not rather have a passive aorist, thad(a)ya being for sadi, as I shall presently show athahya in the same tense to be used for asansi. The signification also of “let it not be lost,” would be equally applicable with “let it not perish.”

^lnote page 174 I was long inclined to translate hamahyáayá thrada, “true in every thing,” supposing thrada to be the connecting orthographical link between “truth,” and , a term, which by another modification of, the initial has also, given rise to the Latin cred-o; but I found the grammatical application, in some passages to present an insuperable difficulty. Another conjecture which has occurred;to me is, that the allusion may be to the tri-lingual writing, thrada standing for , “in three ways;” but this explanation, also, I have on due consideration rejected. the Devanagari ira, which occurs in , is, as we know, generally represented in the inscriptions by , but still the reading of Mithra and Khshathrita shows us that, the Zend law of aspiration was also sometimes acknowledged, and there.is no, orthographical, difficulty therefore, in comparing with .

¹note page 175 Bopp (Comp. Gr., Eng. Ed., vol. I., p. III,) assumes that the Sans. tish-thámi is a degradation of a primitive tasthámi, and lie explains the substitution of i for a,.“on the ground that the rcduplicative syllable, which is seeking generally, for relief from weight, and therefore converting long into short vowels, may not mix up, the heavicst among the short vowels with the weight derived from position.” See Comp. Gr., s. 482, and for further remarks, s. 508.

¹note page 176 The usual Sanskrit form is , and Wilson admits the signification of “speaking,” only when the root is preceded by , Westergaard, however, gives many examples of , with the meaning of “telling” or “speaking,” (see Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 312,) and Burnouf comparing , (which, however, is generally written ) with the Sans, , simply translates the root by the French “dire.” See Yaçna, p. 29, where the Zend çağh, is also referred to the same root. Further remarks on the roots and are given by Burnouf in the Avant-propos to the Yaçna, p. 21.

¹note page 177 The elongation of the a is considered by Bopp in many cases to be equivalent to the guna of the other vowels, (a+a becoming á as a+i becomes é and a+u is equal to o), and this guna is found in the old Persian forms of the pres, tense of the first class, such as gaubataiya, ” it is called,” vainataiya, “it is seen,” tarsatiya, “he fears;” but at the same time, as the Sanskrit does not lengthen the radical short a in roots of the first class, neither can I suppose such a rule to have applied in the language of the inscriptions; the lengthening of the radical a in certain roots of the fourth class in Sanskrit, appears to be owing to the weight of the following m. I allude to the examples given by Wilkins, s. 218.

²note page 177 See Bopp's excellent observations on this subject, Comp. Gr., s. 466.

³note page 177 As in the genitive case-ending of the first declension, and the termination of the 2nd pers. sing, of the pres, tense of verbs.

⁴note page 177 Bopp's observation (a. 434) refers particularly to the elongation of the classsyllable a in the active voice, but is of course equally applicable to the middle and passive.

¹note page 178 While I thus willingly concede the originality of the passive ending in mahaya, I should still consider the active plur. termination of the 1st pers. in the possible term thahámahya to be amahya, for asmasi, the true and original form of the 1st. pers. plur. present tense of the substantivo verb. See above under the head Jadiyámiya.

²note page 178 Bopp ably illustrates this subject, Comp. Gr., s. 472; but I do not find any etymological explanation of the ending in madhé.

³note note 178 Generally, I think, in grammatical adjuncts, the dental is an older form than the aspirate, as in the adverbial suffix of place, and certainly in the 2nd pers. sing, of the imperat.; but on the other hand, ad-am for the pron. of the 1st pers. sing., is undoubtedly a later orthography than ah-am, and daraya, dastayá and guda, are also, it may be presumed, degradations of the Sanskrit forms , and .

⁴note page 178 See Wilkins, s. 601. These however are, I believe, the only examples which occur of such a formation in Sanskrit. In every other case the short a is elongated, and the other vowels are affected with the vrilddhi in the pass, aorist.

¹note page 179 I may instance also the optional reading of ahiyáyá and alyáyá, as a proof of the tendency of the letter h to coalesce immediately with the y.

²note page 179 See the notes to clause 3, para. 8, Column IV. at Bchistun, p. 248.

³note page 179 The appearance of the however, as the second character, is suspicious. The elongation might, it is true, distinguish the subjunctive (which would be used in the complement to a condition) from the indic, mood in the passive voice, but We have no authority for such a construction. It might also be used to give a causal signification to the verb, the etymological meaning of the passive verb tháhya, being “to be spoken of,” while that of thahya, is simply “to be said” or “called.”

¹note page 181 All the roots of the eighth class, it is true, in Sanskrit (excepting ) end in a nasal, which would apply to dan sufficiently well, but they are at the same time, as it is well known, extremely limited; and there is no single verb of the class of which the meaning will apply to the passage under consideration.

²note page 181 In the Cuneiform text I have conjecturally given the sign of disjunction before danautuva, but it cannot be distinguished on the rock.

¹note page 182 See Ueber die Keilinschriften, p. 240. Professor Lassen, however, appears to have been led into this error by taking the letter for dh instead of t.

²note page 182 The t in this suffix is of course the demonstrative dental applied to the 3rd person, but I know not the grammatical value of the u. I should havo supposed, also, the τω of the Greek imperative to be equivalent to the Sanskrit transitive ending in tu, in the same way as των in the middle voico would represent the Sanskrit and old Persian tám, but Professor Bopp refers both one termination and the other to the Vedio . See Comp. Gr., s. 470.

³note page 182 The verb in Sanskrit is also sometimes used in the sixth class, but the inscriptions are deficient in any example of this form of conjugating the root.

⁴note page 182 Westergaard gives the middle imperfect in the Rig Veda with the sense of “they lived;” but Rosen translates “obtinuerunt.” R. V. Hymn. 20.1. 8. See Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 63, and Rig Vedre Spec. p. 30.

¹note page 183 For observations on the elongation of the class-syllable a, and on the so-called personal termination, see the note to jadiyámiya.

²note page 183 See the notes to the third para, of Insc. No. 6, p. 295.

³note page 183 The personal-endings of the sing. and plur. t and n, are of course elided in the old Persian as silent terminals.

⁴note page 183 Bopp, in his excellent chapter on the Medial Terminations, (Comp. Gr., s. 466 to s. 480,) satisfactorily explains the general substitution of é (=ai) for amé (=amai) in the 1st pers. sing, of the middle voice.

⁵note page 183 In treating of the active aorist of the tenth class, Bopp observes, that the syllable of reduplication or the base-syllable must be elong, and I imngine that the latter condition applies also to the middle voico. See s. 580 of the Comp. Gr.

¹note page 184 See Wilkins's Gr., s. 601.

²note page 184 Ueber die Keilinschriften, p. 249. Zeitschrift, p. 527.

³note page 184 See Ueber die Keilinschriftcn, p. 44 and 247. Zeitsclirift, p. 625. Bopp has some admirable remarks on this form of the aorist in his Comp. Gr., s. 542 to s. 547, and he clearly shows its connexion with Latin perfects in si; compare scrinsi. vexi. rexi. &c.

¹note page 185 This substitution, in fact, is precisely similar to the corresponding Zend orthography of děeě. It must to observed, however, that the primitive short vowel of the Sanskrit still retains, notwithstanding the Cuneiform mutation, its power of aspirating the following sibilant. See Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 63.

²note page 185 It is owing to this presumed identification of the Cuneiform with the conjugational suffix of the tenth class, that I write Dáraya instead of Dárya, but at the same time I employ a parenthesis to show that the reading is doubtful.

³note page 185 Lib. VI., c. 98; έρξείης is Ionic for έρξίασ from ἕργω. Donnegan gives Φρακτικὸς as the equivalent.

⁴note page 185 Ilesychius in voce Δαρεῖος.

¹note page 186 Etym. Mag. in voce.

²note page 186 Δαρτύην however,‘is a correction of Saumaise's for Δαριάκην, which occurs in all the MSS. of Strabo, c. XVI., p. 785; and Salm. Ex. Plin., p. 405. Gesenius proposes a further correction of ΔαριάΒην ;but this is quite unnecessary, while Lassen (Ueber die Keilinschriftcn, p. 9,) writes Δαριήκησ in the nom. I think it very possible that Strabo may really have written Δαριάκην, for the guttural was a regular Parthian euphonic suflix.

³note page 186 He is named by Plutarch in his Life of Lucullus, and by Dio Cassius.

⁴note page 186 That the Zend writings, in their present state, are as old at any rate as the Sassanians, may be inferred from the testimony of Ammianus, (lib.XXIII.,c.61), and Agathias (lib. II., c. 24), who both connect Hystaspcs (the Vishtáspa of the Zend Avesta,) with the establishment of the later Magism. Ammianus does not question but that this Hystaspes was the father of the great Darius, but Agathias notices the uncertainty of the identification. In the Zend fragments, also, it is interesting to observe that Vishtáspa is the latest Aehremenian king whose name occurs, and hence may be derived an argument that the hymns and prayers really date from that epoch.

¹note page 187 Burnouf has well exposed this spurious derivation of the name of Darius, in his Mem. on the Hamadan Iusriptions, p. 73; but I am not sure that Anquetil did not fabricate the reading, to suit his own conceit that the etymology must be necessarily sought in the Zend language His words at any rate are ambiguous, and , he quotes no authority. See his Memoir on the Zend, Mén. do l'Acad., tom. LVI. p. 199 and 241, 12mo Edit.

²note page 187 The Persian fables depending on this derivation, are, I consider, unworthy of notice.

³note page 187 My copy of the Bun Dehesh, which is much more completo than that translated by Anquetil, gives Dárá for the one Darius, and Dárái Dárhán for the other.

⁴note page 187 In these terms the introduction of the guna is shown by the employment of , which necessarily requires an a (or an i) to follow it, instead of which with the same uniformity requires to be followed by u.

¹note page 188 That is, the letter will coalesco indifferently with the a and u and may be thus read either vu or vau. Strictly speaking there is a secondary form of , namely , but that character is exclusively allotted to combination with the vowel i, and could not therefore be employed in the word under discussion.

²note page 188 For a full examination of the etymology of the Zend darěga, see Burnouf'a Yaçna, p. 387; he supposes to be a secondary form of drǐh; and refers darěga to another supposed secondary form drǐgh.

³note page 188 The superlativo drájista, does actually occur in Zend. See Yaçjna, p. 309.

¹note page 189 For a full and satisfactory examination of the Zend zarayo, see Burnouf's Ya¸na, Notes et Eclair., p. 97.

²note page 189 Εἶναι δὲ τοῦτο χαλδαϊστὶ μὲν Θαλὰτθ έλλενιστὶ δὲ μεθερμηνεὐεσθαι θάλασσα.—Syncellus, p. 23. This extract from Berosus is preserved by Alex. Polyhistor.

³note page 189 Burnouf has compared most of these terms in his Commentary on the Yaçna, sur l'Alphab. Zend, p. 81, n. 32, and he has even ventured to include in his list the Greek ὸχρός.

⁴note page 189 Comparo karáhya maná, “my forces;” khshatram tya Bábirauva, “the Babylonian crown,” (where the locat. is used for the genit.) hyá amákham tumá, “our race,” &c.

¹note page 190 In the notes to the Nakhsh-i-Rustam Inscriptions, I have supposed the Seythians beyond the sea to include the seven last names of the Geographical list; but I have now abandoned that idea, and restrict the Saká tyiya páradaraya to the Tharacians and the barbarians of the Danube, the Dncister, and the Don. There is a very curious notice also, as I think, of these same European Scythinns, in the independent Babylonian Inscription of Persepolis, marked L in Niebuhr's Plates, which I shall endeavour to explain under the head Saka.

²note page 190 Burnouf has already compared the Zend darshi, with the Greek θαρσύς or θρασύς. Yaçna, p. 44.

¹note page 191 This term is quoted by Westergaard in his Radices, p. 288, from the Bhag. Puran., 17, 18.

²note page 191 Bopp, however, says, that “the s of this form is without doubt a weakening of the original t,” (see Comp. Gr., s. 462,) and Lassen and Burnouf are of the same opinion. See Ueber die Keilinschriften, p. 246, Zeitschrift, p. 254, and Yaçna, Notes, p. 147, whero Burnouf quotes the authority of Panini, and also compares Colebrooke Sans. Gr., p. 141.

³note page 191 We have ku, indeed, instead of kau, throughout the special tenses of kunu, “to do.”

⁴note page 191 I have formerly translated, “the state feared from opposing him,” that is, “feared to oppose him;” and it is certainly more consonant with Cuneiform usage thus to connect the abl. sign hachá, “from,” immediately with the neuter verb, “to be afraid,” than to render tars, as an active verb, “to fear,” and to make it govern the accusative pronoun shim; but on the other hand, I cannot possibly identify darshama as an active participle in the ablative case; the termination, indeed, in ma, if it stand for mas, will belong to a theme in silent m, (Wilkins, s. 118,) and such themes require to be verbal roots, or modifications of verbal roots ending in the same letter .

¹note page 192 Westergaard (Rad. Ling. Sans., p. 46,) gives “disjungere,” as the true meaning of , but it would also, I suppose, equally with the cognate form , signify “to make an effort.” It is impossible, however, to determine any thing satisfactory with regard to patipayuvá, for there is no such root in Sanskrit as or , and although prati becomes pati, the true correspondent of should be fra and not pa.