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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2011
The year A.D. 1230 is one of the most decisive dates in the religious and political history of Eastern India. King Anaṅgabhīma of the Imperial Gaṅgas ritually dedicated his kingdom to the god Puruṣottamma-Jagannātha of Puri and acknowledged the divinity of Puri both as the sole state deity of Orissa and as his divine overlord. Henceforward Anaṅgabhīma and his successors claimed to rule under divine order (ādeśa) and as son (putra) and vassal (rāuta) of the Lord of Puri. It was most probably during the same year that Anaṅgabhīma introduced the deity Balabhadra into the present Jagannātha trinity of Puri. Thus the year 1230 marks both the establishment of the ideology of the Gajapati kingship of Orissa, and the final formation of the Jagannatha cult of Puri.
2 According to the epigraphical evidence, until 1309 the God of Puri was referred to under the name Puruṣottama. It was only during the reign of king Bhānudeva II that the name Jagannātha appeared in inscriptions in Srikurman (A.D. 1309, EI, V, 35Google Scholar) and in Simhachalam (A.D. 1319, SII, VI, No. 714Google Scholar). Sircar, D. C., “Gaṅga Bhānudeva II and Puruṣottama-Jagannātha”, in JKHRS, I, 3, 1946, 251–53.Google Scholar
3 Mahtab, Harekrishna, History of Orissa, Cuttack, 1960, II, 504–26Google Scholar (App. IV: “The cult of Jagannatha”); Mahapatra, K. M., “The worship of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra”, Shree Jagannath Smarika, New Delhi, 1970, 49–51;Google ScholarMishra, K. C., The cult of Jagannath, Calcutta, 1971, 30ff.Google Scholar
4 For the date of the Jagannātha temple see von Stietencron, H., “The date of the Jagannātha temple: literary sources reconsidered”, in Das, M. N. (ed.), Sidelights on history and culture of Orissa, Cuttack, 1978, 516–31, according to whom the temple was constructed by Codaganga and his sons between 1136–47 and 1193–97 A.D.Google Scholar
5 Kulke, H., “Some remarks about the Jagannātha Trinity”, in Indologen-Tagung 1971, edited by Härtel, H. and Moeller, V., Wiesbaden, 1973, 126–39;Google ScholarTripathi, G. C., “The concept of Puruṣottama in the Āgamas”, in Eschmann, , 1978, 53;Google ScholarEschmann, A., Kulke, H., Tripathil, G. C., “The formation of the Jagannātha Triad”, in Eschmann, , 1978, 169–96;Google ScholarKulke, , 1979, 49–58.Google Scholar
6 Murāri describes in his Anangharāghava the yātrā of the god Purusottama being worshipped at the sea-shore together with his consort Kamalā, sitting on his lap. For Murāri and his date see H. von Stietencron, “The advent of Viṣṇuism in Orissa: an outline of its history according to archaeological and epigraphical sources from the Gupta Period up to 1135 A.D.”, in Eschmann, , 1978, 15 f. and 67.Google Scholar
7 According to the Dasgoba copper-plate grant of Rājarāja III (Coḍagaṅga's grandson) of the year 1198 (EI, XXXI, 225, v. 27–8):Google Scholar “What king can be named that could erect a temple to such a god as Purushottama, whose feet are the earth, whose navel the entire sky, whose ears the cardinal points, whose eyes the sun and moon and whose head the heaven above? This task which had been hitherto neglected by previous kings, was fulfilled by the lord of the Gangas” (i.e. Coḍagaṅga). //The ocean is the birth-place of Lakshmī; so thinking, in his father-in-law's house Vishṇu lodged with some shame though he got full adoration. Thus ashamed, the god Purushottama was glad to get his new house; and Lakshmī too, gladly preferred living in her husband's new house to living in her father's house”, (translation by Chakravarti, M. M., “The date of the Jagannath Temple in Puri”, JASB, LXVII, 1898, 328).Google Scholar
8 Dr. Ganganendranath Dash of Berhampur University drew attention to this important evidence for an analysis of the early history of the Jagannātha cult.
9 EI, XXX, 202.Google Scholar
10 Archarya, P., “The commemorative inscription of the Ananta Vasudeva temple at Bhubaneswar”, OHRJ, I, 4, 1953, 274–88.Google Scholar
11 SII, IV, no. 1329.Google Scholar
12 In the Narsingpur inscription of Udyota Keśarī, IO, IV, 227.Google Scholar
13 In the Chateśvara temple inscription, EI, XXIX, 126.Google Scholar
14 Bhubaneswar inscription no. I of Anaṅgabhīma III, EI, XXX, 235.Google Scholar See also Sircar, D. C., “Some facts of early Orissa history. IV. Gaṅga Anaṅgabhīma III”, JIH, XXXV, 1957, 75–89Google Scholar and Sircar, D. C., Studies in the religious life of ancient and medieval India, 1971, 70 ff.Google Scholar
15 Cf. the Nagari Plates of Anaṅgabhīma III, Saka 1151 and 1152 (edited by Sircar, D. C.), EI, XXVIII, 235–58, especially 256.Google Scholar
16 EI, XXXI, 96.Google Scholar
17 Nagari plates, EI, XXVIII, 257.Google Scholar
18 Puri inscription, EI, XXX, 197 ff.Google Scholar
19 Sircar, D. C., “Two Lingaraja Temple inscriptions”, in Indian Culture, VI, 1939–1940, 71 ff.Google Scholar
20 Mādalā Pāñji, edited by Mohanty, A. B., repr. Bhubaneswar 1969, 27:Google ScholarAnaṅgabhīma Deva… kohile, āmbha nāā Puruṣottama debe. E nagara Katake thāi Sri Puruṣottama Śrī Jagannātha Devaṅku samasta samarpi rāutapane thāānti Anaṅgabhīma Deva o Puruṣottama Deva madhya rajā 2 ahka abhiṣeka na hele. Oḍiśa rājya rajā Śri Jagannātha Mahāprabhu emanta kahi abhiṣeka nohile.
21 Kapilas inscription, EI, XXXIII, 41–5.Google Scholar
22 Mukherjee, P., History of the Gajapati Kings of Orissa and their successors, Calcutta, 1953;Google ScholarSubrahmanyam, R., The Sūryavamśī Gajapatis of Orissa, Waltair, 1957.Google Scholar
23 On the concept of “Visṇu as chieftain and king” see Hardy, Friedhelm, “Ideology and cultural context of the Śrīvaiṣṇava temple,” IESHR, XIV, 1977Google Scholar (= B. Stein [ed.], Special number on South Indian temples), 119–51 (particularly 132–5). For the role of an imperial temple (Rājarājeśvara at Tanjore) see Spencer, G. W., “Religious networks and royal influence in eleventh century South India”, JESHO, XII, 1969, 42–56.Google Scholar
24 In the undated Edilpur inscription king Keśavasena claims that his father Lakṣmaṇasena (1179–1205) erected pillars of victory and sacrificial posts at Benares and Allahabad and “on the coast of the southern sea (near?) the vedī, the abode of Balabhadra and Kṛṣṇa” (velāyām dakṣinābher Musaladhara-Gadāpaṇi-saṃvāsa-vedyām) which could only mean Puri, Majumdar, N. G., Inscriptions of Bengal, 1929, III, 118–32,Google Scholar sl. 13; see also Behera, K. S., “Antiquity of the deity Puruṣottama-Jagannātha at Puri”, Bharati-Utkal University, Humanities, VII, 13, 1973, 19–29.Google Scholar Keśavasena's claim that his father's armies conquered Orissa up to Puri is not corroborated by any other evidence, and has therefore certainly no value for the political history of Lakṣmanasena. It may, however, be of great interest for our study of the religious developments at Puri during Keśavesena's time, since it mentions – perhaps for the first time in an inscription – Balabhadra together with Kṛṣṇa at Puri. Since Keśavasena ruled from about 1225 “till at least A.D. 1230” (Majumdar, R. C., The history of Bengal, 1971, I, 227) his undated Edilpur inscription may well reflect the events at Puri during the year 1230, when, according to our hypothesis, Balabhadra was included in the triad of Puri. If this interpretation of Keśavasena's Edilpur inscription proves correct, it would be importante corroboration for the date of the installation of the Jagannātha trinity at Puri.Google Scholar
25 Eschmann, , Kulke, , and Tripathi, , in Eschmann, , 1978, 185 (cf. n. 5, above).Google Scholar
26 e.g. Bhāgavata Purāṇa, V, 25, 2, 3.Google Scholar
27 Geib, , 1975.Google Scholar
28 Geib, , 1975, 134.Google Scholar
29 For a more detailed study of the sculptures see Kulke, , 1979, 60–3;Google Scholar also Starza-Majewski's, O. M. excellent article, “King Narasimha before his spiritual preceptor”, JRAS, 1971, 134–8;Google ScholarBhattacharya, A. K., “Konarak and its builder”, Oriental Art, VI, 160, 32 ff.;Google ScholarMitra, Debala, “Notes on Konarak”, JASL, III, 2, 1961, 53–62; and K. S. Behera's forthcoming comprehensive monograph on Konarak.Google Scholar
30 von Stietencron, H., “Early temples of Jagannātha in Orissa: the formative phase” in Eschmann, , 1978, 77 f.Google Scholar
31 Geib, , 1975, 134;Google Scholar and Tripathi, G. C., in Eschmann, , 1978, 54 (cf. n. 5, above).Google Scholar
32 Geib deals extensively with this aspect of the Indradyumna legend (p. 131 ff.). His argument that the Indradyumna legend was introduced in order to justify the worship of the unusual wooden images is certainly correct. However, the necessity to “legitimate” the images did not arise after the alleged Kultwandel, but after their recognition as state deities of the Orissa empire.
33 See also Kulke, , 1979, 21 ff.Google Scholar
34 In Kavyabisarada, J. (ed.), Mañjūṣā Rājavaṁśānucaritam, Puri, 1915, 22, the goddess is called Khilamuṇḍā Bhagavatī and Vaṁśadaṇḍadevī.Google Scholar
35 See von Stietencron, in Eschmann, , 1978, 21 f.Google Scholar (cf. n. 6, above) and Dahejia, V., Early stone temples of Orissa, New Delhi, 1978, 129 f.Google Scholar
36 Nagari inscription, lines 126 ff. (cf. n. 15, above).
37 Elliot, H. M. and Dowson, J., The history of India as told by its own historians, London, 1869, III, 314;Google Scholar and Mahatab, H. K., “Invasion of Orissa in 1360 A.D.”, OHRJ, I, 1952, 31–5.Google Scholar
38 See Dash, G. N., “Jagannātha and Oriya nationalism” in Eschmann, , 1978, 359–74Google Scholar and Kulke, H., “Kings without a kingdom; the rajas of Khurda and the Jagannātha cult”, South Asia, IV, 1974, 60–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
39 Chakravarti, , JASB, LXVII, 1898, 328:Google ScholarArcharya, P., “Date of the Lingaraja Temple at Bhubaneswar and the Jagannātha Temple at Puri”, in Acharya, P., Studies in Orissa history, art and archaeology, Baripada, 1969, 292–6;Google Scholar and von Stietencron, in Das, M. N. (ed.), Sidelights on history and culture of Orissa, 516–32 (cf. n. 4, above).Google Scholar