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Ibn al-Nadīm's Ismāʿīlī Contacts
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 December 2008
Extract
Iraq in the tenth and eleventh centuries witnessed a flowering of Shiite cultural production with lasting effects on the Islamic sciences such as law, hadith, theology, and Qur'anic commentary. The works of al-Shaykh al-Mufīd (d. 413/1022), al-Sharīf al-Murtaḍā (d. 436/1044), and al-Shaykh al-Ṭūsī (d. 460/1067) not only broke significant new ground in Shiite intellectual history and defended Shiite doctrinal positions against opponents, but also set parameters for production in these fields that would remain in effect, grosso modo, until modern times. During the same period, Shiite authors made substantial contributions to fields not directly related to Shiite religious doctrine, playing a crucial role in elaborating and preserving Islamic heritage in general. Al-Masʿūdī's (d. 345/956) famous history Murūj al-dhahab and Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī's (d. 356/967) collection of songs, poetry, and associated lore, Kitāb al-Aghānī, are prominent examples of Shiite authors' contributions to general Arabo-Islamic cultural production. Arguably yet more important is the Fihrist, composed in Baghdad in 377-378 ah/987-988 ce by Ibn al-Nadīm, an Imāmī Shiite bookseller. This work, a comprehensive catalogue of Arabic book titles, is widely recognised as one of the most important sources for the history of all learned disciplines recorded in Arabic in the course of the first four Islamic centuries. As a consequence, the present understanding of entire swaths of Islamic intellectual history, including the rise and development of Muʿtazilī theology and the translation of the Greek sciences into Arabic, is heavily indebted to a Shiite author.
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References
1 See Stewart, D. J., Islamic Legal Orthodoxy: Twelver Shiite Responses to the Sunni Legal System (Salt Lake City, 1998), pp. 114–120Google Scholar.
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9 I have not found any study that makes this claim, nor does Polosin, whose discussion of Ibn al-Nadīm's biography is the most extensive to date, mention any scholars who have done so.
10 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. xviii.
11 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. xx.
12 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 78.
13 Cf. Dodge, The Fihrist, p. xvii.
14 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, pp. 85-87.
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18 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 154.
19 Chester Beatty MS Ar. 3315, fol. 53r.
20 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 306.
21 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 240.
22 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 306 n. 248.
23 Flügel, Fihrist, i, p. 139.
24 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 154.
25 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 95.
26 Flügel, Fihrist, i, p. 139.
27 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 84.
28 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 1032.
29 One recipe for Khushkanānaj is the following: “. . . take excellent samīd flour and put three ounces of sesame oil on every [pound], and knead it hard, well. Leave it until it ferments, then make it into long cakes, and into the middle of each put its quantity of pounded almonds and sugar kneaded with spiced rose-water. Then gather them as usual, bake them in the brick oven and take them up”. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. al-Karīm, A Baghdad Cookery Book: The Book of Dishes (Kitāb al-Ṭabīkh), trans. Charles Perry (Totnes, England, 2005), p. 102.
30 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 84.
31 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 95.
32 Flügel, Fihrist, i, p. 139; Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 306, 306 n. 249; Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 154.
33 al-Ṭūsī, Fihrist kutub al-shīʿah, ed. Sayyid Muḥammad Ṣādiq Baḥr al-ʿUlūm (Najaf, 1961), pp. 115-116; al-Najāshī, Kitāb al-rijāl (Tehran, n.d.), p. 208; Shahrāshūb, Ibn, Maʿālim al-ʿulamāʾ, ed. Iqbāl, ʿAbbās (Tehran, 1934), p, 56Google Scholar; al-Amīn, Muḥsin, Aʿyān al-shīʿah (Beirut, 1984), ix, pp. 282–286Google Scholar.
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35 Chester Beatty MS Ar. 3315, fol. 53r.
36 Flügel, Fihrist, i, p. 190; Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 241. Flügel adds the word “the Book . . .” at the end of the entry, but Tajaddud omits it.
37 Flügel, Fihrist, ii, p. 80 n. 1.
38 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, p. 205.
39 Dodge, The Fihrist, pp. xviii, xx.
40 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 473.
41 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, pp. 84, 94.
42 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 94.
43 Flügel, Fihrist, ii, p. 80 n. 2.
44 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, pp. 205-207.
45 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. xix.
46 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 94.
47 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 95.
48 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 154.
49 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 166.
50 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 181.
51 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 94.
52 Tajaddud, Fihrist, pp. 171-172.
53 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 341.
54 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 325.
55 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 247.
56 Al-Ṭūsī, Fihrist kutub al-shīʿah, p.159; al-Najāshī, Kitāb al-Rijāl, pp. 306-307. Al-Najāshī tells the story of the mubāhalah but does not mention Sayf al-Dawlah. Instead, he simply refers to the ruler as Ibn Ḥamdān, the Sultan, or al-Amīr Ibn Ḥamdān.
57 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 195; also Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 95.
58 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 235.
59 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 88.
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65 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, pp. 87-88.
66 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 88.
67 Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 473.
68 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, p. 207.
69 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, p. 207 n. 30.
70 Flügel has ẓarīf for ṭarīf.
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75 Dodge reports that the Tonk MS reads, “. . . because he was exiled on account of him”. I do not have access to this MS, but Dodge's translation is probably based on an underlying Arabic phrase li'annahu nufiya bi-sababih. This is presumably a corruption of the text in MS SA 1934. Dodge, The Fihrist, p. 473 n. 97.
76 Flügel, Fihrist, i, p. 190; Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 241.
77 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, p. 207.
78 Kraemer, Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam, pp. 44-45.
79 Justi, F., Iranisches Namenregister (Marburg, 1895; reprinted Hildesheim, 1963), p. 296Google Scholar.
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81 Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, ii, pp. 257-260.
82 Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, ii, p. 168.
83 Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, ii, pp. 170-171.
84 Miskawayh, Tajārib al-umam, ii, p. 174.
85 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 240.
86 Daftary, The Ismāʿīlīs, pp. 121, 131, 165-167, 180.
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88 Stern, “Abū 'l-Qāsim al-Bustī”, p. 305.
89 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, p. 207; idem, “Abū 'l-Qāsim al-Bustī”, p. 309. I use the sign b/t here to indicate a single “tooth” without any distinguishing dots; i.e., a letter that could represent any of b, t, th, n, or y.
90 Stern, “Early Ismāʿīlī Missionaries”, pp. 207-208.
91 Stern, “Abū 'l-Qāsim al-Bustī”, p. 309.
92 ʿĀdil Sālim ʿAbd al-Jabbār, al-Ismāʿīlīyūn: Kashf al-asrār wa-naqd al-afkār. Taḥlīl wa-ʿarḍ li-Kitāb Abī al-Qāsim al-Bustī min kashf asrār al-bāṭinīyah wa-ʿawār madhhabihim (Kuwait, ʿĀdil Sālim ʿAbd al-Jabbār, 2005), pp. 134-135,139-142, 369.
93 ʿAbd al-Jabbār, al-Ismāʿīlīyūn, p. 140.
94 Stern, “Abū 'l-Qāsim al-Bustī”, p. 309.
95 Fück, “Ibn al-Nadim”, EI 2, iii, pp. 895-896, here p. 895.
96 The particle wa- here should probably be emended to fa-.
97 Tajaddud, Fihrist, pp. 238-239.
98 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 240.
99 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 239.
100 Tajaddud, Fihrist, p. 240.
101 Polosin, Fixrist Ibn an-Nadima, p. 94.
102 Wilferd Madelung and Toby Mayer, Struggling with the Philosopher: A Refutation of Avicenna's Metaphysics (London, 2001), pp. 1-15. See also Gaiser, Adam R., “Satan's Seven Specious Arguments: al-Sharastānī's Kitāb al-Milal wa-l-Niḥal in an Ismaʿili Context”, Journal of Islamic Studies xix (2008), pp. 178–195CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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