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Exaggerated fear in the early Islamic Renunciant Tradition*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2011

Abstract

The Sunni tradition of the ninth and tenth centuries often reports Muslims from the seventh and eighth centuries so fearful of God and the Last Judgement that they wished they had never been born, wept uncontrollably, and otherwise carried on as we seldom hear of from later centuries. My first object is therefore to make out what these fearers were up to. To look forward, I would characterise the piety on display as being intensely ascetical. It is about insecurity and divine transcendence, not trust and nearness to God. The fearers seem to have cultivated anxiousness to maintain their devotion and prevent complacency. My second object is to make out why such exaggerated fear evidently faded away in the later eighth century. I tend to think that fear had to be moderated with the development of Sunni theology in the ninth century, which made it necessary to stress the prospect of salvation for all Muslims, and of a Sunni piety that eschewed extreme practices unsuitable for everyone to undertake.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2011

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Footnotes

*

The writing of this article was made possible by a research leave extension grant from the Arts and Humanities Research Council. E-mail: [email protected]

References

1 Izutsu, Toshihiko, The Structure of the Ethical Terms in the Koran, Keio University Studies in the Humanities and Social Relations 2 (Tokyo, 1959), p. 62Google Scholar, apud Ohlander, Erik S., “Fear of God (taqwā) in the Qur'ān: some notes on semantic shift and thematic context”, Journal of Semitic Studies, L (2005), pp. 137152, at p. 147CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Rahman, Fazlur, Major Themes of the Qur'ān, 2nd edn (Minneapolis, 1989), p. 28Google Scholar, apud Ohlander, ‘Fear of God’, p. 137.

3 Ohlander, ‘Fear of God’.

4 al-Mubārak, Ibn, al-Zuhd wa-al-raqā’iq, (ed.) al-A‛ẓamī, Ḥabīb al-Raḥmān (Malegaon, 1386; reprint with different pagination Beirut, 1419ah/1998ce)Google Scholar, no. 79 among additions from Nu‛aym ibn Ḥammād.

5 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 138 < N.

6 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 168. The same gloss is attributed to Sufyān al-Thawrī (Kufan, d. 161/777?) by Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyat al-awliyā’, 10 vols. (Cairo, 1352-57ah/1932-38ce), VII, p. 77. Here and henceforth, translations of the Qur'an follow Alan Jones's translation unless otherwise noted.

7 V. al-Ṭabarī, Jāmi‛ al-bayān, 31 vols. (Cairo, 1321), 1:20–2 = ed. Maḥmūd Shākir with ‛Alī ‛Āshūr, 30 vols. in 16 (Beirut, 1421ah/2001ce), I, pp. 25–31.

8 Encyclopædia of the Qur'ān, s.v. ‘Fear’, by Scott C. Alexander, referring at the end to Asad, Muhammad, The Message of the Qur'an (Gibraltar, 1980)Google Scholar.

9 Taqwá is likewise glossed as ‘God-consciousness’ by Tayob, Abdelkader, Islam: A Short Introduction (Oxford, 1999), p. 55Google Scholar, although he shortly goes on to describe it more plausibly as “a concept [that] connotes a sense of fear, awe and reverence in the presence of God”.

10 Solange Ory, ‘Aspects religieux des texts épigraphiques du début de l'Islam’, Les premières écritures islamiques, dir. Alfred-Louis de Prémare, Revue du monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée 58 (Aix-en-Provence, 1990), pp. 30–39; Donner, Fred, Narratives of Islamic Origins, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 14 (Princeton, 1998)Google Scholar. Donner has been challenged by Elad, Amikam, ‘Community of believers of “holy men” and “saints” or community of Muslims?’, Journal of Semitic Studies, XLVII (2002), pp. 241308CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It seems to me that the question comes down to how early political and religious authority were differentiated, with Elad complacently projecting back a later division of labour.

11 As for the first two, the preferred editions remain, to my knowledge, Jāḥiẓ, al-Bayān wa-al-tabyīn, (ed.) ‛Abd al-Salām Muḥammad Hārūn, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1367-69ah/1948-1950ce), and Ibn Qutaybah, al-‛Uyūn wa-al-akhbār, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1343-49ah/1925-30ce). As for the last, v. Weipert, Reinhard and Weninger, Stefan, ‘Die erhaltene Werke des Ibn Abī d-Dunyā. Eine vorläufige Bestandsaufnahme’, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, CXLVI (1996), pp. 415455Google Scholar.

12 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah (v. n. 6); Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, al-Zuhd (Mecca, 1357, repr. Beirut, 1396ah/1976ce, also reprint with different pagination [Beirut, 1403ah/1983ce]—references to this last edn. henceforth in italic); Ibn al-Mubārak, al-Zuhd (v. n. 4); Ibn Abī Shaybah, al-Muṣannaf, (ed.) Ḥamad ibn ‛Abd Allāh al-Jum‛ah and Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm al-Luḥaydān (Laḥīdān?), 16 vols. (Riyadh, 1425ah/2004ce); Hannād ibn al-Sarī, Kitāb al-Zuhd, (ed.) ‛Abd al-Raḥmān ibn ‛Abd al-Jabbār al-Faryawā'ī, 2 vols. (Kuwayt, 1406ah/1985ce). For a list of over 60 early works on renunciation, including many not extant, v. ‛Āmir Aḥmad Ḥaydar, introduction to al-Bayhaqī, K. al-Zuhd al-kabīr (Beirut, 1408ah/1987ce), pp. 47–56.

13 Schacht, Joseph, The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 1950), p. 156Google Scholar.

14 For the prophet Muḥammad as a holy man whose chief charisma was military success, v. Robinson, Chase, ‘Prophecy and holy men’, in The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution of Peter Brown, (ed.) Howard-Johnson, James and Howard, Paul Antony (Oxford, 1999), pp. 241262Google Scholar. Compare the degree to which the temporal authority of Late Antique bishops depended on their reputations for piety, as developed by Nürnberg, Rosemarie, Askese als sozialer Impuls, Hereditas: Studien zur alten Kirchengeschichte 2 (Bonn, 1988)Google Scholar, and Sterk, Andrea, Renouncing the World yet Leading the Church (Cambridge, Mass., 2004)Google Scholar.

15 A tradition that admittedly goes back as far as Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 597ah/1201ce), K. Ṣifat al-ṣafwah, 4 vols. (Hyderabad: Maṭba‛at Majlis Dā’irat al-Ma‛ārif al-‛Uthmānīyah, 1355–6), I, p. 3.

16 For the terminological history of ‘Sufism’ (taṣawwuf), v. Massignon, Louis, Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism, trans. Clark, Benjamin (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1997)Google Scholar, and The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edn., s.v. ‘taṣawwuf’, by B. Radtke.

17 Cf. Melchert, Christopher, ‘The Musnad of Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal’, Der Islam, LXXXII (2005), pp. 3251Google Scholar, at pp. 45–47.

18 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 1473.

19 Ibid., no. 223.

20 Ibid., no. 229; Aḥmad, Zuhd, pp. 57–58 p. 75. It will be indicated where items in the Zuhd came not through Aḥmad but only through its compiler, his son ‛Abd Allāh (d.290ah/903ce).

21 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 159.

22 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 73, XII, p. 371; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 160 p. 200. Alternatively, he wept on seeing a hot iron in the forge: Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 92, XII, p. 423; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 163 p. 202. Also said of Uways al-Qaranī (d. 37ah/657ce): al-Dunyā, Ibn Abī, al-Riqqah wa-al-bukā’, (ed.) Yūsuf, Muḥammad Khayr Ramaḍān (Beirut, Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 1416/1996), p. 63Google Scholar = (ed.) Mus‛ad ‛Abd al-Ḥamīd Muḥammad al-Sa‛dānī (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qur'ān, n.d.), p. 28 (references to this latter edn. henceforth in italic). An anonymous worshipper gazed at a smith's bellows, gave a sob, and died: Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 92, XII, p. 425; Ibn Abī al-Dunyā, Riqqah, p. 63 p. 28. Al-A‛mash (d. 148ah/765ce?) related that the earlier Kufan al-Rabī‛ ibn Khuthaym (d. 63ah/682-3ce) had sobbed on seeing a hot iron, then passed by the smiths himself to do the same but “there was no good in me”; that is, he did not weep himself (a good thing, though, inasmuch as it showed that he did not weep at will, for show): Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 338 p. 407.

23 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 195 p. 243.

24 Ibid., p. 337 p. 406.

25 Ibid., Zuhd, p. 356 p. 427 (< ‛Al.).

26 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, VIII, p. 324.

27 Ibid., VIII, p. 149.

28 Ibn Abī al-Dunyā, Riqqah, p. 120 p. 50.

29 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, VI, p. 243.

30 Ibid., IX, pp. 328–329.

31 Aḥmad, Zuhd (< ‛Al.), p. 69 p. 88.

32 Tirmidhī, Jāmi‛, faḍā’il al-jihād 8, bāb mā jā’a fī faḍl al-ghubār fī sabīl Allāh, no. 1633, and al-zuhd 8, bāb mā jā’a fī faḍl al-bukā’ min khashyat Allāh, no. 2311; Nasā'ī, Mujtabá, jihād 8, faḍl man ‛amila fī sabīl Allāh ‛alá qadamih, no. 3109; Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, al-Musnad, 6 vols. (Cairo, 1313ah/1895ce), II, p. 505 = (ed.) Shu‛ayb al-Arna'ūṭ, &al., 50 vols. (Beirut, 1413-21ah/1993-2001ce), XVI, pp. 330–331 (references to the latter edition henceforth in italic).

33 Tirmidhī, Jāmi‛, faḍā’il al-jihād, bāb mā jā’a fī faḍl al-ḥars fī sabīl Allāh, no. 1639. Sim. from Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, jihād 1, mā dhukira fī faḍl al-jihād, VII, p. 67; Aḥmad, Musnad, IV, p. 134 XXVIII, pp. 445–448; al-Dārimī, al-Sunan, k. al-jihād, bāb fī alladhī yas'haru fī sabīl Allāh ḥārisan = 2 vols. (Damascus, al-Maṭba‛ah al-Ḥadīthīyah, 1349), II, p. 203.

34 Wakī‛, Zuhd, I, pp. 260–261; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 200 p. 249; Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 163; sim., Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 310; Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, I, pp. 118–119.

35 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 92, mā qālū fī al-bukā’ min khashyat Allāh, XII, p. 427; Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, V, p. 366.

36 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 92, mā qālū fī al-bukā’, XII, p. 425. Sim. exhortation to weep from the Prophet, apud Ibn Mājah, Zuhd 19, bāb al-ḥuzn wa-al-bukā’, no. 4196; from Abū Bakr, apud Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 92, mā qālū fī al-bukā’, XII, p. 424, and Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 108 p. 135; from Abū Mūsá al-Ash‛arī (d. 50/670-671?), apud Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 199 p. 247.

37 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 259 p. 317 (< ‛Al.).

38 Abū Nu'aym, Ḥilyah, III, p. 50.

39 Ibid., VI, pp. 160–161.

40 Ibid., VIII, p. 274.

41 Ibn Abī al-Dunyā, Riqqah, pp. 97–103, 117–120 pp. 41–44, 48–51.

42 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 110, mentioning Q. 4:41 in particular; also apud Bukhārī, al-Jāmi‛ al-ṣaḥīḥ, tafsīr, bāb fa-kayfa idhā ji'nā min kull ummah, no. 4082, faḍā’il al-Qur'ān, bāb qawl al-muqri’ lil-qāri’ ḥasbuk, no. 5050, and faḍā’il al-Qur'ān, bāb a-bukā’ ‛inda qirā’at al-Qur'ān, no. 5055; cf. Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 27 p. 36, mentioning Q. 73:12 in particular.

43 Ghazālī, Iḥyā’ ‛ulūm al-dīn 8, k. ādāb tilāwat al-Qur'ān 2, fī ẓāhir ādāb al-tilāwah.

44 Nelson, Kristina, The Art of Reciting the Qur'an, Modern Middle East Series 11 (Austin, 1985), p. 93Google Scholar.

45 Wakī‛, Zuhd, I, pp. 252–253.

46 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 162 pp. 201–202.

47 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 86, kalām Mujāhid, XII, p. 408; also Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, III, p. 279, quoting a lost section of Aḥmad, Zuhd.

48 Aḥmad, K. al-Jāmi‛ fī al-‛ilal wa-ma‛rifat al-rijāl, (ed.) Muḥammad Ḥusām Bayḍūn, 2 vols. (Beirut, 1410/1990), I, pp. 65–66; sim., al-Jāḥiẓ, Bayān, III, p. 171.

49 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 982; Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, IV, p. 101. Sim. quoted of ‛Amr ibn ‛Utbah (d. 23-35ah/644-656ce) when he refused to flee from a lion, Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 353 pp. 432–434; of an anonymous man discovered by Zayd ibn Wahb (d. 96ah/714-715ce?), Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, IV, pp. 171–172, quoting a lost section of Aḥmad, Zuhd (< ‛Al.); of an anonymous sā’iḥ described by Wahb ibn Munabbih (d. 114ah/732ce?), Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 101 p. 126.

50 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 112 p. 139.

51 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 240.

52 Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 258.

53 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, k. al-zuhd, kalām Abī Bakr, XII, p. 184; first half without isnād apud Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 138 p. 172; another short version, Wakī‛, Zuhd, I, p. 398.

54 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 112 p. 139.

55 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 241; ‛Abd al-Razzāq, al-Muṣannaf, (ed.) Ḥabīb al-Raḥmān al-A‛ẓamī, Manshūrāt al-Majlis al-‛Ilmī 39, 11 vols. (Beirut, 1390-92ah/1970-72ce), XI, p. 307; sim., Ibn Sa‛d, Biographien, (ed.) Eduard Sachau, & al., 9 vols. in 15 (Leiden, 1904-40), III/1, p. 300 = repr. with different pagination as al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrá, 9 vols. (Beirut, 1957-68), III, p. 413—references to this edn. henceforth in italic; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 185 p. 230.

56 Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 258; Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, I, p. 52.

57 Ibn Abī Shaybah, zuhd 10, kalām ‛Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, XII, p. 196; Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 234; Ibn Sa‛d, Biographien, III/1, p. 262 III, p. 360. “Something totally forgotten (nasyan mansīyan)” alludes to Q. 19:23, where Maryam makes the same wish. I depart from Jones's translation in substituting ‘something’ for ‘someone’.

58 Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 259; sim., Aḥmad, Zuhd, pp. 204, 233 pp. 253, 284.

59 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 233 pp. 284–285; sim., ibid., p. 233 p. 284; Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 260; Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 237; also Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, II, pp. 119–120, quoting a lost section of Aḥmad, al-Zuhd (< ‛Al.).

60 Wakī‛, Zuhd, I, p. 396; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 156 p. 195; Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 12, kalām Ibn Mas‛ūd, XII, p. 209.

61 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 161 p. 200.

62 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, I, p.133 (sim., VI, p. 271); Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 12, kalām Ibn Mas‛ūd, XII, p. 209.

63 Wakī‛, Zuhd, I, p. 395; Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 12, kalām Ibn Mas‛ūd, XII, p. 205; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 156 p. 195.

64 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 12, kalām Ibn Mas‛ūd, XII, p. 205.

65 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 146 p. 182; Wakī‛, I, pp. 159, 161.

66 Aḥmad, Musnad, V, p. 173 XXXV, pp. 405–406. Sim., Aḥmad, Zuhd, pp. 145–146 p. 182 (< ‛Al.). Also sim. in Tirmidhī, Jāmi‛, zuhd 9, fī qawl al-nabī . . . law ta‛lamūna mā a‛lam, no. 2312, and Ibn Mājah, al-Sunan, zuhd 19, al-ḥuzn wa-al-bukā’, no. 4190, where the last words appear to be those of the Prophet himself. Tirmidhī comments that they are also attributed to Abū Dharr.

67 Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 259.

68 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 238.

69 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 138 pp. 171–172 (< ‛Al.).

70 Ibid., p. 129 p. 160.

71 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 241; ‛Abd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, XI, p. 307; Ibn Sa‛d, Biographien, IV/2, p. 26 IV, p. 287.

72 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 149 p. 186.

73 Ibid., p. 165 p. 206.

74 Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 260; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 164 p. 205.

75 ‛Abd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, XI, p. 307. Al-Ṭabarī explains that a nasy mansī is something unwanted, discarded, and totally forgotten such as a menstrual rag: Jāmi‛ al-bayān, ad Q. 19:23. The gloss of ‘menstrual rag’ from ‛Abd al-Razzāq (or a later reader if it is a marginal note that has moved into the text) is one of five alternative definitions of nasy given by al-Māwardī, al-Nukat wa-al-‛uyūn, ad Q. 19:23, who attributes it to ‛Ikrimah (d. 107ah/725-726ce?); one of two definitions offered by al-Qurṭubī, al-Jāmi‛ fī aḥkām al-Qur'ān, ad Q. 19:23, who quotes for it the lexicographer al-Farrā’ (d. 207ah/822-823ce). The previous quotation, in which ‛Ā’ishah wishes to become this thing after death, obviously presupposes the more general definition of something forgotten.

76 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 239; Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 28, kalām ‛Ā’ishah, XII, p. 260.

77 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 164 p. 206.

78 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 24, kalām ‛Abd Allāh ibn ‛Amr, XII, p. 255.

79 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 241 p. 295.

80 Ibid., p. 238 p. 292 (< ‛Al.); sim., Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 66, Muṭarrif ibn al-Shikhkhīr, XII, p. 343, also apud Ḥilyah, II, 199.

81 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, VI, p. 224.

82 Ibid., VIII, p. 84.

83 Ibid., VIII, p. 84.

84 Ibid., VIII, p. 268.

85 The most useful definitions of asceticism and mysticism are, to my mind, those proposed by Mueller, Gert H., ‘Asceticism and mysticism. A contribution towards the sociology of faith’, in International Yearbook for the Sociology of Religion 8: Sociological Theories of Religion/Religion and Language, (ed.) Dux, Günter, Luckmann, Thomas, and Matthes, Joachim (Opladen, 1973), pp. 68132CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 With allusion again to Q. 19:71: Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 312; Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 45, XII, 296; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 363 p. 435 (< ‛Al.); Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, IV, p. 141.

87 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 154 < N.; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 153 p. 192 (< ‛Al.); Ibn Sa‛d, Biographien, IV/2, pp. 62–63 IV, p. 339.

88 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 364 p. 437; by another isnād, Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 437; by yet another, Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, IV, p. 224.

89 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 83, ḥadīth Ibrāhīm, XII, p. 397.

90 Ibid., zuhd 28, kalām ‛Ā’ishah, XII, p. 260.

91 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 168 p. 210 (< ‛Al.).

92 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, nos. 905–908, 916. V. further Katz, Marion H., ‘The study of Islamic ritual and the meaning of wuḍū’’, Der Islam, LXXXII (2005), pp. 106145Google Scholar, esp. pp. 118–132 on the minor ritual ablution as erasing sin.

93 Hannād, Zuhd, I, p. 305.

94 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 72, kalām al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, XII, p. 363; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 263 p. 322.

95 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 10.

96 Ibid., no. 912; Aḥmad, Zuhd, pp. 106–107 p. 132 (shorter version at p. 105 p. 130).

97 Aḥmad, Zuhd, pp. 238–239 p. 293; Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 66, Muṭarrif ibn al-Shikhkhīr, XII, p. 344; sim. attributed to another Basran, Maṭar ibn Ṭahmān (d. 125ah/742-743ce?), Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, III, p. 76.

98 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 265 p. 324 (< ‛Al.).

99 Ibid., p. 215 p. 265.

100 Ibid., p. 374 p. 447.

101 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, nos. 157–158.

102 Ibid., no. 480; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 10 p. 15.

103 Wakī‛, Zuhd, I, p. 311; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 156 p. 194. With an addition (‘Whosever rest is in meeting God, it is as if he already had’) apud Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 17.

104 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 239 p. 293.

105 Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 72, kalām al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, XII, p. 364.

106 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 18.

107 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 322 p. 389.

108 Ibn al-Mubārak, Zuhd, no. 124 < N.

109 Ibid., no. 125 < N.

110 Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Parsons, Talcott, Unwin University Books 19 (London, 1930)Google Scholar.

111 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 393 p. 470 (< ‛Al.). Sim. attrib. to the Damascene Abū al-Dardā’, ibid., p. 137 p. 170; somewhat less sim. attrib. to the Khurasani Abū Barzah al-Aslamī (d. after 65/684-5), ibid., p. 187 p. 233 (< ‛Al.).

112 Ibn Sa‛d, Biographien, VII/2, p. 117 VII, p. 391–392; Ibn Abī Shaybah, Muṣannaf, zuhd 12, kalām Abī al-Dardā’, XII, p. 226; Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 138 p. 172; Hannād, Zuhd, II, p. 353.

113 Two reports, Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 314 p. 381 (< ‛Al.). His fellow Basran Ḥassān ibn Abī Sinān (fl. earlier 2nd/8th cent.) likewise traded for the sake of the poor: Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, III, pp. 115–116. Cf. Eph. 4:28, calling for the repentant thief to work in order to be able to give to the poor.

114 Aḥmad, Zuhd, p. 365 p. 438 (< ‛Al.). Similarly, the Damascene Yazīd ibn Maysarah (fl. earlier 2nd/8th cent.), according to Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, V, p. 235, quoting a lost sec. of Aḥmad, Zuhd.

115 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, V, p. 151.

116 Abū Nu‛aym, Ḥilyah, V, p. 31.

117 Ibid., II, p. 385.

118 Ibid., V, p. 50.

119 Al-Khallāl, , al-Sunnah, ed. Quṭb, Abū ‛Āṣim al-Ḥasan ibn ‛Abbās ibn, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1428/2007), I, pp. 480, 482Google Scholar; Ya‛lá, Ibn Abī, Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābilah, ed. al-Fiqī, Muḥammad Ḥāmid, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1371/1952), I, p. 25Google Scholar (Creed I).

120 Khallāl, Sunnah, I, p. 475.

121 ‛Abd Allāh ibn Aḥmad, al-Sunnah (Mecca, 1349), p. 73 = (ed.) Abū Hājir Muḥammad al-Sa‛īd ibn Basyūnī Zaghlūl (Beirut, 1414/1994), p. 83—references to this edn. henceforth in italic.

122 Ibn Abī Ya‛lá, Ṭabaqāt, I, pp. 27, 130–131, 246, 294, 311–312, 344 (Creeds I-VI).

123 ‛Abd Allāh, Sunnah, p. 85 p. 95; v. also Khallāl, Sunnah, I, p. 478.

124 V. Crone, Patricia and Zimmermann, Fritz, The Epistle of Sālim ibn Dhakwān, Oxford Oriental Monographs (Oxford, 2001), pp. 231236Google Scholar, which mostly supersedes Watt, W. Montgomery, The Formative Period of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh, 1973), pp. 136143Google Scholar.

125 Al-Kharkūshī, , K. Tahdhīb al-asrār, (ed.) Bassām Muḥammad Bārūd (Abu Dhabi, 1999), p. 502Google Scholar = (ed.) Sayyid Muḥammad ‛Alī (Beirut, 1427ah/2006ce), p. 461.

126 Al-Sulamī, , Kitāb Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, ed. Pedersen, Johannes (Leiden, 1960), p. 215Google Scholar.

127 For much more on fear and hope in classical Sufi thought, v. Sviri, Sara, ‘Between fear and hope: on the coincidence of opposites in Islamic mysticism’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, no. 9 (1987), pp. 316349Google Scholar; also Franz Rosenthal, “Sweeter than Hope”: Complaint and Hope in Medieval Islam (Leiden, 1983), pp. 141–147.

128 Mueller, ‘Asceticism and mysticism’, with appendices summarising earlier dichotomies by Nietzsche, Otto, Tillich, &al.; Carman, John B., Majesty and Meekness: A Comparative Study of Contrast and Harmony in the Concept of God (Grand Rapids, 1994)Google Scholar.