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The Emperor Jahangir and the Pursuit of Pleasure

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 April 2009

LISA BALABANLILAR*
Affiliation:
Rice University

Extract

The Mughal emperors of India were remarkably mobile kings, inspiring modern historians to describe their imperial court culture as ‘peripatetic’. While the Mughals were not immune to the impulse to construct massive urban architect, no Mughal city, no matter how splendid, innovative, accessible or enlightened, remained the imperial centre for long. Through generations of Mughal rule in India, the political relevance of Mughal imperial cities continued to be very limited; it was physical mobility which remained at the centre of Mughal imperial court life and, for much of the Mughal period, the imperial court was encapsulated in the physical presence of the king.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2009

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Footnotes

*

For my parents, Richard and Jocelyn Fanning, who understand the impulse to wander.

References

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9 Of course when Aurangzeb seized control of Delhi in 1658 he essentially took control of the empire but this was not because he took the capital city, but rather because he simultaneously seized his father, the emperor Shah Jahan, who afterwards remained a prisoner of his son, housed in Agra for eight years, until his death in 1666.

10 When Akbar left Sikri and moved to the Mughal capital of Lahore, it was most immediately to position himself more closely to contested territory in Kabul, ruled by his rebellious half-brother, and Khurasan, claimed by the Safavid shahs of Iran. Even when the threats to Mughal security passed, Akbar did not return to Sikri. Modern scholarship suggests that Sikri lacked adequate water to support the imperial Mughal court but this has never been definitively confirmed.

11 In self-imposed exile Aurangzeb did express nostalgia for Delhi. When, after conquering Bijapur and Hyderabad, an official suggested that the war in the south had been successfully completed and requested that the royal court return to the north, the emperor answered sympathetically in verse, “It is hard that my runaway heart longs for home, The dew has so passed away and yet it remembers the garden”. He then refused the request and returned to his pursuit of the Deccan. Bahadur, Hamid ud-Din, Ahkam-i Alamgir, trans. by Sarkar, Jadunath as Anecdotes of Aurangzeb, (London, 1988) (1st and 2nd ed. 1925; 3rd 1949), p. 74Google Scholar.

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27 Ibid., p. 2.

28 Ibid., p. 203.

29 In describing Jadrup Gosain, Jahangir uses the Sanskrit term sanyasi rather than the Persian darwish, then couples it with the Persian term murtazi, stressing ascetic discipline. Ibid., p. 202.

31 Ibid., p. 316.

32 Ibid., p. 202.

33 Ibid., p. 268.

34 Ibid., p. 60.

35 Ibid., p. 23.

36 Ibid., p. 384.

37 Ibid., p. 60. The ‘anga is also commonly known in Persian literature as the simurgh.

38 Ibid., p. 384.

39 Ibid., p. 145.

40 Clavijo, p. 231.

41 Khwandamir, Habib al-Siyar, in Century of Princes, ed. and tr. Wheeler M. Thackston, (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), p. 118.

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46 Jahangirnama, p. 324. Translated by Wheeler Thackston, The Jahangirnama, p. 320. The couplet was composed by Taleb Amuli, a Persian immigrant to the Mughal court, appointed poet laureate in 1618 and the author of the Kulliyat.

47 Baburnama, Mano, vol. 1, p. 560. For discussion of this point, see also Dale, Garden of Eight Paradises, p. 148.

48 Jahangirnama, p. 212.

49 Ibid., p. 224.

50 Ibid., p. 286.

51 Ibid., p. 360.

52 Ibid., p. 210.

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54 Ibid., p. 181.

55 Jahangirnama, p. 219.

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67 Ronald Inden, “Cultural and Symbolic Constitutions in Ancient India”, (Princeton, 1978), typescript, pp. 26, 59–60, as in Sax, “Ramnagar Ramlila”, p. 143.

68 Shivaji's digvijaya was only one part of a large and complex effort to assert and defend his claims to kshatriya caste, including lengthy purification rites, a coronation carefully contrived in reference to ancient Hindu texts, a thread ceremony for himself and his son, and remarriage, now under Kshatriya custom, to each of his wives. Gordon, Stewart, The Marathas, 1600-1818, (Cambridge, 1993) pp. 8790CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Keay, John, India: A History, (New York, 2000) p. 354Google Scholar.

It has been suggested that the Vedic tradition of the digvijaya continues to resonate in South Asian society, remaining a common point of reference in modern performances of political theatre an example being Advani's rath yatra, or “chariot procession”, from Somnatha to Ayodhya in 1990. See Sax, William S., “Conquering the Quarters: Religion and Politics in Hinduism”, International Journal of Hindu Studies, 4/1, April 2000, pp. 3960CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 It was the twelfth-century Rajput king Prithviraj who, having succeeded in uniting some of the Rajput princes and cordoning off the Muslim Panjab, was probably performing a ritual digvijaya when he was attacked by the eventually victorious Muhammad of Ghorid, who established what became known as the Delhi sultanate.

70 Khan, Muhammad Sharif Mu'tamid, Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri, Elliot, and Dowson, , ed. and tr., (New York, 1966) vol. 6, p. 292Google Scholar.