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Divine Sovereignty, Morality and the State: Maududi and His Influence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 October 2021

HUMEIRA IQTIDAR
Affiliation:
humeira.iqtidar@kcl.ac.uk
OLIVER SCHARBRODT
Affiliation:
o.scharbrodt@bham.ac.uk July 2021

Abstract

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Type
Introduction
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Royal Asiatic Society

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References

1 Zaman, M. Q., ‘The Sovereignty of God in Modern Islamic Thought’, JRAS XXV (2015), pp. 389418CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The special edition includes papers presented at a workshop jointly organised by King's College London and the University of Birmingham on 5 September 2019. The workshop was funded by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No. 724557).

2 Zaman, ‘Sovereignty of God’, p. 405; E. Moosa, ‘Shari‘at Governance in Colonial and Postcolonial India’, in Islam in South Asia in Practice, (ed.) B. Metcalf (Princeton, 2009), pp. 317–325.

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17 See P. Crone and M. Hinds, God's Caliph (Cambridge, 1986). For a different reading, see M. Q. Zaman, Religion and Politics under the Early Abbasids: The Emergence of the Proto-Sunni Elite (Leiden, 1997). See also O. Anjum, Politics, Law and the Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment, (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 42–48.

18 Anjum, Politics, Law and the Community, pp. 79–81.

19 Hallaq, The Impossible State, p. 51.

20 Ibid., p.63

21 J. P. Berkey, The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800 (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 124–129.

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23 March, Caliphate of Man, p. 20.

24 Hallaq, The Impossible State, pp. 63–67.

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31 Although his influence has varied over time, the current salience of his ideas for contemporary Islamists has to be read against the relative obscurity and marginality with which they were treated for most of the intervening centuries. See Y. Rapaport and S. Ahmed (eds.), Ibn Taymiyya and His Times (Oxford, 2010). See in particular contributions by K. El-Rouayheb and M. Hassan.

32 Anjum, Politics, Law and the Community, p. 269.

33 Ibid.

34 Hallaq, The Impossible State, p. 52.

35 J. Curry, The Transformation of Muslim Mystical Thought in the Ottoman Empire: The Rise of the Halveti Order, 1350-1650 (Edinburgh, 2010).

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40 See Moin, The Millennial Sovereign.

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44 M. Alam, The Languages of Political Islam: India 1200-1800 (Chicago, 2004), pp. 74–75.

45 A contrast with England during the same period is instructive here. While the economic, political and economic elite of the Mughal empire included many non-Muslims, the English elite was being homogenised to exclude even Catholics. See R. Kinra, ‘Handling Diversity with Absolute Civility: The Global Historical Legacy of Mughal Ṣulḥ-i kull’, Medieval History Journal XIV (2013), pp. 251–295.

46 B. Metcalfe, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900 (Oxford, 2002); F. Robinson, Farangi Mahal and Islamic Culture in South Asia (Lahore, 2002).

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51 T. Bauer, Die Kultur der Ambiguität: Eine andere Geschichte des Islams (Berlin, 2011), pp. 317–322.

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53 Khomeini famously stated that the government can even suspend the basic ritual pillars of Islam such as fasting or the pilgrimage to Mecca if it is in the interest of the state. See R. Namazi, ‘Ayatollah Khomeini: From Islamic Government to Sovereign State’, Iranian Studies LII (2019), pp. 121–122.

54 Iqtidar, Theorising Sovereignty.

55 The coming together of Greek ideas and Islamic thought has received much attention. For Aristotle's influence in Islamic thought see, W. Hallaq, 1993, Ibn Taymiyya against the Greek Logicians (Oxford, 1993), pp. xi-xx. For the inclusion of Greek thought more generally see P. Adamson, Philosophy in the Islamic World (Oxford, 2016), pp. 19–26.

56 Talal Asad's scholarship has been immensely influential in opening up these lines of inquiry. See his Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford, 2003) and most recently T. Asad, ‘Thinking about Religion through Wittgenstein’, Critical Times III (2020), pp. 403–442.

57 R. Bourke, ‘Introduction’, in Popular Sovereignty in Historical Perspective, (eds.) R. Bourke and Q. Skinner, (Cambridge, 2017), pp. 1–14.

58 R. Nichols, ‘Context, Violence and Methodological Drift in the Study of Empire’, in Critical Exchange: Empire and Its Afterlives. Contemporary Political Theory, XIX (2020), pp. 274–305.

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60 N. Kemal, ‘And Seek Their Counsel in the Matter [Qur'an, Sura 3, Verse 159]’, in Modernist Islam, 1840–1940: A Sourcebook, (ed.) C. Kurzman (Oxford and New York, 2002), p. 145.

61 ‘A. al-Kawākibī, Ṭabā’i‘ al-Istibdād wa-Maṣāri‘ al-Isti‘bād (Cairo, 2011 [1902]), p. 15.

62 M. ‘Abduh, ‘Fī al-shūrā’, in al-A‘māl al-Kāmila li–l-Imām al-Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Abduh, vol. 1, (ed.) Muḥammad ‘Imāra (Beirut, 1993), p. 385.

63 Hallaq, The Impossible State, pp. 37–72.

64 See, for example, M. H. Kerr, The Political and Legal Theories of Muḥammad ‘Abduh and Rashīd Riḍā (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966).

65 A. Chaudhry, ‘Islamic Legal Studies: A Critical Historiography’, in The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Law, (eds.) A. M. Emon and R. Ahmed (Oxford, 2017), pp. 5–43. For a critique of the solutions proposed by Chaudhry while sharing the concerns raised by her see Siddiqui, S., ‘Good Scholarship/Bad Scholarship: Consequences of the Heuristic of Intersectional Islamic Studies’, JAAR LXXXVIII (2020), pp. 142174Google Scholar.

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71 See, for example, S. Khatab, The Power of Sovereignty: The Political and Ideological Philosophy of Sayyid Qutb (London, 2005). Although Khatab lists several works by Maududi in the bibliography, his book does not contain a single reference to him.

72 Carré, Mysticism and Politics.

73 Shepard, ‘The Development of the Thought of Sayyid Quṭb’, pp. 204–205; p. 220.

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