Art. IX.—The Oldest Book of the Chinese (the Yh-King) and its Authors (Continued).

Terrien de LaCouperie

doi:10.1017/S0035869X00018530

Art. IX.—The Oldest Book of the Chinese (the Yh-King) and its Authors (Continued).

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2011

Terrien de LaCouperie

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The possibility of understanding certain parts of the Yh-King, such as the ethnological chapters and the legendary ballads, led early to the conclusion, that the whole of these documents could be currently read and interpreted. It is quite possible that the hexagrams were attached to them merely as a system of numerical classification to keep them in proper order; but it is more likely that the antiquity of these obscure documents, and the tradition that they contained a treasure of ancient wisdom, first led to their use as fateful and prophetic sentences, in which some glimmer of meaning was detected or surmised, and that the hexagrams were then applied to them for the purposes of divination.

Type: Original Communications
Information: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 15 , Issue 2 , April 1883 , pp. 237 - 289

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00018530 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 1883

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References

^{page 237 note 1} On the possible connexion of the Kwas with the belomancy of S.W. Asia, the eight Kwas of Fuh-hi and the eight arrows of Marduk, see my Early history of Chinese civilization, p. 29–30.

^{page 239 note 1} Chu Chen has remarked (Han Kien Lui Han, K. 195, f. 15v.), that Wen Wang made the Yh in such a manner that the Kwas compose the first, and that compose the second book. These Kwas, which are the eight primitive ones, are classified in the present arrangement as Nos. 1, 2, 29, and 30, in the first book, and 52, 58, 51, and 57, in the second. Should any additional proofs be necessary to show that the increase of 8 to 64 was made previously to Wen Wang, this anomaly of arrangement would be one.

^{page 239 note 2} On Shang Kiu, see Tsien Han Shu, K. 88.

^{page 239 note 3} Puh Shang, born 507 B.C., was yet living in 406 B.C., and then presented copies of some of the Classical Books to the prince Wen of Wei. He is represented as a scholar extensively read and exact, but without great comprehension of mind. See Legge, , Chin. Class. vol. i. proleg. p. 118Google Scholar, on Puh Shang.

^{page 239 note 4} See the chapters on Literature, K. 30, f. 1.

^{page 239 note 5} See the .

^{page 240 note 1} See on Tien Ho, Mayer's C.R.M., part i. n. 719.

^{page 240 note 2} This is the Imperial copy, revised as said above by Liu-Hiang.

^{page 240 note 3} Pauthier, loc. cit., who quotes three of these works, says of this second: “Le Yh-King avec les explications de Wen Wang et de Tchéou Koung en deux livres, tel qu'il subsiste encore de nos jours.” There are several mistakes in these statements. The Chinese text says nothing of the kind, and Chöu She, in whose name he finds a reference to Wen Wang and Chöu Kung, was a literate of the Han period.

^{page 240 note 4} Probably so called from Hien-Yang, the capital of the Ts'in, the archives of which were saved by Siao Ho, who died B.C. 193, whose full name is given in the note. See on him, Mayer's Chinese Reader's Manual, n. 578, 601, and Chinese Classics, edit. Legge, vol. i. Proleg. p. 118.

^{page 241 note 1} Probably Töu Yng, who died B.C. 131. See on this officer, Mayer's Manual, part i. n. 678.

^{page 241 note 2} From 57 to 9 B. c. As there is no other indication, we must take the cyclical characters as indicating the nearest period from the author's compilation–perhaps that Ku Wu Tze is to be translated The Old Five Masters. The statement is very important for the history of the Yh commentaries, even when a different view is maintained, as in , K. 192, f. 19.

^{page 241 note 3} Or Liu Ngan, who died B.C. 122. See Mayer's Manual, part i. n. 412.

^{page 241 note 4} On King Fang, philosopher and astronomer, of the first century B.C., see Mayer's C.R.M. part i. n. 270. In the list of 1690 works given as references by the compilers of the Cyclopedia Tai-Ping Yü Lan, eight works connected with the Yh and divination are by or on King Fang.

^{page 242 note 1} The text of Pan Ku gives only the names as She, Möng, and Liang Kiu, but we complete them from the in Tai-Ping-yü-lan, K. 609, f. 2.

^{page 242 note 2} The late French sinologist, G. Pauthier, possessed in his own library an edition of the Ku-wen text of the Yh, printed in 1596, under the title in 2 pien. His valuable library having been broken up and dispersed everywhere, I have been unable to find this book. We have to regret that Pauthier could not follow his scheme of publishing it in facsimile. And so, too, we have to regret that he has not given somewhere a description of it. He only says that it was the text of Fei-chî (probably ). Should this edition, be genuine, it would be of immense importance for our studies. Vid. Pauthier, , Journal Asiatique, 09–10. 1867, p. 238Google Scholar, and Avril–Mai, 1868, p. 363.

^{page 242 note 3} Pauthier, (Journal Asiatique, 09–10, 1867, pp. 236–238)Google Scholar has misunderstood all these passages. He has mistaken: 1°. the names of the two Emperors Süen and Yuen for the name of a commentator who never existed; 2°. The name of Möng, a commentator of the first century B.C, for the name of Menpius; 3°. he has made of Liang-Kiu, also a commentator of the Han period, two men; taking Liang as Koh Liang and Kin as Confucius.

^{page 242 note 4} Vid. .

^{page 242 note 5} His book in the Tai-Ping-yu-lan, is quoted as . The character is for , because the latter being the personal name of the Emperor K'ang Hi, forbidden during the reign of the Emperor, was still left aside at the time of the reprint of the Cyclopedia.

^{page 243 note 1} Vid. Wylie, , Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 69Google Scholar.

^{page 243 note 2} Others are enumerated by DrPlath, J. H., Ueber die Sammlung Chinesischer Werke der Staatsbibliothek aus der Zeit der D. Han und Wei. München, 1868, 8vo. pp. 4, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 243 note 3} On this philosopher vid. Mayer's Chinese Reader's Manual, n. 839.

^{page 243 note 4} Many are indicated in Matwanlin, Wen hien tung K'ao, K. 175.

^{page 243 note 5} In the Tai-Ping-yü-lan it is quoted under the title of Ts'an t'ung K'i, which is the name given by the commentator P'ang Hian of the Tang period.

^{page 243 note 6} For more details Vid. Wylie, , Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 175Google Scholar.

^{page 243 note 7} Vid. .

^{page 244 note 1} Vid. , reprinted in the Han Wei t'sung shu collection.

^{page 244 note 2} Vid. on these two celebrated scholars, Mayer's Chinese Reader's Manual, nn. 59 and 812.

^{page 244 note 3} Vid. in Tai Ping yü lan, K. 609, f. 2.

^{page 244 note 4} His book is entitled , reprinted in the Han Wei t'sung shu collection.

^{page 244 note 5} Vid. Mayer's, Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 245Google Scholar.

^{page 244 note 6} Vid. Mayer, ibid.

^{page 245 note 1} For part of this section see Dr. Edkins, On the Present State of Science, Literature, and Literary Criticism in China, reprinted from the North China Herald of March, 1857, in The Chinese and Japanese Repository, London, 1864, 8vo. pp. 29, 32, 63–69; cf. p. 67.

^{page 246 note 1} See the excellent book of Wafers, T., A Guide to the Tablets in a Temple of Confucius, Shanghai, 1879, 8voGoogle Scholar.

^{page 246 note 2} Fan King was opposed to magic and divination, and to all the vain heresies of his time; he wrote fiercely against Wang-Pi (above quoted), who during the preceding century had struck out a new system of divination for the Yh. See Watters, T., O.C. p. 107Google Scholar.

^{page 246 note 3} See Watters, T., O.C. pp. 169 and 181Google Scholar.

^{page 246 note 4} See Watters, T., O.C. p. 208, and pp. 28, 45, 66, 70, 76, 79, 97, 100, 107, 114, 147, 160, 167, 180, 181, 187, 205, and 207Google Scholar.

^{page 247 note 1} See Watters, T., O.C. p. 252Google Scholar.

^{page 247 note 2} See Mayer, C.R.M. part i. n. 754.

^{page 247 note 3} Gaubil, P., Traité de la Chronologie Chinoise, p. 81Google Scholar, writes of the Yh-King that “the different parts which compose this book do not give any fixed chronology. Not that there have not been Chinese who pretended that they found a chronology in the Y-King, and even in the eight Kwa, but there is no foundation to be made in these Chinese systems of chronology which are based on the Y-King, for those persons have made an Y-King according to their own fashion.” —Thomas Fergusson, Chinese Researches, Part I. Chinese Chronology and Cycles (Shanghai, 1880, 12mo.), pp. 24–25Google Scholar. This little book, made up of quotations, would have been valuable, had the author displayed more discrimination in the choice of his authors. Simple reviewers, literary essayists, and mere dreamers, are credited with the same authority as scholars and specialists.

^{page 248 note 1} Notes critiques pour entrer dans l'intelligence de l' Y-King (Bibl. Nat. Fonds Chinois, No. 2720), by P. de Premare.

^{page 248 note 2} In Confucius Sinarum philosophus, Paris, 1687Google Scholar.

^{page 248 note 3} Notice su Livre Chinois nommé Y-King, ou Livre canonique des changements, ayee des notes, by Visdelou, M. Claude, Evêque de Claudiopolis, in the Chou-King, edit. Gaubil, P. (1770), pp. 399–436Google Scholar. Reprinted in G. Pauthier's Livres sacrés de l'Orient, pp. 137–149. It had been written in 1728.

^{page 248 note 4} An enumeration is found in Wuttke, H., Die Entstehung der Schrift (Leipzig, 1875, 8vo.), pp. 247, 748Google Scholar, and in Cordier, Henri, Biblioteca Sinica, vol. i. coll. 645–647Google Scholar. The two complete one another. Special papers or notes have been written by Martini, Leibnitz, P. Amiot, De Guignes, J. Klaproth, Abel Remusat, Seyffarth, W. Schott, G. Pauthier, J. Edkins, J. Haas, K. A. Jamieson, T. MacClatchie, Saint Martin, etc. Vid. also Neumann, , in Z. d. D. M. G., 1853, vii. 2, p. 144Google Scholar.

^{page 249 note 1} Die verborzenen Alterthüner der Sinesen aus dem uralten Kanonischen Y-King untersuchet, Schumacher, von M. Joh. Heinrich, Wölfenbüttel, 1763, 8vo. pp. 208Google Scholar.

^{page 249 note 2} Vid. Wuttke, , Die Entstehung der Sehrift, p. 247Google Scholar.

^{page 249 note 3} Ueber das I-King. Die texte der Confucius welche sick auf die versehiedenen Reihenfolgen des Kwa beziehen in Zeitschrift, d. D. M. G., 1853, vii. pp. 187–214Google Scholar. —Ueber das I-King, Die verschiedener Beslandtheile des Buche u. ihre Verstandlichkeit, ibid. iii. 1849, pp. 273–301; v. 1851, pp. 195–220.

^{page 249 note 4} Turan und Iran. Ueber die Entstehung der Schriftsprache, Frankfurt-à-M. 1868, 8vo. pp. 184Google Scholar. (Das Chinesische I-King, pp. 108–184).

^{page 249 note 5} Cursus litteraturce lingua sinica, vol. iii. 1880Google Scholar.

^{page 249 note 6} Y-King, Antiquissimus Sinarum liber (written about 1736) quem ex latina interpretatione P. Regis aliorumque ex Soc. Jesu P.P. edidit Julius Mohl. 2 vol. 1834, Stuttgard, 8vo.

^{page 250 note 1} DrLegge, (Yî-King, Preface, p. xv)Google Scholar: “But their version is all but unintelligible, and mine (?) was not less so.”

^{page 250 note 2} A translation of the Confucian or the “Classic of Change” with notes and Appendix, Shanghai, 1876, 8vo. The same author had published The symbols of the Yh-King (China Review, vol. i. pp. 151–163); Phallic Worship (ibid. vol. iv. pp. 257–261).

^{page 251 note 1} Vid. Philastre, P. D. F., Premier essai sur la Genèse du langage et la Mystère Antique (Paris, 1879, 8vo.), p. 53Google Scholar.

^{page 252 note 1} Vid. Legge, , Yi-King, Introduction, p. 10Google Scholar.

^{page 254 note 1} We do not intend by this remark to give any support to the views of a great geographer, DrBretschneider, J. of Peking, when in his paper on Chinese geography (Notes and Queries, vol. iv. p. 4)Google Scholar he says: “My opinion is that the Chinese of the present day are nearly idiots and incapable of a sensible critique.” My learned friend DrBushell, (The Chinese Recorder, 08 1871, p. 63Google Scholar, where I find the quotation) has already protested against so sweeping an appreciation. The great lack of the Chinese critics is the absence of the sense of perspective and comparative method, and their defect is to accept too easily anything said of old. But we Europeans have acquired our scientific methods only through many generations, and what was the western critic previous to this immense progress? I am not sure whether a considerable part of our western literature, even of the last few years, might not be judged by terms nearly as severe as those of the Russian physician.

^{page 255 note 1} By a confusion of characters is sometimes written instead of .

^{page 255 note 2} Vid. K'ang-hi tze Tien, s.v. . It is interesting to see the efforts of commentators to make out this interpretation which occurs only once in Chinese literature, and this single case is this very passage of the Yh. Chu Hi and others have supposed that has been written instead of , because of a certain resemblance of shape of the two characters in the Chuen style of writing, and that ‘whiskers,’ should represent ‘to shave the whiskers.’ But this is impossible in palaeography, as the latter is a compound character made for this meaning; could have an affirmative and not a negative meaning of the existence of its object. The older commentators, most likely by homophony with , had suggested “to prickle the face, to mark the forehead.” Vid. the dictionaries K. 16.

^{page 256 note 1} With this meaning it is now written .

^{page 256 note 2} We neglect the fore-telling words added to the second and fourth sentences.

^{page 256 note 3} The last character of 6–3 is sometimes written by a confusion with , but the parallelism of the three sentences do not allow of any mistake in translating.

^{page 256 note 4} See vol. i. pp. 323, 325, 327.

^{page 257 note 1} See Legge, , Yî-King, pp. 74, 75Google Scholar.

^{page 257 note 2} The quotation from the second wing, as well as others of the same kind, show unmistakably that those wings (1st and 2nd) were considered as integral parts of the Yh of Chöu, and intermingled with the text. The tradition attributing the intermingling to Fei-Chi, or more likely to Tien Ho, is not very clear, and from an examination of the list extracted from the ‘Former Han Records,’ as well as from the quotation here noticed, it seems that the two arrangements, namely with and without, were equally adopted. Vid. above, § 47.

^{page 258 note 1} Vid. Chinese Classics, vol. V. p. 581.

^{page 258 note 2} Vid. Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi. p. 291.

^{page 258 note 3} Chinese Classics, edit. Legge, , vol. v. pp. 574, 581Google Scholar.

^{page 258 note 4} Y-King, vol. ii. p. 16.

^{page 258 note 5} The Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi. p. 95.

^{page 258 note 6} See above, § 39.

^{page 259 note 1} Cf, below, the translations of P. Regis, Rev. MacClatchie, and of Dr. Legge, §§ 90, 93, 95, 97, 99, and 101.

^{page 259 note 2} Syllabic Dictionary, p. 434.

^{page 259 note 3} The Yî-King, p. 95.

^{page 259 note 4} Y-King, vol. ii. p. 14.

^{page 260 note 1} A fact, began certainly previously to his time.

^{page 262 note 1} By DrLegge, J., in his paper on the Principles of Composition in Chinese, as deduced from the Written Characters, in , J.R.A.S. Vol. XI. N.S. 1879, p. 255Google Scholar.

^{page 262 note 2} Vid. his Preface to the Yî-King, p. xx.

^{page 262 note 3} Ibid.

^{page 263 note 1} Vid. bk. v. pt. ii. ch. iv. § 2.

^{page 263 note 2} Vid. The Chinese Classics, vol. ii. pp. 228, 229.

^{page 264 note 1} The whole strophe runs as follows (pt. ii. bk. vi. od. i. st. 2): “Under the wide heaven,—All is the king's land.—Within the sea boundaries of the land,— All are the king's servants.—The great officers are unfair,—Making me serve thus as if I alone were worthy.” —Legge, , Chinese Classics, vol. iv. pp. 360, 361Google Scholar. The writer means that as every one is equally at the sovereign's disposal, it is unfair for his great officers to make him serve, as if he was the only one to do it.

^{page 264 note 2} Dr. Legge has taken these two phrases, beginning from “not insist,” and and ending “apprehend it,” as motto of his translations, vols. ii. iii. iv. v., but he has omitted the beginning, “Therefore those who explain the Odes,” so that his mangled quotation does not carry the meaning intended by Mencius.

^{page 264 note 3} The whole strophe runs as follows (pt. iii. bk. iii. od. iv. st. 3): “The drought is excessive,—And I may not try to excuse myself.—I am full of terror and feel the peril,—Like the clap of thunder or the roll.—Of the remnant of Chow among the black-haired people,—There will not be half a man left;—Nor will God from His great heaven—Exempt (even) me. …” Vid. Legge, , Chinese Classics, vol. iv. p. 530Google Scholar. The author apprehends future evils if the drought continues longer.

^{page 265 note 1} Vid. Legge's, Preface to his Yî-King, p. xvGoogle Scholar.

^{page 267 note 1} “He added and subreptitiously introduced the foretelling words, …” Vid. above, § 13, quotation (i).

^{page 267 note 2} On an interesting coincidence presented by several of these foretelling words with Assyrian ones, vid. my Early History of Chinese Civilization, p. 25.

^{page 267 note 3} wu ‘not’ as used in the Yh is always written , a variation first introduced by the followers of Lao-tze and Chwang-tze. Vid. Tai Tung, Luh shu Ku; Hopkins, L. C., The Six Scripts, a translation (Amoy, 1881, 8vo.), p. 35Google Scholar.

^{page 267 note 4} Cf. Ki, Min tsi, Luh shu tung, K. vii. f. 48Google Scholar.

^{page 269 note 1} Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi. Introd. p. 25: “The subject-matter of the text may be briefly represented as consisting of sixty-four short essays, enigmatically and symbolically expressed, on important themes, mostly of a moral, social, and political character, and based on the same number of lineal figures, each made up of six lines, some of which are whole and the others divided.” Vid. ibid. p. 10.

^{page 269 note 2} Ibid. p. 25.

^{page 269 note 3} Written in modern strokes, in Kiai-shu or pattern-writing, for the sake of convenience.

^{page 270 note 1} Vid. Legge's, Chinese Classics, vol. iii. p. 672Google Scholar.

^{page 270 note 2} Vol. iv. p. 711.

^{page 270 note 3} Vol. v. p. 902.

^{page 270 note 4} Vol. i. p. 333.

^{page 270 note 5} Vol. ii. p. 429.

^{page 271 note 1} They are only those represented by the character itself with the determinatives (or keys) 38, 43, 61, 85, 149, 154. Cf. Min tsi Ki, Luh shu tung, K. iv. ff. 67, 68; K. viii. f. 46.

^{page 271 note 2} Vid. Taï Ping yu lan, K. 927, f. 2v. Khang-hi Tze-tien, Pu 196+10 str. f. 73. And also Williams, Wells, Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, p. 382Google Scholar. Mr. Rob. Swinhoe had caught several of those birds at Tamsui, Formosa; vid. a notice of his in Notes and Queries on China and Japan, vol. i. p. 131 (10 31, 1867)Google Scholar.

^{page 271 note 3} For instance, chapters iii., xxii., xxxv., etc.

^{page 272 note 1} According to one of the laws of archaic orthography, Vid. § 23, note 2, p. 19.

^{page 273 note 1} Vid. my Early History of the Chinese Civilization, p. 25.

^{page 273 note 2} Excepting the alterations voluntarily introduced since.

^{page 274 note 1} Vid. above, § 13.

^{page 275 note 1} These two readings illustrate the two modes of reading the Chinese characters in Japan, according to their sound (Koye) or to their meaning (Yomi). Cf. Hoffmann, J. J., A Japanese Grammar (Leiden, 1868, 8vo.), p. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 276 note 1} Hoffmann, , Japanese Grammar, p. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 276 note 2} Vid. An Outline History of Japanese Education, Literature and Arts; prepared by the Mankusho, (Department of Education), Tokio, Japan, 1877, 12mo. p. 145Google Scholar.

^{page 276 note 3} Outline History of Japanese Education, p. 146.

^{page 276 note 4} The first version of the Upanishads made into any European language was by the famous traveller Anquetil Duperron, from the Persian; he seems to have made both a French and Latin translation, the latter alone having been published (A.D. 1801–1802). It was written in a style utterly unintelligible except to the most lynx-eyed of philosophers. Amongst these, the celebrated Schöpenhauer distinguished himself by his open avowal: “In the whole world there is no study, except that of the originals, so beneficial and so elevating as that of the ‘Oupnekhat. It has been the solace of my life, it will be the solace of my death.” It is difficult to understand how the translation of Duperron could provide this double solace. The opening words of his translation are these: “Oum hoc verbum (esse) aodkit ut sciveris, sie Jò maschgouli fac (de eo meditare) quod ipsum hoc verbum aodkit est; propter illud quod hoc (verbum) oum, in Beid, Sam, cum voce altâ, cum harmoniâ pronunciatum fiat.”—Vol. i. p. 15Google Scholar.

^{page 277 note 1} Vid. the bibliographical information in § i. n. 1 of the present paper.

^{page 277 note 2} The late period of the extension is shown by the state of oblivion in which the early Chinese Bak families were, in regard to the primitive meaning of many characters, their mistakes on that subject, and the many later notions from Babylonian arts and knowledge which they had borrowed at the same time. The peculiarities of the connexion of the archaic Chinese characters and the Babylonian writing, for instance, in the case of the cardinal points, show unmistakably that the borrowing was not made before the Semitic influence took the lead over the Akkado-Sumerian sway.

^{page 277 note 3} When I pointed out in May, 1880 (Early History, p. 29), the shifting of the points of the compass, I did not hope that this statement would so soon receive a brilliant confirmation, from the Assyrian side. Cf. the decipherment of a tablet secured by the British Museum, July 27th, 1881, by MrPinches, T. G., Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 02 6th, 1883Google Scholar. The great importance of the fact is that it gives a hint on the date of the extension of the writing from S.W. Asia to China, and a clue to the Zodiacal difficulty which Dr. G Schlegel has tried to solve in adding 17000 years, which are now unnecessary. My remarks on the subject and the comparison of the pre-Cuneiform and archaic Chinese writings are embodied in a special paper: Illustrations of the Pre-cuneiform writing carried to China.

^{page 278 note 1} This is shown not only by some early Chinese characters containing such strokes, but also by various traditions speaking of strokes broad at one end and pointed at the other. We have, however, to take into account the change in appearance of the characters, caused by the use of another material than the clay tablets and of another tool than the triangular-shaped one used for the impression of the cuneiform strokes.

^{page 278 note 2} A comparative analysis of the compounds in the early Cuneiform characters discloses this parallel fact; it is also a feature of the so-called Hittite characters, which on the inscriptions are modified according to their position, in opposition to the rigidity of the Egyptian hieroglyphs more early crystallized.

^{page 278 note 3} This is shown by the fact that in the earliest compounds where the eye occurs, and which by their close shape could not be disintegrated, and were taken as ideographs, the eye is horizontal and has been drawn obliquely afterwards only, in the new compounds, and in isolated characters. Besides this, two obliqued eyes mean ‘a frightened look.’

^{page 279 note 1} In opposition to the Egyptian and Hittite process.

^{page 279 note 2} This is shown by the great number of high signs put lying down, and as this was done according to the direction of the writing and the figure of their object, some of these, when phonetic compounds, have to be read reversed, i.e. from right to left.

^{page 279 note 3} The special study I have made of this pre-Cuneiform writing permits me to say that it seems to have had at first an imperfect connexion with the Egyptian (the connexion is still visible by their common possession ef characters also found in the writing borrowed by the Chinese); but it bears unmistakably the mark, previous to the later Semitic influence, of a serious modification. The shape of the characters, in cases of isolated or compound ones easy to disintegrate, has been rectified in order to have them facing to the reader (a feature common to this writing and to the Chinese), in contradistinction to the profile feature of the Egyptian and Hittite hieroglyphs. This rectification seems to point to the wish of avoiding a boustrophedon system of writing (necessitating two directions for the characters), as in the Hittite characters and partially in Egyptian. The direction selected has been from left to right, most likely because it was previously more often used as in Egyptian. Afterwards the process of horizontal lines superseded the older one, which, as in Egyptian, had regard to the comparative size of the characters. A great number of the characters in their hieratic shape bear testimony to these facts. The laying down of the too-high-sized characters was ruled by the nature of their figures, and, in other cases, either because it had to be done somehow or according to rules which I have not yet detected. Simultaneously with these rectifications, which may be attributed to newly arrived conquerors, the characters received new sounds, appellative of their subject or what was thought to be their subject, in the language of the new comers. That they were the population known by the names of Akkadian and Sumerian is more than probable. As the borrowing of the writing by the Chinese Bak families is posterior to all these facts, it was necessary to outline them.

^{page 280 note 1} The facts enumerated in 7°, 8°, are proved by the early Chinese characters where the phonetic reading goes, (a) when unchanged in direction, from left to right; (b) when put up from the right, from bottom to top; (c) when put up from the left, from top to bottom. Vid. § 23 above.

^{page 280 note 2} Vid. my Early history of Chinese civilization, pp. 27–32, where several of these affinities are quoted.

^{page 280 note 3} It is most desirable that regular excavations should be made in this region, as most undoubtedly they would lead to very important results. Unhappily it remains almost unexplored.

^{page 280 note 4} Vid. Oppert, J., Les inscriptions en langue Susienne, Essai d'interpretation, in Congrès des Orientalistes, Ire session, vol. ii. p. 179 (Paris, 1876, 8vo.)Google Scholar. Sayce, A. H., Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, t. iii. p. 465Google Scholar. Maspero, G., Histoire Ancienne, p. 168Google Scholar. The date is given by an inscription of Assur-ban-abal. On recent discoveries in Chaldea, see the valuable article Chaldean Explorations, on the general results of de Sarzee's, M. discoveries at Tello, published by The Times, 05, 25, 1882Google Scholar. Cf. Vaux, W. S. W., Fiftyninth Annual Report to the Royal Asiatic Society, pp. cxi–cxiii (London, 1882, 8vo.)Google Scholar.

^{page 280 note 5} An illustrious scholar, deeply acquainted with the history of these regions, Sir Henry Rawlinson, has collected the probabilities and traditions (in the absence of historical records) of Bactria, as a focus of culture coeval with the institution of the Assyrian Monarchy, in his remarkable article on Central Asia in the Quarterly Review, Oct. 1866.

^{page 280 note 6} Vid. Early History of Chinese Civilization, p. 32. Kutta or Kutti is the archaic reading of Hia. Bak is the old sound Pöh from Pöh sing, the Pöh or Bak families, commonly rendered by “Hundred families.”

^{page 281 note 1} Vid. Rawlinson's, Herodotus, 3rd edit. vol. iii. p. 198Google Scholar.

^{page 281 note 2} Vid. von Richthofen, F., China, vol. i. cf. map 3 (Berlin, 1877, 4to.)Google Scholar.

^{page 282 note 1} In the bilingual list (Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. ii. p. 44) lu is found (as borrowed from the Akkadian stock) with Assyrian complements precising the gender and number, viz.: lū (a bull), lūlū (a cow), lunim (oxen). Lū is the word as borrowed from the Akkadian; lūnim is the word with the Assyrian feminine ending; lūnim is the plural masculine, explaining the foregoing groups. The entry succeeds another meaning “oxen.” Mr. T. G. Pinches has found this and other information quoted below, on my pointing out to him, by the help of the Chinese, that the characters ought to have the meaning of “a bull” or “a cow,” hitherto unknown by the Assyriologists.

^{page 282 note 2} Decayed into Li and che. The final p has been lost very early, but traces of it are still found, and the restoration is perfectly justified in many cases. Cf. for instance: Min tsi ki, Luh shu tung, K. i. f. 22v. Vid. also Edkins, J., Introduction to the Study of Chinese Characters, p. 108, number 724Google Scholar.

^{page 282 note 3} A syllabary in four columns of the Sp. II. collection in the British Museum, gives as the name of this sign lu the word (lu-up=) lup, thus indicating the full form of the word.—T. G. Pinches, MS. note.

^{page 282 note 4} Vid. Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. iii. p. 70 lines 58, 59, 60; vol. ii. p. 22. Delitzsch, Fred., Assyrische Lesestücke, pp. 36, 58, 25Google Scholar; and also T. G. Pinches, MS. note.

^{page 283 note 1} Vid. Cun. Insc. W. A., vol. iii. pp. 69–70. Delitzsch, F., Assyr. Les. p. 65Google Scholar.

^{page 283 note 2} Cf. with caution, Rev. A. Sayce, Assyrian Grammar, and E. de Chossat, Repertoire Assyrien, s.v., because of the progress of decipherment since the publication of their works.

^{page 284 note 1} Vid. above § 23 n.

^{page 285 note 1} We shall go on, my co-worker Prof. E. K. Douglas and myself, with the Yh, in order to publish as soon as possible a complete rendering of the book.

^{page 286 note 1} I may be permitted to present here my best thanks for the valuable help I have received from several scholars and friends: Dr. R. Bost, Librarian of the India Office, for the loan of books under his care; Mr. T. G. Pinches, of the Department of Oriental Antiquities (British Museum), for MS. notes; Prof. R. K. Douglas, for his constant support; and Mr. E. Colborne Baber, Chinese Secretary of H.M.B. Legation at Peking, for his valuable assistance and advice in the correction of the proofs. The whole paper was written in August, 1882, but the second part (§§ 42–120) was revised in March, 1883. I subjoin a few corrigenda and addenda to the first part:—Introduction, last note: The criticism of Dr. Legge's Yî King by Prof. E. K. Douglas appeared in The Academy of Aug. 12th (not July 12th). Dr. Legge wrote a letter about it (Sept. 30), and Prof. Douglas replied, maintaining his views (Oct. 7). The Athenaum (Sept. 2, No. 2862) published a review by a well-known sinologist of Dr. Legge's Yî King, in which he said: “We cannot catch the inspiration that gave to Dr. Legge the ‘clue to the interpretation’ of this obscure book;” and further, “We have … to confess that we do not understand its drift or its interpretation.” The same scientific and literary journal published in its following issue (Sept. 9th, No. 2863) a letter of mine in answer to the unjustified and sharp attack made against me by Dr. Legge in his Preface, pp. xviii and xix to the XVI th vol. of the Sacred Books of the East. Dr. Legge replied in the issue of Sept. 23, No. 2865, and the controversy was brought to a close by another letter of mine maintaining my views, published Sept. 30th, No. 2866.—§ 11 (f): A learned correspondent has suggested that and are two well-known colloquial expressions; but certainly they are not in this case, being reproduced from old. Cf. also Yuen Kien luy han, R. 192, f. 24, v. The phrase means that Shen-nung cast lots in order to attribute to the changes () their respective place.—§ 13: ‘subreptitiously,’ misprinted ‘surreptitiously.’ —§ 14 (l): The same above-quoted correspondent has suggested rightly that ought not to be taken here as a verb, but as an adverb. We should substitute the following translation: “He (Wen Wang) being imprisoned at Yu-li, then, increased the changes proper to the eight Kwas, in favour of the 64 Kwas.” This would agree with the statements of Hwang P'u Mih and of Lo-Pi, in his work about the and lines.

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Art. IX.—The Oldest Book of the Chinese (the Yh-King) and its Authors (Continued).

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