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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 March 2011
The following Memoir, bearing date the 2nd July, 1816, was written on the occasion of Lord Amherst's Embassy to Pekin. A few copies were printed at the Company's press at Macao, early in the year 1817, for private circulation only, and were very sparingly distributed, so that this memoir has now become scarce, and not to be found, except in a few public and private libraries. The publication of it, therefore, at the present moment, when our relations with China are exciting an intense interest, seems highly desirable. The time is now come when we are called upon to decide what new privileges we have to demand of the Chinese: and since a more unrestricted intercourse with that country is looked for, it becomes an object of the first importance to ascertain at what Ports these privileges may be best obtained; for on that decision the future interests of the trade depend. It will be found that this memoir enters upon that subject with a minuteness of detail and fulness of illustration, not even attempted in any other publication. And though the principles laid down and course of arguments employed, may seem exclusively confined to the state of the trade under the control of the East India Company, yet they will be found, in fact, equally applicable to the circumstances of the trade at the present moment, and to contain matter eminently worthy of the attention of the public. It has been deemed advisable not to alter the original text, but to add a few notes, marked thus, where any change of circumstances in the trade, or matter furnished by more recent information, seemed to render such observations necessary. For greater ease of reference, the Chinese names of places have been altered and adapted to the orthography of Arrowsmith's map.—Edit.
* This observation, though true at Hint period, must now be received with some allowance.—See Appendix K for loss on British imports, which, in 1811–15, amounted to tales 247,112, or 82,370.
page 184 note 1 See Appendix A.
page 184 note 2 See Appendix B.
* The reason is—the route by this river is more tedious and uncertain in the present state of navigation in China. Sec SirStaunton, G. T.'s Notes on the Embassy to Pekin, 1806, pp. 273, 274.Google Scholar
page 185 note 1 Date of Memoire. See Memoires des Chinois, tom. 6, p. 275.Google Scholar
page 185 note 2 The provinces above alluded to are Kiang-see, Ilo-nan, Ilou-qunng, Setehuen, and Quey-chew, all within the inlluence of the Yang-tse-kiang; and those of Pe-tehe-lee, Shan-tung, and Tehe-kiang, connected with the navigation of the Grand Canal.
page 185 note 3 The provinces of Kan-soc, Shen see and Shan-see, are not included in the above seven-tenths of the population, because I have no accurate information of the inland navigation to and from these provinces. It is clear, however, from their being northern ones, they ought to be added. For the same reason, I have not included the province of Yun-nan, though the metals and other productions of this province are principally conveyed down the Yang-tse-kiang.
page 186 note 1 See Appendix C. D. E.
page 188 note 1 Imports for season 1814–15. See Appendix K.
page 188 note 2 The woollens annually sent to Fo-kien have been added to Ilang-chewfu, the quantity being small.
page 188 note 3 See Appendix L.
page 189 note 1 It is doubtful whether the rivers Yang-tse-kiang and Teheng-tang-kiang are accessible to shipa of heavy burthen. In that case the port of Shang-hay-hien, recommended by Mr. Pigou, becomes exceedingly worthy of attention. This port, on account of its central situation between the two cities of Su-chew-fu and Ilang-chew-fu, and its proximity to the Yang-tse-kiang, certainly combines many advantages*. See Appendix T.
page 189 note 2 See Appendix M. and N.
page 189 note 3 See Appendix Q b.
* The emporium of Shang-hay-hien has since been visited by Mr. Lindsay. He considers it a highly commodious port, and observes that “the advantages which foreigners, especially Knglish, would derive from the liberty to trade to this port, would be incalculable.” See further observations in note to Appendix T.
page 190 note 1 The expense of transport between Ho-keu, in the province of Kiang-see, and Sing-tsun, in the mountain of Vu-ye, in Fo-kien, where the black tea is packed for the European market, is,
On silver 133 Camdareens per pecul.
On lead 70 ditto ditto
when carried the whole way by porters; but on tea, though part of the carriage is by water, it amounts to 180 candareens.
page 190 note 2 What has been said of the woollens not being unpacked, is more particularly applicable to the external covering that envelops each piece of cloth, and not to the bale itself, for it may be said that not a single bale of cloth is sent inland in its original package. This, however, as it concerns the confidence commercially reposed in the company, is the same.
page 190 note 3 See Appendix O and P.
page 191 note 2 See Appendix I.
page 192 note 1 The woollens consist principally of long-ells. The prime cost of a piece of long-ells, in England, exclusive of freight and other charges, may he estimated at 2l. 16s. 8d. the piece, which at 6s. 8d. the tale, or 5s. 6d. the ounce of dollars, amounts to 8 tales 5 mace; so that long-ells, at 8 tales 5 mace per piece, and dollars at 5s. 6d. the ounce, are equally advantageous articles of import— supposing neither the Company nor the Chinese merchants to sustain loss. But long-ells, from the year 1811 to 1814, when sold by the merchant to the shopkeeper or draper, at Canton, have realized only 7 tales the piece, after paying 1 tale 5 mace duty; thus making the highest mercantile price to the importer, without loss to the purchaser, 5 tales 5 mace per piece. It therefore follows, that the value of a piece of long-ells, viz., 2l. 16s. 8d., or 8 tales 5 mace, if invested in long-ells, would produce 35 per cent, less in China, than if invested in bullion.
Again, if the prime cost of a piece of long-ells is 8 tales 5 mace, and the Chinese duties 1 tale 5 mace, long-ells must realize 10 tales in the shops at Canton, before they can be rendered so advantageous to the Company as silver.
That long-ells might be converted into a profitable article of import at Canton, or any other port of trade, can scarcely be doubted. From the year 1799
* Tliis supposition seems to have been realized, in some degree, since the opening of the trade. In 1814–15, the long ells imported, amounted to tales 1,438,640, or dollars l,998,111; but on an average, from 1835–6 to 1837–8, the annual amount (agreeably to the Canton Register), was dollars 490,533: again, the whole amount of woollens for the first period was dollars 3,933,3114; and for the second only, dollars 2,056,410; thus making a diminution of dollars 1,507,578 on long ells, and 369,396 on other woollens; or total falling off in the importation of woollens, dollars 1,876,947, which, at 4s. 6d. the dollar, would amount to 422,319l. But this is only an additional proof of the great disadvantage of Canton as an emporium for the distribution of imports over the Fanpire. Moreover, it will be found that since the opening of the trade, the great increase has been in the products of India, as cotton and opium, and not in British manufactures. At the same time the importations of cotton yarn and piece goods have been considerable; and in a freer intercourse with China, would doubtless become a most important branch of our trade.
page 194 note 1 See Appendix S.
page 194 note 2 See Appendix S a.
* This port has since been visited by Mr. Lindsay in the Amherst. He states, “the river Min is navigable for ships of the largest burthen, to within ten miles of the town, perhaps nearer. Fu-chew-fu is also a more central situation than Canton for the distribution of British woollen manufactures.” Ile also adds, “the passage called Woo-foo-mun is considered as forming the entrance into the port, though the anchorage is quite as good outside.”
page 196 note 1 Supposing the cotton and woollen ships hound to Canton to be for each article six in number, the imports at that port would require twelve ships; but the exports would only require five or six. Say seven ships sail empty to Fu-chew-fu, the extra port charges, at 4500 tales per ship, would not amount to more than 31,500 tales.
page 197 note 1 Captain Ross, of the Honourable Company's ship Discovery, engaged in the survey of the China seas, is of opinion that there are intervals until the end of September when the winds are southerly for many days, and would enable ships to proceed to the northward, in case they had been obliged to put into Pack-sa-ho, Lam-ho, Amoy, or other ports short of Fu-chew-fu, during an easterly gale, which usually blows from three to five days without intermission. Ho also observes, that he has seen junks bound to Chu-san still prosecuting, without apprehension, their voyage along the coast about the end of August, which has led him to conclude they must have southerly winds frequently in September to carry them up.
page 198 note 1 See Appendix Q.
page 198 note 2 See Appendix Q c.
page 198 note 3 Why the Chinese bring so few teas by sea is explained in the Appendix Q a. It may be stated to arise from the bad construction of their vessels, ignorance of insurance, and perhaps a natural timidity of character, added to an aversion to the sea.
* The quantity shipped for two years, from July 1836 to 1838, would make the annual quantity, peculs 209,821, which, at tales 3·2 per pecul, would produce a saying of tales 650,454, or, at 6s. 8d. the tale, 210,818l. per annum.
* Now amounting to 216,818l. per annum, on boat hire alone; and seeing the daily increasing consumption of tea from the increase of population at home, and the vast extension and rapidly increasing prosperity of our colonies, the total savings here alluded to may fairly he estimated at not much less than 300,000l. per annum.
* The importance of Amoy is exaggerated by nautical men, who are naturally struck with the great commodiousness of the port; but they are not sufficiently well informed of its disadvantages as a commercial emporium. The writer of this memoir once spent about a fortnight at this port, and saw fleets of thirty and forty small vessels or junks, sailing in and out daily, which induced him to think it was a place of great trade; but on a closer examination, it was found that often the same fleets which entered the port in the evening sailed out again in the morning, which led him to conclude that the port was employed more as a place of shelter than a port of trade. IIe does not, however, mean to deny that Amoy is a place of considerable trade, especially with Formosa, in rice.
* The taking actual possession of the Island of Chusan, or forming a settlement on the main land, was not contemplated when the above was written; because, however vexatious and embarrassing the position of foreigners in China had been up to that period, (he security of their persons and property had always been respected: but the unprecedented proceedings of the Chinese authorities under the Imperial Commissioner, evidently show that an efficient guarantee in these respects will be absolutely necessary in future, either by au exclusive locality, or by a solemn treaty between the two governments.
† This was written before the shipments by sea were interdicted by tho Chinese government.