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The Queen of the Chaghatayids: Orghīna Khātūn and the rule of Central Asia1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 May 2016

BRUNO DE NICOLA
BRUNO DE NICOLA*
Affiliation:
University of St [email protected]
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Abstract

When Chinggis Khan died in 1227, his sons inherited different parts of the empire that had been built by their father. Chinggis Khan's second son, Chaghatai (d. c. 1241), became the ruler of the lands of present-day Central Asia, conforming the origin of what became to be known as the Chaghataid Khanate. After the death of its founder, this political entity experienced a long succession crisis that lasted for a decade until a woman, Orghīna Khātūn, took control of the khanate in the name of her son. Although a ruling woman is not an exceptional case in the Mongol empire, she was the first and only woman that ruled over the Chaghataid Khanate, and that did so peacefully and without major upheavals for nine years. Additionally, she did not adopt a passive role but was involved in the running of the khanate, playing her cards in the always-unstable political arena of the Mongol empire. This article looks at the ascension to the throne, the reign and the legacy of this Mongol woman in Mongol Central Asia by contextualising her rule within the history of the region in general and in that of the Mongol empire in particular.

Type
Part II: The Mongol World
Information
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 26 , Issue 1-2 , January 2016 , pp. 107 - 120
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2016 

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Footnotes

1

It is a great pleasure to participate in this collection of articles in honour of Professor David O. Morgan. Through his academic contribution he has been responsible (without his knowledge) for initiating my fascination with the history of the Mongol Empire. For that I will always be grateful.

References

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4 See Frye, “Women in pre-Islamic Central Asia”, pp. 55–59.

5 See, for example, Ratchnevsky, P., “La condition de la femme mongole au 12e/13e siècle”, in Sinor, D., Heissig, W. et al. (eds.), Tractata Altaica (Wiesbaden, 1976), p. 510 Google Scholar; and Rossabi, M., “Khubilai Khan and the women in his family”, in Bauer, W. (ed.), Studia Sino-Mongolica. Festschrift für Herbert Franke (Wiesbaden, 1979), p. 153 Google Scholar.

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9 See the case of Sultan Raḍiyya in northern India analysed by P. Jackson, “Sulṭān Raḍiyya bint Iltutmish”, in Hambly (ed.), Women in the Medieval Islamic World, pp. 181–197; for this phenomenon among the Ayyubids, see also Levanoni, A., “Šaǧar ad-Durr: A case of female sultanate in medieval Islam”, in Vermeulen, U. and De Smet, D. (eds.), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras III (Leuven, 2001), pp. 209–218 Google Scholar. On women in pre-Mongol Iran, see Lambton, A. K. S., Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia. Aspects of Administrative, Economic and Social History (New York. 1988), esp. pp. 258–296 Google Scholar; and Hillenbrand, C., “Women in the Saljuq Period”, in Nashat, G. and Beck, L. (eds.), Women in Islam. From the Rise of Islam to 1800 (Chicago, 2003), pp. 103–120 Google Scholar.

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12 The term ‘khātūn’ is a Turkic or Sogdian word meaning ‘lady’: see J. A. Boyle, ‘Khātūn’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition (Brill Online, 2014) (accessed 11 November 2014).

13 On this source see the short overview in Levi, S. C. and Sela, R., Islamic Central Asia: An Anthology of Historical Sources (Indianapolis, 2010), pp. 23–28 Google Scholar.

14 Narshakhī, Abū Bakr Muḥammad ibn Ja‛far, The History of Bukhara, translated R. Frye (Cambridge, MA, 1954), pp. xi–xx Google Scholar. [hereafter Narshakhī]

15 Narshakhī, pp. 9–10.

16 Narshakhī, p. 9.

17 Muḥammad ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Tabarī, XVIII, Between Civil Wars: The Caliphate of Mu‛āwiyah, translated M. G. Morony (Albany, NY, 1987), p. 178.

18 Frye, “Women in pre-Islamic Central Asia”, pp. 66–67.

19 Dunlop, D. M., “A new source of information on the Battle of Talas or Atlakh”, Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher 36 (1964), pp. 326–330 Google Scholar.

20 On the Saljuq women, see Lambton, Continuity and Change, esp. pp. 258–96; Hillenbrand, “Women in the Saljuq Period”, pp. 103–120; and Safi, O., The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Inquiry (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006), pp. 67–69 Google Scholar. On the Qara Khitai Empire, see Biran, M., The Empire of the Qara Khitai in Eurasian History: Between China and the Islamic World (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar; and Biran, M., “Between China and Islam: The administration of the Qara Khitai (Western Liao), 1124–1218”, in Sneath, D. (ed.), Imperial Statecraft: Political Dorms and Techniques of Governance in Inner Asia Sixth-Twentieth Centuries (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 63–83 Google Scholar.

21 On the Jurchen people, see Tao, J., The Jurchen in Twelfth-Century China: A Study of Sinicization (Seattle, WA. 1976)Google Scholar.

22 Biran, M., “True to their ways: Why the Qara Khitai did not convert to Islam”, in Amitai, R. and Biran, M. (eds), Mongols, Turks and Others. Eurasian Nomads and the Sedentary World (Leiden, 2005), pp. 175–199 Google Scholar.

23 According to Juwaynī, the exodus was embarked upon by the emperor and 80 members of his family. For a discussion of the terminology, see ‛ Juwaynī, Alāʼ al-Dīn Aṭā Malik, Genghis Khan: The History of the World Conqueror, translated J. A. Boyle, reprint with new introduction by David O. Morgan (Manchester, 1997), I, p. 354, n. 3Google Scholar. [hereafter Juwaynī/Boyle]

24 Biran, The Empire, pp. 160–161.

25 See the Liao Shih or ‘Official History of the Liao Dynasty’, quoted in Wittfogel, K. A. and Chia-Shȇng, F., History of Chinese Society: Liao (907–1225) (Philadelphia, 1949), p. 643 Google Scholar.

26 Juwaynī, ‛Alāʼ al-Dīn Aṭā Malik, Tārīkh-i Jahān-gushā, (ed.) Qazwīnī, M. (Leiden and London, 1912–37), II, pp. 88–9Google Scholar [hereafter Juwaynī/Qazwīnī]; Juwaynī/Boyle, I, p. 356; Jūzjānī, Minhāj-i Sirāj, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣīrī, (ed.) ‛Ḥabībī, Abd al-Ḥayy (Kabul, 1963–4), II, pp. 95–96 Google Scholar; Jūzjānī, Minhāj-i Sirāj, translated H. G. Raverty, Ṭabaḳāt-i Nāṣirī: A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia, Including Hindustan, from A.H. 194 (810 A.D.), to A.H. 658 (1260 A.D.) and the Irruption of the Infidel Mughals into Islam (London, 1881), p. 911 Google Scholar [hereafter Jūzjānī/Raverty]; and al-Athīr, ‛Izz al-Dīn Ibn, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr for the Crusading Period from al-Kāmil fī’l-Ta’rīkh, translated D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2006–8), I, p. 363 Google Scholar.

27 Juwaynī calls her Kūyūnk, which Boyle transliterates as ‘Kuyang’; see Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, II, pp. 88–89; and Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 356.

28 Wittfogel and Chia-Shȇng, History of Chinese Society, p. 644.

29 Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, II, p. 88; Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 356. According to Juwaynī, he paid 3,000 dinars annually. This was established at the time of the rulers Yeh-lü Ta-shih and King Atsiz of Khwārazm.

30 Ṭabīb, Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‛ al-tawārīkh, (ed.) Rawshan, M. and Mūsawī, M. (Tehran, 1373/1994), I, p. 474 Google Scholar [hereafter Rashīd/Rawshan]; Jami’u’t-Tawarikh: A Compendium of Chronicles, translated W. M Thackston, (ed.) Kuru, Selim Sirri (Cambridge, MA, 1998–9), p. 234 [hereafter Rashīd/Thackston]Google Scholar.

31 Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, II, p. 90; and Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 358.

32 P. Jackson, “Sulṭān Raḍiyya”, p. 190.

33 Jackson, P., “From Ulus to Khanate: The making of the Mongol states, c. 1220-c. 1290”, in Amitai, R. and Morgan, D. (eds.), The Mongol Empire and Its Legacy (Leiden, 1999), pp. 12–38 Google Scholar; Biran, M., “The Mongols in Central Asia from Chinggis Khan's invasion to the rise of Temür: The Ögödeid and Chaghadaid realms”, in Cosmo, N. Di, Frank, A. J. and Golden, P. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Inner Asia: The Chinggissid Age (Cambridge, 2009), p. 46 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 767; Ṭabīb, Rashīd al-Dīn, The Successors of Genghis Khan, translated J. A. Boyle (New York and London, 1971), p. 149 [hereafter Rashīd/Boyle]Google Scholar

35 See de Rachewiltz, I., The Secret History of the Mongols. A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century(Leiden and Boston, 2004), I, p. 167, and II, p. 864Google Scholar.

36 The terms ‘Ögödeyids’ and ‘Toluids’ are used to refer to the descendants of the third and fourth sons of Chinggis Khan, respectively Ögödei (d. 1241) and Tolui (d. 630/1232–3).

37 The name can also take the forms Orghana, Orqina or Ergene, among others. In the Persian sources she is referred as Ūrghina Khātūn in Rashīd/Rawshan, II, p. 801. Waṣṣaf uses the name Hurghina: Waṣṣāf, ‛Abdallāh ibn Faḍlallāh, Taḥrīr-i tārīkh-i Waṣṣāf, (ed.) Āyatī, ‛Abd al-Muḥammad (Tehran, 2004), p. 335 Google Scholar. In Juwaynī's Tārīkh-i Jahān-Gushā, her name is spelled Ūrqīna, see Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, III, p. 97. Here I will refer to her as Orghīna.

38 In Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 100, the name appears as Tūrālchī. On the intermarriages between the Oyrats and the Mongols see Zhao, Marriage, pp. 127–148.

39 See Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 100; and Rashīd/Thackston, p. 56. Checheyigen was the wife of both Qutula and, after his death, of his son Törelchi: Biran, “The Mongols in Central Asia”, p. 48.

40 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 752; Rashīd/Boyle, p. 138.

41 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 100; and Rashīd/Thackston, p. 56.

42 Zhao, Marriage, pp. 127–148.

43 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 100; and Rashīd/Thackston, p. 56.

44 According to other sources, Checheyigen, daughter of Chinggis Khan by his chief wife Börte, was also their mother: see De Rachewiltz, The Secret History, § 239. She is also mentioned by Waṣṣaf and Rashīd al-Dīn as having a sister who was married to Batu Khan (r. 1227–55) of the Golden Horde, though her name is not given. See Waṣṣāf, Taḥrīr, p. 13; Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 100; Rashīd/Thackston, p. 56.

45 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 100; Rashīd/Thackston, p. 55. She is to be distinguished from her namesake, Güyük's wife and regent of the empire (1248–50).

46 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 752; Rashīd/Boyle, p. 138.

47 Rashīd/Rawshan, II, p. 801; Rashīd/Boyle, p. 177; Jūzjānī/Raverty, p. 1149, n. 7. In Juwaynī's account however, it is Töregene Khātūn who sends Arghūn Aqa to Khurasān to replace Körgüz. See Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, II, p. 274; and Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 538. On Körguz, see Juwaynī/Boyle, pp. 72–75, 189–190; On Arghūn Aqa, see Lane, G., “Arghun Aqa: Mongol Bureaucrat”, Iranian Studies 32:4 (1999), pp. 459–482 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48 Biran, “The Mongols in Central Asia”, p. 48.

49 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 760; and Rashīd/Boyle, p. 143. Waṣṣaf mentions the replacement without giving particular reasons: see Waṣṣāf, Taḥrīr, p. 335.

50 Qara Hülegü and Orghīna maintained their position as rulers of the Chaghatayid ulus during the regency of Töregene Khātūn (r. 1241–46).

51 Biran, “The Mongols in Central Asia”, p. 48.

52 Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, I, p. 220; and Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 265.

53 Allsen, T., Mongol Imperialism: The Policies of the Grand Qan Möngke in China, Russia, and the Islamic Lands, 1251–1259 (Berkeley, CA, 1987), p. 26Google Scholar.

54 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 767; Rashīd/Boyle, p. 149; Waṣṣāf, Taḥrīr, p. 335.

55 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 767; and Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 149–150. One of Yesü Möngke's wives, called Toqashi Khātūn, was brutally executed by Qara Hülegü: see Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, III, p. 59; Juwaynī/Boyle, pp. 588–589. In Rashīd/Rawshan, II, p. 839, and Rashīd/Boyle, p. 213, the story is also narrated, but the lady is mentioned as the wife of Yesunto’a (brother of Qara Hülegü).

56 Lian, Song, Yuan Shi [The Official History of the Yuan], (Beijing, 1976), 134/3247–9Google Scholar, quoted in Biran, M., Qaidu and the Rise of an Independent Mongol State in Central Asia (Richmond, Surrey, 1997), p. 16, n. 92Google Scholar; Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, I, p. 230; and Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 274.

57 On Töregene and Oghul Qaimish, see De Nicola, “Unveiling the Khātūns”, pp. 68–81.

58 On William of Rubruck's life and work, see the “Introduction” in Jackson, P. and Morgan, D. (eds.), The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck: His Journey to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke, 1253–1255, translated by P. Jackson (Cambridge, 1990 Google Scholar; reprint Indianapolis, 2009), pp. 1–55 [hereafter Rubruck/Jackson].

59 Dawson, C., The Mongol Mission. Narratives and Letters of the Franciscan Missionaries in Mongolia and China in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (London and New York, 1955), p. 137 Google Scholar; Rubruck/Jackson, pp. 148–149.

60 Dawson, The Mongol Mission, p. 137, n. 1.

61 Ibid ., p. 137, n. 2. Rockhill and Yule also link the area with the Khātūn. See Rubruck, William of, The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253–1255, as Narrated by Himself, with Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of John of Pian de Carpini, translated by W. W. Rockhill (London, 1900), p. 140 Google Scholar, n. 4 [hereafter Rubruck/Rockhill]; Yule, Sir H., Cathay and the Way Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China (London, 1913–1916), IV, pp. 160–161, n. 3Google Scholar.

62 Rubruck/Jackson, p. 148, n. 3; Rubruck/Rockhill, p. 141, n. 3.

63 Bretschneider, E., Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources (London, 1910), I, p. 161, n. 440Google Scholar. On the city of Almaliq, see W. Barthold, “Almaligh”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition.

64 Rashīd/Rawshan, II, p. 978; Rashīd/Thackston, and pp. 479–480. Also mentioned by Juwaynī/Qazwīnī, III, p. 97; Juwaynī/Boyle, p. 612; Waṣṣāf, Taḥrīr, p. 323. It is worth mentioning that a later source, Mustawfī, takes note of the banquets offered to Hülegü in Central Asia but does not mention the presence of any women. Since Mustawfī had access to Rashīd al-Dīn's and Juwaynī's accounts, this seems to me to be an intentional omission by Mustawfī. See L. J. Ward, “Ẓafarnāmah of Mustawfī”, PhD dissertation (Manchester University, 1983), p. 17.

65 Barthold, V. V., Four Studies on the History of Central Asia (Leiden, 1956–62), I, pp. 46–47 Google Scholar; Buell, P. D., “Some royal Mongol ladies: Alaqa-beki, Ergene-Qatun and others”, World History Connected 7:1 (2010)Google Scholar, online publication, available at http://worldhistoryconnected.press.illinois.edu/7.1/buell.html (accessed 6 November 2014).

66 Waṣṣāf, Taḥrīr, p. 15.

67 Only after her reign had ended: see Rashīd/Rawshan, II, pp. 882–883; Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 257–258. Burhān al-Dīn was killed by Alghu (d. 662/1263–64) at the time of the Toluid civil war. The reasons for his execution are not given but these might have been political rather than religious.

68 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 758; Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 142–143. The first Muslim Mongol ruler was Berke Khān (r. 1257–66) of the Golden Horde. He was almost a contemporary of Mubārak Shāh and, interestingly enough, his conversion seems to have happened in the city of Bukhara in the early 1250s. See Richard, J., “La conversion de Berke et les débuts de l’islamisation de la Horde d’Or”, Revue des Etudes Islaimiques 35 (1967), pp. 173–184 Google Scholar.

69 On the Islamisation of the Mongols, see among others Melville, C., “Pādshāh-i Islam: The conversion of Sultan Mahmud Ghazan Khan”, Pembroke Papers 1 (1990), pp. 159–177 Google Scholar; Amitai, R., “The conversion of Tegüder Ilkhan to Islam”, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 25 (2001), pp. 15–43 Google Scholar; Pfeiffer, J., “Conversion Versions: Sultan Oljeitu's conversion to Shi‘ism in Muslim narrative sources (709/1309)”, Mongolian Studies 22 (1999), pp. 35–67 Google Scholar; and Pfeiffer, J., “Reflections on a ‘double rapprochement’: Conversion to Islam among the Mongol elite during the early Ilkhanate”, in Komaroff, L. (ed.), Beyond the Legacy of Genghis Khan (Leiden, 2006), pp. 369–389 Google Scholar.

70 See De Nicola, “Unveiling the Khātūns”, pp. 212–223.

71 See, for example, the case of Sorqoqtani Beki in Rossabi, “Khubilai Khan”, pp. 153–180.

72 See De Nicola, B., “The Ladies of Rūm: A hagiographic view of women in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Anatolia”, Journal of Sufi Studies 3:2 (2014), pp. 132–156 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; De Nicola, “Patrons or murids?”, pp. 143–156.

73 Jackson, P., “The accession of Qubilai Qaan: A re-examination”, Journal of the Anglo-Mongolian Society 2:1 (1975), pp. 1–10 Google Scholar.

74 It is not clear whether Hülegü's first choice for the Great Khanate was Qubilai at the beginning, but once the Golden Horde supported Arigh Böke, the Qubilai alternative seemed the most appropriate way to gain legitimacy for the establishment of a new khanate in Iran. See Morgan, D., The Mongols, 2nd edition (Oxford, 2007), p. 104 Google Scholar.

75 The person who killed him was Asutai, one of Möngke Khan's sons; see Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 754; and Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 138–139.

76 For more details on the succession, see Biran, Qaidu, pp. 21–23; and Barthold, Four Studies, I, pp. 122–124.

77 The location of this place seems to be in the vicinity of the modern town of At-Bash in the Republic of Kirgizstan. For a reference to the presence of Orghīna and Arigh Böke in the region, see the reference to an unspecified manuscript of Jamāl al-Qarshī, Mulḥaqāt al-ṣurāḥ, in Barthold, Four Studies, I, p. 123. Rashīd al Dīn also refers to this, even mentioning that Orghīna was with Arigh Böke in 661/1262–3, see Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 768; and Rashīd/Boyle, p. 150.

78 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, pp. 767–769; and Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 150–151.

79 Rashīd/Rawshan, I, pp. 767–769; and Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 150–151. Orghīna seems to have remained loyal to Qubilai during the civil war and therefore is represented as the repository of legitimacy in the Chaghatayid khanate.

80 Biran, Qaidu, p. 23. Rashīd al-Dīn mentions his death in 662/1263–4: Rashīd/Rawshan, I, p. 769; and Rashīd/Boyle, p. 151.

81 Rashīd/Rawshan, II, p. 885; Rashīd/Boyle, pp. 260–261; Barthold, Four Studies, I, p. 47.

82 Kervran, Monique has recently suggested that a burial monument found in eastern Kazakhstan might be the tomb of Orghīna Khātūn: “Un monument baroque dans les steppes du Kazakhstan. Le tombeau d’Örkina Khatun, princesse Chagatay?”, Arts Asiatiques 57 (2002), pp. 5–32 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.