Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 September 2017
This article begins with the premise that nostalgia haunts histories of Indian Muslim cultural and social life but remains curiously underspecified with relation to Muslim political life. By looking at the figure of Mohamed Ali Jauhar (1878–1931) and a constellation of transnational initiatives around the year 1913 in particular, it suggests ways in which we might redeploy nostalgia in order to look for temporal and spatial ambivalence in historical moments. In turn, that ambivalence points to the limitations of understanding nostalgia as purely a longing for another place and a past time.
1 On the way loss and pain were aestheticised, Margrit Pernau, ‘Nostalgia: Tears of blood for a lost world’, South Asia Graduate Research Journal. 23, pp. 74-109, at pp. 84-88.
2 Pritchett, Frances W., Nets of Awareness. Urdu Poetry and Its Critics (Berkley, 1994)Google Scholar.
3 The paradigmatic account of this phenomenon is Hunter, W. W., The Indian Musalmans, first published 1871 (London, 1872)Google Scholar. See also Mufti, Aamir R., Enlightenment in the Colony. The Jewish Question and the Crisis of Postcolonial Culture (Princeton, NJ, 2007)Google Scholar, pp. 111-112.
4 Hardy, Peter, The Muslims of British India, first published 1972 (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar, p. 120. Shackle, Christopher and Majeed, Javed offer a nuanced reading of the profound temporal ambivalences in Hali's epic – see Hali's Musaddas: The flow and ebb of Islam (Delhi, 1997)Google Scholar. For an interesting discussion on contemporary nostalgia for the world of Mughal kingship, see Zaman, Taymiya R., ‘Nostalgia, Lahore, and the Ghost of Aurangzeb’, Fragments, Vol. 4 (2015), pp. 1–27 Google Scholar.
5 Hardy, Muslims of British India, p. 92.
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10 http://cafedissensusblog.com/2015/11/10/the-burden-of-the-past-for-muslims-in-india/ (accessed 19 July 2016).
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12 Ahmed, Aijaz, ‘Azad's Careers: Roads Taken and Not Taken’, in Aijaz Ahmed, Lineages of the Present. Ideology and Politics in Contemporary South Asia (London and New York, 2002)Google Scholar, pp. 60-102, at p. 62.
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14 Mufti, Enlightenment in the Colony, p. 154.
15 Ibid., pp. 154-158, 133-135.
16 Jay, Martin, Songs of Experience. Modern American and European Variations on a Universal Theme (Berkeley CA, 2005)Google Scholar.
17 Ibid., p. 213.
18 Ibid ., pp. 316-317, and Chapter 8: ‘Lamenting the Crisis of Experience – Benjamin and Adorno’ more widely.
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20 Ibid., p. 13.
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22 Ibid .
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26 Boym, ‘Nostalgia and its Discontents’, pp. 14-15.
27 Comrade, 14 September 1912, p. 245.
28 Ibid.
29 Comrade, 16 November 1912, pp. 393-395.
30 By the end of 1912 subscribers to the Fund had to be listed across seven pages of the newspaper. Comrade, 14 December 1912, pp. 483-489.
31 Comrade, 19 October 1912, p. 298. See also M. A. Ansari to Secretary, Government of India, Foreign and Political Department, 28 February 1914, in Ansari, M. A., Muslims and the Congress: Select Correspondence of Dr M. A. Ansari 1912–1935, (ed.) Hasan, Mushirul (Delhi, 1979)Google Scholar, pp. 4-5. It seems the idea of such as mission was first put forward by Mohamed Ali's elder brother, Shaukat Ali – Comrade, 12 October 1912, p. 269.
32 Ansari, Muslims and the Congress, p. xviii.
33 Comrade, 30 November 1912, p. 439, and 14 December 1912, p. 470.
34 Comrade, 30 November 1912, p. 432.
35 Ibid., p. 441.
36 Ibid .
37 Comrade, 21 June 1913, p. 507.
38 Comrade, 25 October 1913, pp. 275-277.
39 Comrade, 14 December 1912, p. 470. For a first-hand account of the organization and its travels by one of its members – an Aligarh student who had been recruited by Dr Ansari at the college – see Khaliquzzaman, Choudhry, Pathway to Pakistan (Lahore, 1961)Google Scholar, pp. 20-26.
40 Comrade, 14 December 1912, p. 470.
41 ‘Pictorial Supplement’, Comrade, 25 January 1913, 4pp.
42 ‘Pictorial Supplement’, Comrade, 5 July 1913, 4pp.
43 In the Comrade issue of 3 May 1913, for example, a letter from Ansari about the Medical Mission was published on p. 350 and a cable sent from Constantinople by Ansari on Arab success at Benghazi was published on p. 353.
44 Comrade, 5 July 1913, p. 8.
45 Ibid.
46 Ibid.
47 Times of India (Bombay), 4 July 1913, p. 5.
48 Times of India, 5 July 1913, p. 5.
49 Hamdard (Delhi), 11 July 1913, pagination obscured.
50 ‘Pictorial Supplement’, Comrade, 5 July 1913, p. iv; Times of India, 5 July 1913, p. 10.
51 Ibid .; Times of India, 8 July 1913, p. 8.
52 Times of India, 8 July 1913, p. 8.
53 ‘Pictorial Supplement’, Comrade, 5 July 1913, p. iv.
54 Comrade, 5 July 1913, p. 8. The sentiment was shared by colonial officials. Private Secretary to the H. E. the Viceroy wired Mohamed Ali in Bombay to state: “The Viceroy would be glad if you would on his behalf, extend to the Mission a cordial welcome on their return to India”. Times of India, 4 July 1913, p. 5.
55 Comrade, 12 July 1913, p. 26.
56 Ibid.
57 Ibid., p. 27.
58 Ibid.
59 Ibid.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid. Before joining the Nadwat ul-ʿUlama (‘Assembly of Islamic Scholars’) in Lucknow in 1904, Shibli had been an historian and scholar of Arabic and Persian at the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh; as a boy, Mohamed Ali had snuck into his undergraduate lectures on the Qurʾan – see Ali, Mohamed, My Life: A Fragment, (ed.) Hasan, Mushirul (New Delhi, 1999)Google Scholar, pp. 65-67.
62 Times of India, 8 July 1913, p. 8; Hamdard; 12 July 1913, pagination obscured.
63 Comrade, 12 July 1913, p. 27.
64 Ibid. The distance between the two mosques is roughly one mile.
65 Ibid.
66 Khaliquzzaman, Pathway to Pakistan, pp. 27-28.
67 Basu, Aparna, ‘Mohamed Ali in Delhi: The Comrade Phase, 1912-1915’, in Communal and Pan-Islamic Trends in Colonial India, (ed.) Hasan, Mushirul (Delhi, 1981)Google Scholar, p. 111.
68 Comrade, 12 July 1913, p. 27.
69 Comrade, 9 August 1913, pp. 90-91.
70 Comrade, 12 July 1913, pp. 27-29.
71 Ibid.
72 Gilmartin, David, ‘Democracy, Nationalism and the Public: A speculation on colonial Muslim politics’, South Asia 14, 1 (1991), pp. 123–140 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quotation at p. 133. See too Markus Daechsel's more recent argument about a politics of ‘self-expression’ among an Urdu middle class milieu between the 1930s and 1950s that tended towards a fascistic outlook. Daechsel, Markus, The Politics of Self-Expression: The Urdu middle-class milieu in mid-twentieth century India and Pakistan (London, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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75 Ali, Mohamed, ‘Young India’, n.d., Select Writings and Speeches of Maulana Mohamed Ali, (ed.) Iqbal, Afzal, 2nd edition, 2 vols (Lahore, 1963)Google Scholar, Vol. I, pp. 159-175.
76 Comrade, 5 July 1913, p. 8.
77 Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (New York, 1982)Google Scholar.
78 Boym, ‘Nostalgia and its discontents’, p. 15.
79 Ibid., p. 8.
80 Ibid., p. 9.
81 Ibid .
82 Ibid., pp. 11, 15-16.
83 Ibid., p. 16.
84 All of these ideas were described in a letter to Talat Paşa – see Mohamed Ali and Shaukat Ali to Talat Bey, 8 July 1914, ff. 1532-45, Mohamed Ali Papers, Nehru Museum and Memorial Library, New Delhi (henceforth MAP).
85 Comrade, 12 July 1913, p. 28. See also Times of India, 5 July 1913, p. 10.
86 See Zafar Ali Khan, Dr Ansari et al.’s letter to Comrade, 26 July 1913, pp. 50-52; Ansari's letter to Comrade, detailing their travels while looking for a suitable site for the colony, same issue, pp. 52-57.
87 Comrade, 3 May 1913, pp. 355-357.
88 Comrade, 3 May 1913, p. 350.
89 See Charles M. Marling to Sir Edward Grey, Constantinople, 4 July 1913, forwarding Note by W. D. W. Matthews, Adana, 23 June 1913; Grey, Foreign Office, to Under-Secretary of State for India, 9 July 1913; Matthews, Adana, 7 June 1913, all in L/PS/11/57, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library (henceforth OIOC). In Matthews’ 7 June letter, he mistakenly asserted that three Muslims (Zafar Ali Khan, Ansari and Ahmed Ansar) wanted to purchase land to settle 300 Indian Muslim families, or maybe Turkish muhājirīn (emigrants). It was later clarified that the colony was to be for refugees from Rumelia, and officials believed it was realistically intended for 300 individuals rather than 300 families. Regardless, the settlement was never intended to house Indian or Turkish Muslims, contra Robinson's, Francis Separatism Among Muslims: The politics of the United Provinces’ Muslims 1860-1923 (Delhi, [1974] 1993)Google Scholar, pp. 207-208.
90 Comrade, 3 May 1913, pp. 355-357, at p. 356.
91 Ibid . Money raised in other places was also being redirected to Ansari and the Colonisation scheme. See for example Manager of the Comrade to Secretary of the Chulia Moslem Association (Rangoon), 9 January 1914, f. 1343, MAP.
92 Comrade, 26 July 1913, p. 52. See pp. 52-57 for a full account of the tour. For the proceedings of the first three meetings of the ‘Society for the Assistance of the Mussalman Refugees from Rumelia’, see Comrade, 26 July 1913, pp. 50-51.
93 Ibid.
94 Ibid., p. 56.
95 On Punjab, Ian Talbot, ‘The Punjab Under Colonialism: Order and Transformation in British India’, Journal of Punjab Studies 14, 1 (2007), pp. 3-10. On Anatolia, Shaw, Stanford, The Jews of the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic (New York, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 211.
96 Comrade, 3 May 1913, p. 356.
97 Ibid.
98 Ibid., pp. 356-357.
99 Mohamed Ali, ‘The Future of Islam’, Selected Writings and Speeches, (ed.) Afzal Iqbal, Vol. I, pp. 51-71, at pp. 64-65. See also Comrade, 24 February 1912, p. 171.
100 Rohilkhand Gazette, 8 December 1912, extract in ‘Selections from the Native Newspapers published in the United Provinces. Received up to 14 December 1912’, L/R/5/87, p. 1033, OIOC.
101 Extracts from the Comrade, 31 May and 7 June 1913, contained in Report by F. Isemonger, Assistant Director of Criminal Intelligence Department, 20 February 1914, Home Political (A), May 1914, 46, National Archives of India, Delhi (henceforth NAI). The articles in question are at pp. 437-438 and pp. 457-458 of Comrade respectively; the quotations are from the issue of 7 June, at p. 458. See also Criminal Intelligence Office file on ‘Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Kaaba, 1913-14’, L/PS/20/H/137, OIOC.
102 ‘Rules framed for the Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba’, Appendix A, in Report by Isemonger, NAI; Mohamed Ali and Shaukat Ali to Talat Bey, 8 July 1914, MAP.
103 Mohamed Ali and Shaukat Ali to Talat Bey, 8 July 1914, MAP.
104 Comrade, 25 November 1911, p. 451.
105 This distinction is discussed in Žižek, Slavoj, ‘Melancholy and the Act’, Critical Inquiry 26, 4 (2000), pp. 657–681 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
106 Comrade, 25 November 1911. The line is drawn from Edward Fitzgerald's translation of The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyum (1859).
107 Iqbal, Muhammad, Shikwa and Jawab-i-Shikwa (Complaint and Answer: Iqbal's dialogue with Allah), trans. Singh, Khushwant (Delhi, 1981)Google Scholar, p. 96. For an exploration of the tensions in Iqbal's historical geography, see Majeed, Javed, ‘Geographies of subjectivity, Pan-Islam and Muslim separatism: Muhammad Iqbal and Selfhood’, Modern Intellectual History 4, 1 (2007), pp. 145-161CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
108 Comrade, 25 November 1911.
109 Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe. Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, [2000] 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 250.
110 Iqbal laid this philosophy out most fully in a series of lectures delivered in 1930. See Iqbal, Muhammad, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, (ed.) Saeed Sheikh, M. (Stanford, 2013)Google Scholar.
111 Mohamed Ali's intellectual and emotional thraldom to Iqbal is expressed most vividly in the former's autobiography – see Mohamed Ali, My Life, at pp. 63-68.
112 Boym, ‘Nostalgia and its discontents’, pp. 12, 15-16.