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The Drama of 1916: The American Jewish Community, Birth Control, and Two Yiddish Plays1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 October 2013

Melissa R. Klapper*
Affiliation:
Rowan University

Abstract

Jewish women played important roles in many aspects of the birth control movement, as activists, consumers, and distributors. Yet just as the legal system was not yet sure what to make of contraception, neither was the American Jewish community. While hundreds of thousands of Jewish women clearly limited their family size, both ambivalence toward birth control and pockets of outright opposition also persisted. This essay briefly examines the developments in the birth control movement during the pivotal year of 1916 in which Jewish women played important roles. The essay then turns to analysis of two Yiddish plays on the topic written that year. Neither play has ever before been translated in full. Because the Yiddish theater was a central American Jewish cultural institution, the production of plays on the subject of birth control in 1916 dramatized the importance of the issue within the American Jewish community. Though the plays quite possibly loom larger in retrospect than they did at the time and are notable more for content than literary merit, they nonetheless provide a critical lens through which to explore the complex relationship between American Jewry and the birth control movement.

Type
Essays
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2013 

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Footnotes

1

I would like to thank the members of the Philadelphia-area American Jewish Studies reading group, Riv-Ellen Prell, and the anonymous Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era readers for their comments on various versions of this article. I am especially grateful to Naomi S. Cohen for the beautifully rendered translations of the Yiddish plays, which survive in difficult-to-decipher handwritten manuscript form. Many thanks also to David M. Schlitt for research assistance. This research was supported in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Frankel Institute for Advanced Judaic Studies at the University of Michigan. Birth Control or Race Suicide and A Woman's Duty in Birth Control translated by Naomi S. Cohen. All other Yiddish translations by the author unless otherwise noted.

References

2 “Mrs. Sanger Draws Crowd,” New York Times, Jan. 19, 1916.

3 Standard works on the American birth control movement include Brodie, Janet Farrell, Contraception and Abortion in Nineteenth-Century America (Ithaca, 1994)Google Scholar; Chesler, Ellen, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Chen, Constance, The Sex Side of Life: Mary Ware Dennett's Pioneering Battle for Birth Control and Sex Education (New York, 1996)Google Scholar; Gordon, Linda, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; Kennedy, David, Birth Control in America (New Haven, 1970)Google Scholar; McCann, Carol, Birth Control Politics in the United States (Ithaca, 1994)Google Scholar; Reed, James, The Birth Control Movement and American Society (Princeton, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Tone, Andrea, Devices and Desires: A History of Contraceptives in America (New York, 2001)Google Scholar. For a comprehensive discussion of the Comstock Laws, named after Anthony Comstock of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, see Horowitz, Helen Lefkowitz, Rereading Sex: Battles over Sexual Knowledge and Suppression in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 2002), 297ffGoogle Scholar.

4 On American Jewish women's birth control activism in the context of their engagement with the women's movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Klapper, Melissa R., Ballots, Babies, and Banners of Peace: American Jewish Women's Activism, 1890–1940 (New York, 2013), ch. 2, 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 There is evidence of at least one other 1916 Yiddish play on the subject as well. See the poster for Di Groyse Frage (The Great Question) by Zalmen Libin, which premiered at Philadelphia's Arch Street Theater on September 14, 1916, in Sandrow, Nahma, Vagabond Stars: A World History of Yiddish Theater (New York, 1977), 153Google Scholar.

6 Samuel B. Grossman, A Woman's Duty in Birth Control, copyrighted Nov. 25, 1916, #438 in Lawrence Marwick Collection of Copyrighted Yiddish Plays, Library of Congress; Harry Kalmanowitz, Birth Control or Race Suicide, copyrighted July 18, 1916, #506 in Lawrence Marwick Collection. (Play titles hereafter abbreviated as WD and BC.) “From Haven to Home: 350 Years of Jewish Life in America,” http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/fromhaventohome; Klapper, Melissa R., “No, Margaret Sanger Wasn't Jewish—But Some of Her Best Friends Were,” Lilith 34 (Spring 2009): 2527Google Scholar.

7 For example, Joselit, Jenna Weissman, The Wonders of America: Reinventing Jewish Culture, 1880–1950 (New York, 1994), 64Google Scholar; and Joshua N. Lambert, “Unclean Lips: Obscenity and Jews in American Literature” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2009), 81. Before the translation of the plays, I was also guilty of this error; see Klapper, “No, Margaret Sanger Wasn't Jewish.” Mea culpa.

8 See Diner, Hasia R. and Benderly, Beryl Lieff, Her Works Praise Her: A History of Jewish Women in America from Colonial Times to the Present (New York, 2002), 216–18Google Scholar; and Freeze, Chae-Ran, Jewish Marriage and Divorce in Imperial Russia (Hanover, NH, 2002), 54 ffGoogle Scholar.

9 Helene, San Francisco, to her mother, Rypin, ca. 1890, in Writing Home: Immigrants in Brazil and the United States, 1890–1891, ed. Kula, Witold, Assorodobraj-Kula, Nina, and Kula, Marcin, trans. Wtulich, Josephine (New York, 1986), 491Google Scholar.

10 Watkins, Susan Cotts and Danzi, Angela D., “Women's Gossip and Social Change: Childbirth and Fertility Control Among Italian and Jewish Women in the United States, 1920–1940,” Gender and Society 9 (Aug. 1995): 479CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morgan, S. Philip, Watkins, Susan Cotts, and Ewbank, Douglas, “Generating Americans: Ethnic Differences in Fertility” in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Watkins, Susan Cotts (New York 1994), 83124Google Scholar. For a collection of Jewish community studies offering data on Jewish family size, Robison, Sophia M. and Starr, Joshua, Jewish Population Studies (New York, 1943)Google Scholar. For examples of statistical calculations, Jaffe, A.J., “Religious Differentials in the Net Reproduction Rate,” Journal of the American Statistical Association 34 (June 1939): 335–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which concludes that Jewish women's net reproductive rate declined by nearly half between 1925 and 1935; and Greenberg, Mayer, “The Reproduction Rate of the Families of Jewish Students at the University of Maryland,” Jewish Social Studies 10 (July 1948): 223–38Google Scholar, a multi-generation case study contending that within a generation the average family size had declined by more than 50 percent.

11 Lederhandler, Eli, “Guides for the Perplexed: Sex, Manners, and Mores for the Yiddish Reader in America” Modern Judaism 11 (Oct. 1991): 321–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Sanger, Margaret, Vos Yede Meydl Darf Visn (New York, 1916)Google Scholar. Also, Jensen, Joan M., “The Evolution of Margaret Sanger's ‘Family Limitation’ Pamphlet, 1914–1921,” Signs 6 (Spring 1981): 548–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Goldstein, Sidney E., “Birth Control as a Moral Issue,” Free Synagogue Pulpit 3 (Dec. 1915): 210–22Google Scholar; Seller, Maxine Schwartz, “World of Our Mothers: The Women's Page of the Jewish Daily Forward,” Journal of Ethnic Studies 16 (Summer 1988): 95118Google Scholar.

14 Adickes, Sandra, To Be Young Was Very Heaven: Women in New York before the First World War (New York, 1997), 127Google Scholar.

15 For example, Mother Earth 2 (Aug. 1907). On eugenics during this period, Kline, Wendy, Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics from the Turn of the Century to the Baby Boom (Berkeley, 2001)Google Scholar; and Lovett, Laura L., Conceiving the Future: Pronatalism, Reproduction, and Family in the United States, 1890–1938 (Chapel Hill, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Goldman, Emma, Living My Life, vol. 2 (repr. New York, 1970), 552–54Google Scholar. This autobiography is a famously problematic text but a valuable source nonetheless.

17 Drinnon, Richard, Rebel in Paradise: A Biography of Emma Goldman (Chicago, 1961), 167–69Google Scholar.

18 Henrietta Moscowitz Voorsanger's autobiography, 312–13, Elkan and Henrietta Voorsanger Papers, MS 256, American Jewish Archives Center, Cincinnati (hereafter AJA). Among biographers who provide accessible accounts of these aspects of Goldman: Falk, Candace, Love, Anarchy, and Emma Goldman: A Biography (New Brunswick, 1990)Google Scholar; Chalberg, John C., Emma Goldman: American Individualist, 2nd ed. (New York, 2008)Google Scholar.

19 Yiddishes Tageblatt clippings, folder 2, box 6, Rose Pastor Stokes Papers, MS 573, Sterling Library, Yale University, microfilm reel 3217/5 at AJA. For more on Stokes, Shapiro, Herbert and Sterling, David, eds., I Belong to the Working Class: The Unfinished Autobiography of Rose Pastor Stokes (Athens, GA, 1992)Google Scholar.

20 Yezierska, Anzia, Salome of the Tenements (1923; Urbana, 1996)Google Scholar.

21 “Mrs. Stokes to Address the Jewish Council,” Brooklyn Eagle, Dec. 18, 1915.

22 Emma Goldman to Rose Pastor Stokes, Oct. 17, 1916, folder 40, box 2, Stokes Papers, microfilm reel 3214/2 at AJA.

23 May 5, 1916, speech typescript annotated in Rose Pastor Stokes's hand, folder 22, box 6, Stokes Papers, microfilm reel 3217/5 at AJA. The speech has recently been reprinted in Michels, Tony, ed., Jewish Radicals: A Documentary History (New York, 2012), 104–08CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Margaret Sanger to Rose Pastor Stokes, Nov. 22, Dec. 4, 1917, folder 88, box 3, Stokes Papers, microfilm reel 3215/3 at AJA.

25 Stokes, Rose Pastor, The Woman Who Wouldn't (New York, 1916), 29Google Scholar.

26 Yarros, Rachelle S., “Some Practical Aspects of Birth-Control,” Surgery, Gynecology, and Obstetrics 23 (1916): 188–90Google Scholar. On Yarros, Haslett, Diane C., “Hull House and the Birth Control Movement: An Untold Story,” Affilia 12 (Fall 1997): 261–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For more on Jewish women doctors in the birth control movement, Klapper, Ballots, Babies, and Banners of Peace, ch. 4.

27 Chesler, Woman of Valor, 159.

28 Statement of Halpern, Rose, Birth Control: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, March 1, 20, and 27, 1934 (Washington, 1934), 65Google Scholar.

29 Seller, Maxine S., “Defining Socialist Womanhood: The Women's Page of the Jewish Daily Forward in 1919,” American Jewish History 76 (June 1987): 433Google Scholar.

30 Millen, Rochelle L., Women, Birth, and Death in Jewish Law and Practice (Hanover, NH, 2004)Google Scholar. Millen provides a brief historical consideration, but there is little historical writing on birth control and Jewish law. For the standard analysis of Jewish laws, texts, and traditions related to contraception, Feldman, David M., Birth Control in Jewish Law (New York, 1968)Google Scholar.

31 This perspective continues to appear in some scholarly literature. See, for example, Michael, Robert, A Concise History of American Antisemitism (Lanham, MD, 2005), 130–36Google Scholar. The story was more complicated than that, with many American Jewish religious leaders, such as Rabbi Sidney Goldstein, enthusiastically embracing the eugenics movement, while birth control activists like Dr. Hannah Mayer Stone frequently published in eugenics journals. On the attraction of eugenics to religious leaders like Goldstein, see Rosen, Christine, Preaching Eugenics: Religious Leaders and the American Eugenics Movement (New York, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an example of Stone's contributions, see Stone, Hannah Mayer, “The Birth Control Raid,” Eugenics 2 (Aug. 1929)Google Scholar. While the links among birth control, eugenics, and racism were undeniable, it is problematic to argue that all eugenic thought, particularly in the pre-Hitler years, was automatically anti-Semitic. Certainly the 1,500 people in New York who flocked to the Free Synagogue in November 1915 to hear Dr. Abraham Jacobi speak about eugenics did not think so. “1500 at Eugenics Sermon,” New York Times, Nov. 29, 1915.

32 Histories of the Yiddish theater in America include Burko, Faina, “The American Yiddish Theatre and Its Audience before World War I” in Legacy of Jewish Migration: 1881 and Its Impact, ed. Berger, David (New York, 1983), 8596Google Scholar; Howe, Irving, World of Our Fathers (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; Lifson, David S., The Yiddish Theatre in America (New York, 1965)Google Scholar; Nahshon, Edna, Yiddish Proletarian Theatre: The Art and Politics of the Artef (Westport, CT, 1998)Google Scholar; Rosenfeld, Lulla, Bright Star of Exile: Jacob Adler and the Yiddish Theatre (New York, 1977)Google Scholar; and Sandrow, Vagabond Stars.

33 By 1927 the number had already dropped to twenty-four Yiddish theaters in the entire United States, including eleven in New York and four in Chicago. Diner, Hasia R., The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000 (Berkeley, 2004), 242Google Scholar.

34 Hapgood, Hutchins, The Spirit of the Ghetto: Studies of the Jewish Quarter of New York (1902; New York, 1966), 122–23Google Scholar. Nahshon, Edna, “The Yiddish Theater in America: A Brief Historical Overview” in Baker, Zachary M. with Sohn, Bonnie, The Lawrence Marwick Collection of Copyrighted Yiddish Plays at the Library of Congress: An Annotated Bibliography (Washington, 2004)Google Scholar, xvi, http://www.loc.gov/rr/amed/marwick/marwickbibliography.pdf.

35 Sandrow, Vagabond Stars, 110–114.

36 Ibid., 286.

37 Advertisement for BC, Forverts, July 16, 1916.

38 References are to the page numbers in the original manuscripts, which have been preserved in Cohen's translations.

39 It is also possible that the sin referred to here involves condom use, the form of contraception most widely available prior to the establishment of a network of birth control clinics a few years later, all of which dispensed diaphragms. Birth control activists promoted diaphragms at least in part because they allowed women to gain control of contraception. Within the Jewish community, diaphragms may also have been more palatable because they circumvented Biblical strictures against men “spilling their seed” (Genesis 38: 9–10), which made condom use extremely problematic in Jewish legal terms and taboo even to many non-observant Jews.

40 For example, “The Question of Birth Control,” Forverts, Oct. 23, 1916. Michels, Tony, A Fire in Their Hearts: Yiddish Socialists in New York (Cambridge, MA, 2005), 3, 156Google Scholar.

41 For more on American Jewish attitudes toward World War I, Sterba, Christopher, Good Americans: Italian and Jewish Immigrants during the First World War (New York, 2003)Google Scholar.

42 On the complex history of abortion in the United States, Brodie, Contraception and Abortion in Nineteenth-Century America; Dubow, Sara, Ourselves Unborn: A History of the Fetus in Modern America (New York, 2010)Google Scholar; Hull, N.E.H., Hoffer, Williamjames, and Hoffer, Peter Charles, eds, The Abortion Rights Controversy in America: A Legal Reader (Chapel Hill, 2004)Google Scholar; Mohr, James, Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolution of National Policy, 1800–1900 (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; Reagan, Leslie J., When Abortion Was a Crime: Women, Medicine, and Law in the United States, 1867–1973 (Berkeley, 1997)Google Scholar; and Solinger, Rickie, Pregnancy and Power: A Short History of Reproductive Politics in America (New York, 2007)Google Scholar.

43 For example, Yarros, Rachelle S., “Birth Control and Its Relation to Health and Welfare,” Medical Woman's Journal 32 (1925): 268–72Google Scholar.

44 Simon, Kate, Bronx Primitive: Portraits in a Childhood (New York, 1982), 69Google Scholar.

45 Millen, Women, Birth, and Death in Jewish Law and Practice; Feldman, Birth Control in Jewish Law.

46 Yarros, “Some Practical Aspects of Birth-Control,” 190.

47 Advertisements for BC, Yiddishes Tageblatt, July 21, 23, 1916.

48 “In Der Yidisher Teater-Velt” (“In the Yiddish Theater World”), Forverts, July 22, 1916.

49 “A Yarid Ibern Yidishn Teater Oyf der Provints” (“Much Ado About Yiddish Theater in the Provinces”), Varheit, July 22, 1916, trans. David M. Schlitt. See also note 5 above.

50 “A Dramaturg fun Yidishe Dules” (“A Playwright of Yiddish Poverty”), Varheit, July 26, 1916, trans. David M. Schlitt.

51 “Samuel B. Grossman,” 1:523, and “Harry Kalmanowitz,” 4:3,691 in Zylbercweig, Zalmen, Leksikon fun Yidishn Teater (Lexicon of the Yiddish Theatre) (New York, 1931)Google Scholar.

52 The plays do not, for example, appear on the lists of Yiddish Art Theatre or Artef or Folksbeine Yiddish Theater productions in Lifson, The Yiddish Theatre in America, 567–94.

53 Goldstein, “Birth Control as a Moral Issue.”

54 First Report of the Detroit Mothers Clinic for Family Regulation, ca. 1928, folder 8, box 6, Margaret Sanger Research Bureau Records, MS 320, Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, Northampton, MA.

55 For a brief summary of these resolutions, see Goldstein, Sidney E., The Meaning of Marriage and the Foundations of the Family (New York, 1942), 119–22Google Scholar.

56 For example, Dr. Sarah Marcus's description of her career path in the oral history conducted by Ellen Chesler, Apr. 1976, Family Planning Oral History Project Records, MC 223/OH-1, Schlesinger Library on the History of American Women, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

57 A legal record of the case is in the Morris Leopold Ernst Papers, MC 208, Schlesinger Library. For a contemporary summary, see Benjamin, Hazel C., “Lobbying for Birth Control,” Public Opinion Quarterly 2 (Jan. 1938): 4849CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Chesler, Woman of Valor, 372ff., treats the case comprehensively.

58 Examples include Hannah M. Stone, “Report of the Clinical Research Department of the American Birth Control League,” 1925, folder 27, box 12, Abraham Stone Papers, H MS c 152, Center for the History of Medicine, Harvard University; Bessie Moses, Fifth Report of the Bureau for Contraceptive Advice (Baltimore), 1933, folder 19, box 5, Margaret Sanger Research Bureau Records.

59 Stix, Regine K. and Notestein, Frank W., “Effectiveness of Birth Control: A Second Study of Contraceptive Practice in a Selected Group of New York Women,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 13 (Apr. 1935): 164CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 For an example of their success, Engelman, Uriah Zevi, “A Study of Size of Families in the Jewish Population of Buffalo,” University of Buffalo Studies 16 (Nov. 1938)Google Scholar.

61 Hyman, Paula E., Gender and Assimilation in Modern Jewish History (Seattle, 1995), esp. ch. 3–4Google Scholar.