Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 November 2010
Many fans and scholars of newspaper comics have observed that an excellent way to chart a social history of American culture in the twentieth century is to look at the mainstream comic strip page. This may be especially true of the first half of the twentieth century when comic strips were avidly followed by readers from almost all age, class, and ethnic demographics. Because of this breadth of popularity, the comics page was a fairly accurate reflector (and occasionally, shaper) of fashions, fads, humor, politics, and racial prejudices. Early cartoonists' ability to place their fingers on the American pulse can largely be attributed to the industry's eagerness to please readers: as a lowbrow entertainment that targeted broad audiences through street corner sales, and later, national syndication, it tried to anticipate the characters, comedy, and ideological content that would attract and retain devoted readers. A few iconoclastic cartoonists such as Al Capp (Li'l Abner) and George Herriman (Krazy Kat) challenged readers with topical satire or appealed to niche audiences with quirky humor and aesthetics; but even the most innovative work in the medium relied on a sort of call and response between core readers, syndicates, editors, and artists—a back and forth that insured that the cartoonist's work resonated with, or spoke for, its fans.
1 Scholarship on comic strips is largely devoted to three intertwining objectives: a celebration of the medium as a rich but underappreciated American art form; discussions of the significance of the medium as a shaper and reflector of values, fads, and social history; and analyses of the unique aesthetic and narrative conventions of the medium. A few works, such as those by Kunzle and Gordon, also look at the impact of economics on the shape and content of the medium. Significant works in the field include: Aldridge, Alan, The Penguin Book of Comics (New York, 1967)Google Scholar;Becker, Stephen, Comic Art in America (New York, 1959)Google Scholar;Berger, Arthur Asa, The Comic-Stripped American (Baltimore, 1974)Google Scholar;Coupiere, Pierre, ed., A History of the Comic Strip (New York, 1968)Google Scholar;Gordon, Ian, Comic Strips and Consumer Culture: 1890-1945 (Washington, DC, 2002)Google Scholar;Harvey, R. C., The Art of the Funnies: An Aesthetic History (Jackson, MS, 1991)Google Scholar;Inge, Thomas, Comics as Culture (Jackson, MS, 1990)Google Scholar;Kunzle, David, History of the Comic Strip: The Nineteenth Century (Berkeley, 1990)Google Scholar;Marschall, Richard, America's Great Comic Strip Artists (New York, 1989)Google Scholar;O'Sullivan, Judith, The Great American Comic Strip: One Hundred Years of Cartoon Art (Boston, 1990)Google Scholar;Perry, George, Reitberger, Reinhold, and Fuchs, Wolfgang, Comics: Anatomy of a Mass Medium (Boston, 1972)Google Scholar;Robinson, Jerry, The Comics: An Illustrated History (New York, 1974)Google Scholar;Sheridan, Martin, Comics and Their Creators (New York, 1942)Google Scholar;Waugh, Colton, The Comics (orig. pub. 1947Google Scholar, repr. Jackson, MS, 1990); and White, David Manning and Abel, Robert H., eds., The Funnies, An American Idiom (London, 1963)Google Scholar.
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5 Significant scholarship on late nineteenth-century humor weeklies includes: Appel, John J. and Appel, Selma, The Distorted Image: Stereotype and Caricature in American Popular Graphics, 1850-1922 (New York, 1973)Google Scholar;Banta, Martha, Barbaric Intercourse: Caricature and the Culture of Conduct, 1841-1936 (Chicago, 2003)Google Scholar;Fischer, Roger A., Them Damned Pictures: Explorations in American Political Cartoon Art (New Haven, CT, 1996)Google Scholar;Hess, Stephen and Kaplan, Milton, eds., The Ungentlemanly Art (New York, 1975)Google Scholar; and West, Richard Samuel, Satire on Stone: The Political Cartoons of Joseph Keppler (Urbana, 1988)Google Scholar.
On the readership of humor weeklies, , Kunzle, History of the Comic Strip, 8, 10Google Scholar;, Hess and , Kaplan, The Ungentlemanly Art, 104Google Scholar. The readers of these magazines—“tradesmen, shopkeepers, lesser intellectuals and professionals such as schoolmasters and notaries, and land-owning, educated farmers”—acquired the magazines either through mail subscription or at newsstands, kiosks, or rail stations. Single copies were often read by multiple people, and unlike some of the more genteel general interest magazines, they were regarded as middle-brow publications that were to be quickly consumed and discarded, much like a newspaper.
6 Banta, Martha, Barbaric Intercourse, 166Google Scholar. Banta points out that even cartoonists like Keppler, who was notoriously anti-Irish, created cartoons that mocked nativists or second- and third-generation immigrants who were unwilling to welcome the latest arrivals.
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8 Kobre, Sidney, The Yellow Press and Gilded Age journalism (Gainesville, 1964), 2–3Google Scholar.
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15 Dezell, Maureen, Irish America (New York, 1988), 21Google Scholar. Dexell points out that this character—the regular, working-class Irish fellow who resists his wife's social climbing—was a popular, stock character in New York vaudeville from 1870 to the turn of the century.
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17 , Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, 9Google Scholar. The comedic conventions of carnivalesque forms and sites include a mockery of all that is genteel, official, and earnest; a celebration of bodily functions (both scatological and sexual) or man's animal nature; a reveling in excesses and the grotesque; and temporary, parodic social inversions.
18 , Kobre, The Yellow Press, 306Google Scholar. Syndication had been practiced on a large scale in the United States since the late nineteenth century, but it was not until the meteoric rise in the popularity of comics during the first decade of the twentieth century that the industry became a big business. The concept of syndicates—companies that distributed daily and weekly features to papers and magazines for a fee—was imported from Britain and France. Syndication had been practiced on a limited scale as early as the mid-nineteenth century (serialization of literary works and regular “letters from abroad” had been the chief features offered by proto-syndicates as early as 1848), but syndication firms did not develop standardized practices or become a dominant branch of the American newspaper industry until the 1880s. These first true syndicates, founded by newspapermen such as Irving Bachellor and Samuel McClure in big cities like New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia, provided papers with stories from popular late-nineteenth-century authors like Rudyard Kipling, Jack London, Arthur Conan Doyle and Robert Louis Stevenson. Lee, Alfred McClung, The Daily Newspaper in America (New York, 1973), 630Google Scholar. The uniformity introduced by the syndicates helped create the structure of modern papers in which editorial pages, features, and comics pages generally look the same and contain similar material. According to newspaper historian Alfred Lee, these economic and structural changes resulted in a form of uniformity and conformity in which most papers printed editorial pages that were “spineless or conservative” and gave an increasingly sensational spin on day-to-day news. Since syndication was so much more lucrative than the sale of single papers in a single market, editors, cartoonists, and other newspaper entrepreneurs changed from an urban to a national orientation. With thousands of papers paying a small weekly fee for the right to reprint a comic or to have exclusive access to a popular feature, many cartoonists and syndicate men became wealthy. Some of the best cartoonists, who had struggled on low wages when working on the staff of a local paper, were now offered six-figure salaries to create features for a national audience.
19 Ohman, Richard, Selling Culture: Magazines, Markets, and Class at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1996), 113, 220Google Scholar.
20 “Publisher's Press Promotionals,” Editor & Publisher, April 29, 1911: 16Google Scholar; and April 30, 1910: 19. In subsequent decades these efforts at containment were never entirely successful for a number of reasons: the medium retained residual rowdy elements from its early days—the use of exaggerated caricature, slapstick, and the continued popularity of characters that were wise fools from the margins of the culture; readers regularly embraced—often to the dismay of squeamish editors—strips that reveled in bathroom humor or controversial satire; and the inherendy subversive nature of many comedic and satiric tools (exaggeration, caricature, distortion, hyperbole, irony, parody, etc.) made the medium difficult to completely tame.
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25 , Gordon, Comic Strips and Consumer Culture, 86Google Scholar. In 1930, the Gallup company found comics—especially the continuity strips—were read with equal enthusiasm by people from all class levels. The comics page was the most thoroughly read feature of the paper by all age, gender, and social demographics—70 percent of adults and 96 percent of kids, as compared to an average of 23 percent for other sections of the paper.
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32 Blackbeard, Bill, Jiggs Is Back (Berkeley, 1986), 14Google Scholar. These cathartic functions likely faded by the 1940s and 1950s since Jiggs's and Maggie's Irishness, as Blackbeard points out, was probably lost on later fans of the strips. Young readers in the 1940s and 1950s would probably be unfamiliar with the old stereotypes and the tumult over immigration and assimilation in the years surrounding the turn of the century.
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35 Two books that chart the cultural transition from “swarthiness” to “whiteness” for the Irish are Roediger, David R., The Wages of Whiteness (New York, 1991)Google Scholar. and Ignatiev, Noel, How the Irish Became White (New York, 1995)Google Scholar.
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37 Cahan, Abraham, Yekl and The Imported Bridegroom and Other Stories of Yiddish New York (orig. pub. 1895Google Scholar, repr. New York, 1970). Yekl is perhaps the best known example of Cahan's mature treatment of complexities of assimilation.
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39 Salins, Peter D., Assimilation, American Style (New York, 1997), 10Google Scholar. The melting pot metaphor had been around since the late eighteenth century but received new clout from Israel Zangwill's popular 1908 play, The Melting Pot.
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54 Bakakr, Nicholas, American Satire: An Anthology of Writings from Colonial Times to the Present (New York, 1997), 212Google Scholar.
55 Jiggs did, in fact, change his physical appearance slowly over the course of the strip's fifty year run—gradually shrinking in size, losing some of the typical Irish markers like the chin beard, and generally becoming more refined, but these changes were so gradual that only an observant fan of the strip who took an extremely long view could see this as evidence of a slow domestication or Americanization of the character. At any moment in Jiggs's life he still had the stereotypical Irish outward markers in his physical form.
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69 Ibid., 10, 67. As the stereotype of male Irishness gradually took on more positive connotations in the 1930s and 1940s, McManus used the stereotypical qualities of Irishness such as laziness, garrulity, and love of physical pleasures, to poke fun at Andrew Carngeie-style ambition, glad-handing corporate culture, or platitudes about the virtues of hard work. For example, McManus joked that he avoided stress, work, and exercise at all costs. Quoting a favorite Irish doctor, he said exercise is “unnatural and unhealthy. ‘Never rush lad,’ he [the doctor] said. ‘Never hurry. Never run. Nature didn't intend it. It'll kill you in the end.’ I agree.” He also mocked the world of high pressure sales and ambition by poking fun at corporate glad handers: “When a high-pressure boy begins a spiel at me these days, I cup both ears and yell: ‘HOW'S THAT AGAIN?’ It's very discouraging.”
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73 The fact that Jiggs did gradually become more “refined” over the course of the strip's history might suggest that he loses these battles, but at any given moment he still remained an incorrigible lout in his wife's eyes.
74 McManus, George, “Just Put It In The Hall,” Bringing Up Father, December 9, 1923Google Scholar.