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Malay Society, 1874–1920s*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Khoo Kay Kim
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Extract

It is, to say the least, highly unsatisfactory to begin a discussion of developments in Malay society within the last century by using 1874 as the take-off point. But, in Malaysian historiography, it has been so common to accept 1874 as the all important watershed between what is generally believed to be a period of negligible advancement and a period of rapid development that any discussion which makes a sudden departure from conventional practice, without appropriate comments, may confuse more than enlighten.

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Articles
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Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 5 , Special Issue 2: The Centenary of British Intervention in Malaya , September 1974 , pp. 179 - 198
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1974

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References

1 For a typical example, see Tilman, R. O., Bureaucratic Transition in Malaya, Durham, 1964.Google Scholar

2 For brief information on the subject, see Kim, Khoo Kay, “Johor in the nineteenth Century: A Brief Survey”, Journal of the Historical Society, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, VI, 1967/1968, 85–6Google Scholar. A detailed study is now being undertaken by Mohd. Pawazi bin Mohd. Basri of the Department of History, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur.

3 See Basri, Mohd. Pawazi bin Mohd., “Dato’ Bentara Luar: Peranannya Dalam Konteks Sejarah Johor Moden”, Jernal Sejarah, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, X, 1971/1972, 33–41.Google Scholar

4 Colonial Office Records 717/53, Dussek, O. T. to Ormsby-Gore, W. G. A., 22 Dec. 1926.Google Scholar

5 Kelantan Administration Report for the Year 1930, Kuala Lumpur, 1931, pp. 30–31.Google Scholar

6 Anti-British uprisings occurred in Naning (early 1830s), Perak (1875–6), Pahang (early 1890s), Kelantan (1915) and Trengganu (1928). An attempted uprising in Selangor in 1875 was nipped in the bud. (See Kim, Khoo Kay, “Before Pasir Salak”, Journal of the Historical Society, University of Malaya, VII, 1968/1969, 40–52)Google Scholar. In Negri Sembilan resistance to British control was strong and British administration was finally established in the entire state only in 1895.

7 There are very few studies of political activities in Malaya before World War II because it is usually assumed that nothing of significance happened until after 1945. One work which argues strongly the importance of the Japanese Occupation is Elsbree's, W.H.Japan's Role in Southeast Asian Nationalist Movements 1940–1945, Cambridge, Mass., 1953.Google Scholar

8 See Gullick, J. M., Indigenous Political Systems of Western Malaya, London, 1958Google Scholar; Kim, Khoo Kay, The Western Malay States 1850–1873, Kuala Lumpur, 1972Google Scholar; Sadka, E., The Protected Malay States 1874–1895, Kuala Lumpur, 1968Google Scholar; Roff, W. R., The Origins of Malay Nationalism, New Haven, 1967Google Scholar; Steinberg, D. J. (ed.), In Search of South-East Asia: A Modern History, Kuala Lumpur, 1972.Google Scholar

9 Useful information is given on this subject by Chan, Chai Hon, The Development of British Malaya 1896–1909, Kuala Lumpur, 1967Google Scholar, and Yah, Lim Chong, Economic Development of Modern Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.Google Scholar

10 See Kim, Khoo Kay, “Perubahan Di Setengah Negeri2 Melayu (1880an)”, Journal of the Historical Society, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, VIII, 1969/1970Google Scholar; also Fisher, C. A., “The Railway Geography of British Malaya”, Scottish Geographical Magazine, LXIV, 1949.Google Scholar

11 A very interesting study of the opening of a kampung and migration from across the Straits has been made by Zainudin bin Haji Zainal Abidin, “Sungai Choh: Pembukaan, Perkembangan, Perpecahan (1900–1950)” [Unpublished Research Paper, Dept. of History, University of Malaya, (henceforth ‘Dept. of History, University of Malaya’ will be abbreviated DHUM) 1973]. This study traces the migration of the following groups of people to Sungai Choh, a village in Selangor — Air Bangis, Kurinchi, Batang Kapas, Bangkahulu, Bonjo and Danau and their subsequent movement out of the village leaving behind the Bangkahulu people.

12 See Chai Hon Chan, pp. 228–9.

13 See Leman, Zainuddin bin, “Perkembangan Pelajaran Melayu di Selangor 1875–1930” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1973), App. III.Google Scholar

14 See Mohd. Long, Nor bin, “Perkembangan Sekolah Melayu di Negeri Perak 1889–1956” (Academic Exercise, DHUM 1968), pp. 24, 39.Google Scholar

15 Ahmad, Norliah, “History of Education in Kedah 1909–1945” (Academic Exercise, DHUM), 1970, pp. 10–11, 14.Google Scholar

16 Little is yet known about this institution within the context of the Malay society. From the scanty information available, it is clear that it existed mainly during the pre-British era but became redundant once the religious affairs departments were established under the British administration. In the case of Kedah, it is known that Haji Wan Sulaiman was the third and last person to hold the office. After his death in 1936, it was abolished. The situation in Kedah became somewhat complex when a Chief Kathi was appointed under the Advisory System. In 1916, the position of the Sheikh-ul-Islam had to be re-defined by the State Council. It was decided that he should be recognised as an independent head of religion having no connexion with the department of the Chief Kathi. However, he was still considered an expert on Islamic matters and, in fact, was accepted as a Judge of the Appeal Court in connexion with appeals from the Shariah Courts but, in so far as the administration of religion was concerned, he did not have the authority of the Chief Kathi. The British administration in Kedah, in fact, considered the office superfluous but retained it throughout the life-time of Haji Wan Sulaiman because “a certain number of influential Malays set great store by it.” (Colonial Office Records 273/446, Young to Bonar Law, 18 July 1916, enclosure: Meeting of Kedah State Council for the month of May, held on 11 May 1916).

17 Hashim, Shabudin bin, “Perkembangan Sekolah Pondok Al-Madrasat-ul Al-Hamidiah, Limbong Kapal, Alor Star, Kedah” (Unpublished Research Paper, DHUM, 1973).Google Scholar

18 Basri, Mohd. Pawazi bin Mohd., “Daerah Batu Pahat (1880–1917)” Jebat, Journal of the Historical Society, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, no. 2, 1972/3, 83.Google Scholar

19 Bakar, Hussin bin, “Sejarah Perkembangan Pendidikan Islam di Sekolah-sekolah Ugama Kerajaan, Muar, Johor” (Unpublished Research Paper, DHUM, 1973).Google Scholar

20 For a list of some of the better known of his pupils, see Abdullah Al-Qari bin Haji Salleh, “To’ Kenali: His Life and Influence”, Roff, W. R. (ed.), Kelantan: Religion, Society and Politics in a Malay State, Kuala Lumpur, 1974,, pp. 96–7.Google Scholar

21 Ibid.; see also Abdullah Al-Qari bin Haji Salleh, Cherpen To' Kenali, Kota Bharu, 1969Google Scholar; Abdul Hamid bin Othman, “Inteligensis Melayu Di Dalam Beberapa Kegiatan Sosial Di Kota Bharu Di Antara Tahun 1900an Hingga 1945” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1972), pp. 1–9; Muhammad bin Abdullah, “Tok Kenali: Ulama Besar dan Tokoh Pendidek Kelantan” (Unpublished Research Paper, DHUM, 1973).

22 For more information on the Majlis Ugama, see W. R. Roff, “The Origins and Early Years of the Majlis Ugama” in Kelantan: Religious, Society and Politics in a Malay State.

23 Saad Shukri bin Haji Muda, Detik2 Sejarah Kelantan, Kota Bharu, 1971, p. 121.Google Scholar

24 Rahman, Zulkifly Abdul, “Peranan Majlis Ugama Islam dan Istiadat Melayu Kelantan Dalam Bidang Pelajaran Sebelum Perang Dunia Kedua (1916–1940)” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1971), p. 12.Google Scholar

25 Abdul Hamid bin Othman, pp. 13–14.

26 Zulkifly Abdul Rahman, p. 14.

27 Ibid., pp. 31, 48.

28 Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman, “Perkembangan Sekolah-sekolah Di Kelantan Antara Tahun-tahun 1904 Hingga 1941 Dengan Perhatian Khusus Kepada Sekolah-sekolah Vernacular Melayu” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1973), p. 131.

29 Shabudin bin Hashim, p. 4.

30 Mahadzir bin Mohd. Khir, “Acheh di Yan (1900–1940an)” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1972), ch. 4.

31 Hussin bin Bakar, App. B.

32 Sudin, Ismail, “Beberapa Aspek Sejarah Sosial Kuala Kangsar”, Jernal Sejarah, X, 1971/1972, 44–5.Google Scholar

33 The others were Tuan Haji Ahmad bin Haji Abdul Rauf (1856–1928), Haji Khalil bin Haji Hussain (1886–1960), Haji Md. Shah Yusuf (1894–1970) and several others whose names it is not necessary to mention here. A very elaborate list of Malacca writers has been compiled by Muhamad Yusuf Harun, Secretary of the Malacca Branch, Malaysian Historical Society, in a pamphlet produced to commemorate the International Book Year 1972.

34 Apart from Roff's The Origins of Malay Nationalism, see also Aziz, Ungku Abdul and Silcock, T. H., “Malayan Nationalism”, Holland, W. L. (ed.), Asìan Nationalism and the West, New York, 1953Google Scholar; Soenarno, Radin, “Malay Nationalism, 1900–1945”, Journal of Southeast Asian History, I, March 1960Google Scholar; Yaacob, Ibrahim, Sekitar Malaya Merdeka, Djakarta, 1957Google Scholar and Hamidi, Mohd. Yunus, Sejarah Pergerakan Politik Melayu Semenanjung, Kuala Lumpur, 1961.Google Scholar

35 Hence, nusa dan bangsa (country and people) and hence also the popular cry: Melayu tak 'kan hilang di dunia (The Malays will not disappear from the world).

36 See Soenarno, Radin, “Nasionalisem Melayu Hingga T.M. 1948”, Bahasa (Journal of the Malay Language Society, University of Malaya), II, 1, March 1959, 38.Google Scholar

37 W. R. Roff, The Origins of Malay Nationalism; see Foreword by Harry J. Benda, p. ix.

38 See Ibid., p. 57.

39 Very enlightening comments on the contents of Al-Imam are to be found in Abdul Aziz bin Mat Ton, “Gerakan Ansarul Sunnah Dalam Kegiatan Kaum Muda Melaka” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1972), pp. 17–33; see also his article, “Al-Imam Sepintas Lalu”, Jernal Sejarah, XI, 1972/1973.Google Scholar

40 Abdul Hamid bin Othman, pp. 43–50. This is contrary to Roff's suggestion (Origins of Malay Nationalism, p. 79) that the Pengasoh was the organ of the Kaum Tua. A paper which clearly voiced the opinions of the Kaum Tua was Suara Benar, a Malacca publication, first produced on 2 September 1932. It ceased publication in 1933. See Ismail, Mohamad bin, “Suara Benar — Akhbar Melayu Terawal di Melaka”, Jernal Sejarah, XI, 1972/1973.Google Scholar

41 Abdul Hamid bin Othman, pp. 40,43, 52. A portion of the Academic Exercise has been published under the title “Intelijensia Melayu di dalam Kegiatan Persuratan di Kota Bharu, 1900–1945”, Jernal Sejarah, XI, 1972/1973.Google Scholar

42 The Edaran Zaman, a weekly paper first published in Penang in 1925, was started by Mohamed Yunus bin Abdul Hamid who was a Minangkabau from Langkat, Sumatra. He had a religious upbringing and was a close friend of Syed Sheikh Al-Hadi. Hence, the Edaran Zaman frequently discussed Islam. It was reported that before he came to Penang he was involved in the Sarekat Islam movement in Indonesia. Owing to his interest in politics, the Edaran Zaman often carried extracts from the Egyptian nationalist press. (Colonial Office Records 273/534, Marriott to Amery, 30 June 1926; encl. Malayan Bulletin of Political Intelligence, no. 39, May 1926, item 265). In 1928, Mohamed Yunus resigned from Edaran Zaman to join a new publication Saudara which was founded by Syed Sheikh Al-Hadi. The Saudara “was a powerful and uncompromising critic of Malay life and a strong advocate of social and religious reformation for Moslems. It also had a companion monthly periodical called the Al-Ikhwan which similarly breathed the fiery spirit of the social reformer.” (Ahmad, Zainal-Abidin bin, “Malay Journalism”, Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, XIX, Pt. II, 1941, 247)Google Scholar. In the 1930s, the Saudara clearly reflected the political consciousness of the Malays. (Nik Ahmad bin Haji Nik Hassan, “The Malay Press”, Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, XXXVI, Pt. 1, 1963, 54)Google Scholar

43 On 4 November 1928, Kadir Adabi's house was searched and the Legal Adviser of Kelantan issued a statement that the article was detrimental to the peace and security of the state. Kadir Adabi was tried on 6 December 1928, found guilty and sentenced to one day's jail as well as fined $100.

44 Ramli, Wan Ibrahim bin, “Kegiatan Setiawan Belia Di Kota Bharu”, (Unpublished Research Paper, DHUM, 1973); Abdul Hamid bin Othman, (Academic Exercise), pp. 61–6.Google Scholar

45 Cited by Ramlah Adam, “Maktab Melayu Melaka 1900–1922” (Academic Exercise, DHUM, 1972), p. 14. This is the first detailed study of the Malay teachers’ training college at Malacca. The greater part of the subsequent discussion on the outstanding graduates of this institution is based on this work (pp. 45–86).

46 For a discussion of the contents of the Majallah Guru, see Ahmad, Mohd. Janan bin., “Karya Sastera Dan Esei Dalam Majallah Guru (1924–1937)”, Dewan Bahasa, XI, 1, January 1967Google Scholar. Numerous extracts from this journal can be read in Ngah, Zabedah Awang (ed.), Renongan: Antoloji Esei Melayu Dalam Tahun2 1924–1941, Kuala Lumpur, 1964.Google Scholar

47 For more information on Malay newspapers, see Nik Ahmad bin Haji Nik Hassan,; Zainal-Abidin bin Ahmad,; Mohamed bin Dato’ Muda, Tarikh Suratkhabar, Bukit Mertajam, 1940 and Roff, W. R., Guide to Malay Periodicals, 1876–1941: with details of known holdings in Malaya, Singapore, 1961.Google Scholar

48 Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman, pp. 32–7.

49 Cited by Ramlah Adam, p. 52.

50 See Bulat, Mohd. Atan bin, “Peranan Guru2 Melayu Dalam Perjuangan Menchipta Kemerdekaan Tanah Ayer”, Bingkisan Merdeka (published by Persekutuan Guru-guru Melayu Selangor), 1957Google Scholar; also Ibu Kandung Suluh Budiman (Cenderamata Istimewa Perayaan Jubli Emas SITC/MPSI 1922–1972).

51 Rashid, Kadir bin, “Sejarah Rengkas Lenggeng Dari Tahun 1890an-1960an” (Unpublished Research Paper, DHUM, 1973), p. 4–5.Google Scholar

52 Abdul Aziz bin Mat Ton, “Gerakan Ansarul Sunnah & c.”, pp. 35–9; see also his article, “Kaum Muda di Melaka”, Jernal Sejarah, XII, 1973/1974.Google Scholar

53 See Osman, Mohd. Taib, “Modern Malay Literature: A Reflection of a Changing Society and Culture”, Asian Pacific Quarterly of Cultural and Social Affairs, V, 3, 1973, 28–9.Google Scholar

54 See, for example, David Steinberg (ed.), p. 327.